WEBVTT - Will Trump Concede? 

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<v Speaker 1>Pushkin from Pushkin Industries. This is Deep Background, the show

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<v Speaker 1>where we explore the stories behind the stories in the news.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Noah Feldman. We're about a month out now from

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<v Speaker 1>what promises to be a historic election and what might

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<v Speaker 1>become a historically chaotic election. Before Donald Trump tested positive

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<v Speaker 1>for the stars Cove two virus, he refused in a

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<v Speaker 1>presidential debate to commit to a peaceful transfer of power

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<v Speaker 1>if he lost. Now his diagnosis has plunged things even

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<v Speaker 1>further into uncertainty. The question that is preoccupying me is

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<v Speaker 1>not just the health of the president, but the health

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<v Speaker 1>of our democracy. How worried should we really be about

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<v Speaker 1>the pressures that are currently being put on our electoral

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<v Speaker 1>system and our pacity to transfer power. To discuss this,

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<v Speaker 1>we are joined by one of the most renowned scholars

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<v Speaker 1>of democracy in the world and someone whose work has deeply,

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<v Speaker 1>deeply influenced my own throughout my career. That's Adam Chavorski.

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<v Speaker 1>He's a professor emeritus at New York University. He was

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<v Speaker 1>the twenty ten recipient of the Skyte Prize, which has

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<v Speaker 1>been nicknamed the Nobel Prize for political scientists. Adam, thank

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<v Speaker 1>you so much. For being here. When I was watching

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<v Speaker 1>the presidential debate and I saw Donald Trump refusing to

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<v Speaker 1>acknowledge that he would peacefully transfer power, I thought to myself,

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<v Speaker 1>there's only one person I can have on the podcast

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<v Speaker 1>to talk about transitions of power, and that is Adam Chavorski.

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<v Speaker 1>And I want to start with the most fundamental question

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<v Speaker 1>of all, which is transitions into democracy. What makes them

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<v Speaker 1>work when they do work, so that we can then

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<v Speaker 1>explore what makes them not work when they don't work. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I really appreciate the introduction. I have been at this

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<v Speaker 1>for probably forty years, so yes, I've thought about it

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<v Speaker 1>different ways. I recently published a book on Why Bothered

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<v Speaker 1>with Elections, and what really struck me is how a

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<v Speaker 1>routine elections are for us? Yes, I mean what happens

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<v Speaker 1>in elections. People vote, somebody is declared winner according to

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<v Speaker 1>the rules. The winner moves into some palace, the White House,

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<v Speaker 1>the pink House in Argentina, the blue House in South Korea.

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<v Speaker 1>The loser goes toward bridge called back benches. Were governed

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<v Speaker 1>for a few years, and then the rituals repeated again,

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<v Speaker 1>and we just completely take it as routine. It's not

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<v Speaker 1>quite routine. Because there are sixty countries in the world

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<v Speaker 1>as of today which never experience peaceful transfer of power

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<v Speaker 1>through elections, including China and Russia. So why does it work.

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<v Speaker 1>It works because typically not too much is at stake,

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<v Speaker 1>in the sense that whoever loses elections will suffer from

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<v Speaker 1>policies that supporters of the losers don't like, but not

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<v Speaker 1>too much, and we'll have a chance to win again.

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<v Speaker 1>Just thinking about the US Bush following Clinton Bush versus

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<v Speaker 1>Gore election that hung on the hair the Supreme Court decided,

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<v Speaker 1>even as though it wasn't clear that it was the

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<v Speaker 1>court that was supposed to decide, and basically what the

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<v Speaker 1>Democratic Party and what the Gore decided decided, it's just

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<v Speaker 1>too costly to fight. We got to suffer from Bush policies,

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<v Speaker 1>but we're gonna have a chance to win again. And

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<v Speaker 1>then Obama one and we probably thought, what we're going

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<v Speaker 1>to suffer through four years maybe eight years, and then

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to win again, And what happened. Trump won. Yes.

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<v Speaker 1>So I think that what makes it work specifically are

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<v Speaker 1>two conditions. One that the winner does not hurt the

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<v Speaker 1>loser too much. That is that the stakes in the

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<v Speaker 1>election are not too high, and two that the loser

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<v Speaker 1>is not denied the chance to win again. As long

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<v Speaker 1>as these two conditions hold, elections work. These two conditions, though,

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<v Speaker 1>aren't naturally occurring, as you point out. I mean, that's

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<v Speaker 1>one reason why you have sixty eight countries that haven't

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<v Speaker 1>had a peaceful transfer. They're each the product of certain customs, practices,

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<v Speaker 1>and norms that maybe derived from the self interest of

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<v Speaker 1>both parties in some way, but nevertheless have been routinized.

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<v Speaker 1>So when you say an election is routine, it feels

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<v Speaker 1>routine because we have some custom that makes it a routine.

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<v Speaker 1>So what happens when one side starts to believe that

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<v Speaker 1>it might be able to play around the edges of

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<v Speaker 1>that routine and maybe change things around, and the other

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<v Speaker 1>side starts to think, well, maybe the other side isn't

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<v Speaker 1>going to follow the routine, maybe they'll do things differently.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, for me, the first moment when I saw

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<v Speaker 1>a real breaking of this was in the twenty sixteen election,

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<v Speaker 1>when Trump was leading supporters in the lock her up formulation.

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<v Speaker 1>You said, the first condition is the loser doesn't suffer

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<v Speaker 1>that much, but the threat he didn't actually do it,

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<v Speaker 1>but the threat of locking up your opponent is a

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<v Speaker 1>break from the routine of saying the opponent won't suffer

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<v Speaker 1>that much. And similarly, the idea of being able to

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<v Speaker 1>run again works well if you have a chance of winning,

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<v Speaker 1>but if the winner tries to institutionalize its power, it

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<v Speaker 1>can make it harder for the other side to win

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<v Speaker 1>the next time. So how do we sustain these customs

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<v Speaker 1>to make it routine? Well, all I can tell you

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<v Speaker 1>is that I know that the mechan doesn't works under

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<v Speaker 1>the conditions which I just specified, and I'm utterly, utterly surprised,

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<v Speaker 1>as much as anybody else, in spite of forty years

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<v Speaker 1>of work on this topic, that that would break down.

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<v Speaker 1>Let me just say what I heard, lock her up.

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<v Speaker 1>I found it ominous, But not just this. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>the first time Trump said that the only possible way

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<v Speaker 1>he could lose would be because election would be fraudulent

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<v Speaker 1>was three years ago. It wasn't just now. I remember

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<v Speaker 1>that exactly was my experience with this phenomena. It just

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<v Speaker 1>started smelling very badly to me already at that moment.

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<v Speaker 1>What I know is this, you have correct that it

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<v Speaker 1>becomes a habit, and that interests are codified as norms.

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<v Speaker 1>So one study I did was I looked what is

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<v Speaker 1>the probability that the elections will break down as a

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<v Speaker 1>function of past alternations in office between parties in the

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<v Speaker 1>history of a particular country. And it turns out that

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<v Speaker 1>once a country has four or five alternations, the probably

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<v Speaker 1>that the mechanism will stop working is almost zero. United

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<v Speaker 1>States had twenty two or twenty three alternations. I calculated

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<v Speaker 1>that probability for the United States. It turns out to

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<v Speaker 1>be one in one point eight million. That is how

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<v Speaker 1>unprecedented that event is. So how much do you believe

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<v Speaker 1>your study? I mean, the good news would be and

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<v Speaker 1>then our listeners could feel very happy that all that

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump is talking in ways that break our norms

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<v Speaker 1>about how we should speak. He hasn't actually done that yet.

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<v Speaker 1>He did not lock up Hillary Clinton, he has not

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<v Speaker 1>yet refused to leave office after a transition. And so

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<v Speaker 1>there's an argument that says this is all talk. And

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<v Speaker 1>then we would hear you tell us that you know

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<v Speaker 1>the odds are one and one point eight million based

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<v Speaker 1>on this analysis that Trump would break the rules, and

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<v Speaker 1>then we can sleep a little better at night. Or

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<v Speaker 1>do you think, well, it's just a probability and of course,

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<v Speaker 1>unlikely things sometimes happen. What is your instinct in reaction

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<v Speaker 1>to that, to your own study. My instinctive reaction is

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<v Speaker 1>that I am in a deep intellectual crisis, and perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>my entire discipline should be. The way we study things

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<v Speaker 1>is basically, we observe past patterns and we tried to

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<v Speaker 1>row lessons from history. That's what most of our work

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<v Speaker 1>and political science and to a large extent, economics is.

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<v Speaker 1>And the lessons of studying the past is exactly where

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<v Speaker 1>just Storgy it's one in one point eight million. So

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<v Speaker 1>suddenly there's a feeling of learning lessons from history is

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<v Speaker 1>much less certain of an endeavor that we believe it

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<v Speaker 1>may end up peacefully institutionally without a major collapse. But

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<v Speaker 1>in some sense it has already happened. The fact that

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<v Speaker 1>we are discussing the role of the armed forces in

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<v Speaker 1>a constitutional crisis, the fact that we are discussing wondering

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<v Speaker 1>about political postures of the police, the fact that we're

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<v Speaker 1>wondering about potential be behavior of the actions of the

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<v Speaker 1>Secret Service, the fact that relations of physical force have

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<v Speaker 1>come to be a subject of public discourse. For me,

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<v Speaker 1>this means that has already happened. That the unprecedented, unexpected,

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<v Speaker 1>unimaginable has already happened. I wasn't Jill in August of

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventy three, a month before an extraordinary bloody good

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<v Speaker 1>at time. And I remember at that time people were

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<v Speaker 1>counting how many generals are adhering to a constitutional position

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<v Speaker 1>that the president cannot be removed was sort of a

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<v Speaker 1>daily count. And this sounds similar. Let me try to

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<v Speaker 1>use Sworsky against Sworsky, now, okay, So let me try

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<v Speaker 1>to offer a more sanguine picture, and it would be

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<v Speaker 1>based on a distinction between unwritten norms that one person

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<v Speaker 1>can challenge and written norms that many institutions would have

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<v Speaker 1>to participate in challenging. And so the counterargument, again based

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<v Speaker 1>on your premises, would be like this, Sure, Donald Trump

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<v Speaker 1>on his own can say things that have never been

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<v Speaker 1>said before, like I might not leave office, never been

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<v Speaker 1>said in the United States, and then that drives the

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<v Speaker 1>discourse in just the ways that you were describing, And

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<v Speaker 1>then we have to have this discourse that was before

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<v Speaker 1>unimaginable and that on the surface sounds like Chile in

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventy three. But the counter argument would be for

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<v Speaker 1>Trump actually to take these steps. He couldn't act alone.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, if the election clearly went to Biden, and

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<v Speaker 1>Biden were sworn in with Trump refusing to participate, the

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<v Speaker 1>Secret Service would then escort Donald Trump out of the

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<v Speaker 1>White House. If Congress got involved and tried to change

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<v Speaker 1>the electoral outcome, then that would be an institution. It

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<v Speaker 1>would take hundreds and hundreds of people. If the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court got involved, that would take at least a majority

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<v Speaker 1>of the nine people. And so the argument then would

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<v Speaker 1>be that the fact that the discourse has changed is

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<v Speaker 1>a product of one man, whereas a change in our

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<v Speaker 1>institutions would take many, many people. So this is an

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<v Speaker 1>attempt to tell a different story again based on your premises. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>here's there were Stu. The situation. I study what I

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<v Speaker 1>think is the best model predicting the distribution of electoral

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<v Speaker 1>vote as a result of election, which is the five

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<v Speaker 1>thirty eight model. So, according to that model, as of today,

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<v Speaker 1>more or less, Trump has one chance in five to win,

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<v Speaker 1>Biden has probably about one chance in two about fifty

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<v Speaker 1>to win by a landslide. If Trump wins, Hu wins,

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<v Speaker 1>if Biden wins by a landslide, I think there's every

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<v Speaker 1>reason to think that all the other potential institutional actors

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<v Speaker 1>will force Trump to comply with the result. So there is,

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<v Speaker 1>as I see it, about thirty percent that Biden will

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<v Speaker 1>win a little by a small margin, and then this

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<v Speaker 1>country turns out to be weird. I never studied the

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<v Speaker 1>US much, and I'm not a constitutional lawyer like yours.

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<v Speaker 1>You should be thinking about it, not me. But the

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<v Speaker 1>rules defineing who is the victor extraordinary uncleared. This is

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<v Speaker 1>the only country in the world which doesn't have clearer

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<v Speaker 1>rules about what determines the winner. I think that in

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<v Speaker 1>that thirty percent area in which Biden would win by

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<v Speaker 1>a little, it's going to be a complete mess. The

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<v Speaker 1>analogy that I like to use in thinking about this

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<v Speaker 1>is that the US constitutional system and then the statutes

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<v Speaker 1>that govern what happens in an election are like a

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<v Speaker 1>bridge built in seventeen eighty seven when there were only

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<v Speaker 1>horse drawn carriages to cross it, and then over time,

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<v Speaker 1>as people said, well now we have some cars, there

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<v Speaker 1>was an effort to reinforce it. You know, some metal

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<v Speaker 1>was tacked on the bottom, and we said, well it's okay,

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<v Speaker 1>because we just haven't had a problem with it. It's

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<v Speaker 1>shaken a few times. In eighteen seventy six it almost

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<v Speaker 1>collapsed and then they made a temporary solution to it.

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<v Speaker 1>Then again in two thousand in the Bush Vigor election,

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<v Speaker 1>it almost collapsed, and that time we had Dao sex Machi.

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<v Speaker 1>Now we had the Supreme Court come in, which is

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<v Speaker 1>not anywhere in the design, and the Supreme Court said, well,

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<v Speaker 1>we've solved it. And at first that looked illegitimate, but

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<v Speaker 1>within a few weeks everyone said, well, at least somebody

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<v Speaker 1>resolved it. At least the bridge is still functioning. And

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<v Speaker 1>the dangerous part, of course, is if the tank were

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<v Speaker 1>to go across that bridge, the bridge might just literally

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<v Speaker 1>not be able to support it anymore. So there is

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<v Speaker 1>a problem with having very old institutions at work, not

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<v Speaker 1>by an explicit rule, not because a proper engineer has

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<v Speaker 1>designed the bridge to work, but because it's always worked

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<v Speaker 1>and there's an expectation of it working. So I agree

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<v Speaker 1>that that's a tremendous vulnerability, but it's also a sign of,

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<v Speaker 1>in a sense, the success of the system. Right. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the reasons that most global systems of elections or

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<v Speaker 1>even global constitutions are newer is that they have broken

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<v Speaker 1>down more recently and been replaced. The US Constitution broke

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<v Speaker 1>once disastrously in the Civil War, but for you know,

0:15:41.436 --> 0:15:44.596
<v Speaker 1>around one hundred and sixty years, it's been more or

0:15:44.676 --> 0:15:47.156
<v Speaker 1>less functional. But that's no guarantee that it will continue

0:15:47.156 --> 0:15:52.356
<v Speaker 1>to function. Yes, this is what made it unimaginable. Precisely

0:15:52.436 --> 0:15:55.276
<v Speaker 1>it worked. The system worked, I agree with you, And

0:15:55.356 --> 0:15:57.996
<v Speaker 1>to what extent it's interest to all extens rules, to

0:15:58.116 --> 0:16:01.236
<v Speaker 1>all extend its norms, to what extent has just habit.

0:16:02.036 --> 0:16:06.236
<v Speaker 1>We just could never imagine that it will break down.

0:16:06.996 --> 0:16:10.596
<v Speaker 1>And it turns out the one to cons possibly broke down.

0:16:11.156 --> 0:16:14.636
<v Speaker 1>Then the institutional assistance. I'm sorry to say, the constitution,

0:16:15.276 --> 0:16:28.756
<v Speaker 1>it's just useless. We'll be back in a moment. One

0:16:28.836 --> 0:16:32.356
<v Speaker 1>of the central themes that I learned from the work

0:16:32.436 --> 0:16:35.076
<v Speaker 1>you were doing in the early nineties in the immediate

0:16:35.116 --> 0:16:40.156
<v Speaker 1>aftermath of the Eastern European transitions was that one way

0:16:40.196 --> 0:16:44.716
<v Speaker 1>to look at democracies that work that alternate power, is

0:16:44.716 --> 0:16:48.956
<v Speaker 1>that there are powerful people on both sides who know

0:16:49.236 --> 0:16:51.916
<v Speaker 1>that they have a lot to gain from the system

0:16:51.996 --> 0:16:54.516
<v Speaker 1>working and who know that they have a lot to

0:16:54.596 --> 0:16:57.756
<v Speaker 1>lose from the system failing. And in one of the

0:16:57.796 --> 0:17:00.596
<v Speaker 1>formulations that you sometimes used in that period of time,

0:17:01.316 --> 0:17:05.276
<v Speaker 1>you suggested that really democracy can be understood almost as

0:17:05.316 --> 0:17:08.436
<v Speaker 1>just a pact or an agreement between these different elites

0:17:09.276 --> 0:17:12.476
<v Speaker 1>that they're going to alternate in power and the elections running.

0:17:12.476 --> 0:17:15.116
<v Speaker 1>At the time, you were suggesting it almost didn't matter

0:17:15.156 --> 0:17:17.196
<v Speaker 1>if we used elections, if we could flip a coin

0:17:17.396 --> 0:17:20.276
<v Speaker 1>and the parties could change power, that might not be

0:17:20.316 --> 0:17:23.116
<v Speaker 1>as good, it wouldn't be as legitimate publicly. But from

0:17:23.116 --> 0:17:26.196
<v Speaker 1>the standpoint of the elites who knew that I'm going

0:17:26.236 --> 0:17:28.436
<v Speaker 1>to have my next chance at power, and that you

0:17:28.516 --> 0:17:30.276
<v Speaker 1>the other side, are not going to put me in prison,

0:17:30.316 --> 0:17:32.276
<v Speaker 1>You're not going to take away my wealth, and you

0:17:32.276 --> 0:17:34.476
<v Speaker 1>will allow me to run and defeat you the next time,

0:17:34.996 --> 0:17:38.556
<v Speaker 1>the alternation was just powerfully in self interest. Now that

0:17:38.676 --> 0:17:41.556
<v Speaker 1>self interest among elites is still very present in the

0:17:41.636 --> 0:17:45.636
<v Speaker 1>United States. If we actually had a constitutional crisis, it

0:17:45.636 --> 0:17:48.836
<v Speaker 1>would be a disaster for the stock market, and tremendous

0:17:48.836 --> 0:17:52.156
<v Speaker 1>amount of wealth would be destroyed. Almost certainly, it would

0:17:52.196 --> 0:17:55.116
<v Speaker 1>be probably okay for the regular economy, but the elites,

0:17:55.316 --> 0:17:57.356
<v Speaker 1>a lot of whose wealth is bound up in the markets,

0:17:57.596 --> 0:18:00.996
<v Speaker 1>would have a great deal to lose. So what about

0:18:00.996 --> 0:18:04.516
<v Speaker 1>the thought that those elites of whom Donald Trump is

0:18:04.556 --> 0:18:08.516
<v Speaker 1>won just can't tolerate the destruction of wealth that would

0:18:08.516 --> 0:18:13.156
<v Speaker 1>be associated by a genuine constitutional crisis, and so they

0:18:13.236 --> 0:18:16.276
<v Speaker 1>will not allow it to happen. Those elites will say

0:18:16.636 --> 0:18:19.436
<v Speaker 1>to other Republicans, and indeed maybe to Donald Trump personally,

0:18:20.236 --> 0:18:22.836
<v Speaker 1>you can't do this. We have too much to lose,

0:18:23.356 --> 0:18:26.116
<v Speaker 1>and we're not going to allow this kind of an outcome,

0:18:26.196 --> 0:18:28.956
<v Speaker 1>because that is I will say, again, under your influence.

0:18:29.356 --> 0:18:31.596
<v Speaker 1>That is often the way I look at this transfer

0:18:31.636 --> 0:18:33.156
<v Speaker 1>of power. But I can see you're shaking your head.

0:18:33.796 --> 0:18:37.116
<v Speaker 1>Shaking my head for the following reason. I believe exactly

0:18:37.156 --> 0:18:41.596
<v Speaker 1>what you said. But why haven't they done it already?

0:18:42.156 --> 0:18:48.556
<v Speaker 1>Why couldn't they have constrained Trump already? Why such a

0:18:48.636 --> 0:18:54.956
<v Speaker 1>large segment of business establishment still supports it? Somehow, I

0:18:55.036 --> 0:18:58.396
<v Speaker 1>have an impression that a large part of business establishment

0:18:58.436 --> 0:19:01.676
<v Speaker 1>in this country is willing to trade lower taxes and

0:19:01.796 --> 0:19:07.116
<v Speaker 1>der regulation for the cost of a violent conflict. And

0:19:07.436 --> 0:19:10.076
<v Speaker 1>I'm amazed by that. Well, that is amazing. If that

0:19:10.076 --> 0:19:11.796
<v Speaker 1>were true, I think that would be really amazing. So

0:19:11.876 --> 0:19:15.476
<v Speaker 1>let me offer a different interpretation of the business elites position.

0:19:16.356 --> 0:19:20.116
<v Speaker 1>It's that they don't believe that Trump is serious about

0:19:20.276 --> 0:19:23.196
<v Speaker 1>not stepping down from office. That's always difficult to interpret

0:19:23.236 --> 0:19:26.436
<v Speaker 1>the stock market perfectly. But the stock market seems not

0:19:26.516 --> 0:19:30.476
<v Speaker 1>to be worried about Trump actually doing that. And if

0:19:30.516 --> 0:19:32.876
<v Speaker 1>you speak to business elite, many will tell you, and

0:19:32.876 --> 0:19:35.276
<v Speaker 1>I've had many people say this to me, doesn't matter

0:19:35.316 --> 0:19:37.956
<v Speaker 1>what Trump says, it matters what Trump does. What he's

0:19:37.956 --> 0:19:40.036
<v Speaker 1>done has been good for us. And then there are

0:19:40.036 --> 0:19:43.356
<v Speaker 1>also some very high ranking Republicans whom I sometimes speak to,

0:19:43.676 --> 0:19:46.396
<v Speaker 1>always confidentially. They don't want to me to tell anybody

0:19:46.396 --> 0:19:47.836
<v Speaker 1>that I'm speaking to them, and maybe I don't want

0:19:47.836 --> 0:19:49.796
<v Speaker 1>to tell people that I'm speaking to them either, but

0:19:49.836 --> 0:19:51.676
<v Speaker 1>they say, look, he's not going to do this, He's

0:19:51.676 --> 0:19:54.916
<v Speaker 1>not insane. This is a form of political rhetoric. Now

0:19:54.956 --> 0:19:56.756
<v Speaker 1>I'm not saying that they're right about that. What I'm

0:19:56.756 --> 0:19:59.996
<v Speaker 1>telling you is the perception. And if that perception we're

0:19:59.996 --> 0:20:02.676
<v Speaker 1>shared by business elites, they would say, look, we want

0:20:02.676 --> 0:20:05.676
<v Speaker 1>Donald Trump to win because we want to continue with

0:20:05.716 --> 0:20:08.316
<v Speaker 1>the low tax rates and the low regulation. So we

0:20:08.356 --> 0:20:12.836
<v Speaker 1>support him, but we don't think that the risk of

0:20:13.036 --> 0:20:15.956
<v Speaker 1>disruption to the system is really all that high. And

0:20:16.076 --> 0:20:19.356
<v Speaker 1>the market agrees with us, and so it's all going

0:20:19.436 --> 0:20:23.836
<v Speaker 1>to be fine. And if liberals and scholars want to

0:20:23.836 --> 0:20:26.996
<v Speaker 1>get all panicky. Let them. You know, we reasonable people

0:20:27.036 --> 0:20:29.876
<v Speaker 1>who do everything in terms of dollars and cents, just

0:20:30.036 --> 0:20:33.876
<v Speaker 1>aren't really that worried about this. I hope you're right.

0:20:34.476 --> 0:20:39.316
<v Speaker 1>I would have expected you to be right. But there

0:20:39.316 --> 0:20:41.916
<v Speaker 1>are two aspect of the situations which were me and

0:20:41.956 --> 0:20:46.476
<v Speaker 1>I don't attach probabilities to them. These are worries, no probabilities.

0:20:47.516 --> 0:20:51.836
<v Speaker 1>One is that to some extent the genie of violence

0:20:51.996 --> 0:20:57.316
<v Speaker 1>may have already been out of the bottle, that militious

0:20:57.596 --> 0:21:04.676
<v Speaker 1>paramilitary groups. Now I wonder to what extent Trump controls

0:21:04.716 --> 0:21:08.716
<v Speaker 1>them or could control them. But more and here, if

0:21:08.756 --> 0:21:12.436
<v Speaker 1>you know, this is pure speculation, and again it touches

0:21:12.436 --> 0:21:16.596
<v Speaker 1>on laws. But I wonder now whether Trump can afford

0:21:16.676 --> 0:21:22.556
<v Speaker 1>to lose given all the disclosures about his financial You know,

0:21:23.196 --> 0:21:27.836
<v Speaker 1>locking up is not impossible anymore, it seems, at least

0:21:27.836 --> 0:21:30.756
<v Speaker 1>from what I read and talk to my lawyer friends,

0:21:31.476 --> 0:21:34.356
<v Speaker 1>it seems that he could be very easily charged with

0:21:34.596 --> 0:21:40.876
<v Speaker 1>committing several offenses. And if that's what's at stake, then

0:21:41.356 --> 0:21:44.716
<v Speaker 1>he will fight to the last ditch. He may be abandoned,

0:21:44.956 --> 0:21:48.836
<v Speaker 1>and hopefully he would be abandoned, but that he can

0:21:48.916 --> 0:21:54.476
<v Speaker 1>be persuaded. I don't know. Well, let's take those in

0:21:54.556 --> 0:21:58.556
<v Speaker 1>reverse order. So in terms of criminal liability, I think

0:21:58.596 --> 0:22:04.076
<v Speaker 1>it's almost impossible to imagine Joe Biden in office allowing

0:22:04.236 --> 0:22:07.796
<v Speaker 1>a criminal prosecution of Donald Trump to proceed at the

0:22:07.836 --> 0:22:10.516
<v Speaker 1>federal level. And I think the reason for that is

0:22:10.516 --> 0:22:12.436
<v Speaker 1>that Joe Biden is, you know, as we keep hearing

0:22:12.516 --> 0:22:15.436
<v Speaker 1>from the president forty seven years in Washington, he's a

0:22:15.476 --> 0:22:18.076
<v Speaker 1>product of the system and he follows the norm. So

0:22:18.116 --> 0:22:20.636
<v Speaker 1>he wouldn't do it. And no president has done that

0:22:20.676 --> 0:22:22.716
<v Speaker 1>in the past, and it's not just of presidents, but

0:22:22.756 --> 0:22:26.516
<v Speaker 1>even of lower down officials. I think Trump doesn't have

0:22:26.556 --> 0:22:29.076
<v Speaker 1>to worry about that. He might have to worry about

0:22:29.596 --> 0:22:34.716
<v Speaker 1>state prosecution in New York State, but so far, there's

0:22:34.836 --> 0:22:40.436
<v Speaker 1>nothing that would politically force the New York State prosecutors

0:22:40.876 --> 0:22:44.236
<v Speaker 1>to go forward. There may be some things where they

0:22:44.316 --> 0:22:47.676
<v Speaker 1>could go forward with respect to what Trump said to

0:22:47.756 --> 0:22:51.836
<v Speaker 1>various banks when he borrowed money, but it's relatively rare

0:22:51.876 --> 0:22:54.716
<v Speaker 1>for those things to be prosecuted criminally. Formally, they can be,

0:22:54.836 --> 0:22:58.476
<v Speaker 1>but the prosecutors have enormous discretion and it would be

0:22:58.516 --> 0:23:02.276
<v Speaker 1>so controversial for the prosecutor to do so. That, although

0:23:02.316 --> 0:23:05.516
<v Speaker 1>it's possible, again, it's possible to imagine. I think Trump's

0:23:05.596 --> 0:23:10.476
<v Speaker 1>vulnerability to criminal prosecution is actually very low on leaving office,

0:23:10.876 --> 0:23:13.116
<v Speaker 1>so of course it's conceivable. But I think it's a

0:23:13.156 --> 0:23:16.436
<v Speaker 1>mistake to confuse the formal fact that he has done

0:23:16.476 --> 0:23:19.556
<v Speaker 1>things that could get him prosecuted with a credible fear

0:23:19.596 --> 0:23:22.316
<v Speaker 1>of prosecution. I don't think Trump really fears prosecution. You've

0:23:22.356 --> 0:23:25.876
<v Speaker 1>just made me feel better. With respect to the militias

0:23:25.996 --> 0:23:29.596
<v Speaker 1>and the paramilitary groups, that's a trickier and more complicated question.

0:23:29.756 --> 0:23:32.236
<v Speaker 1>The first thing that has to be acknowledged is these

0:23:32.236 --> 0:23:35.396
<v Speaker 1>groups exist, and this is the United States. So they

0:23:35.436 --> 0:23:39.716
<v Speaker 1>have guns, and not just handguns, but assault style weapons,

0:23:39.716 --> 0:23:42.036
<v Speaker 1>and you can see them on television. So their existence

0:23:42.396 --> 0:23:45.996
<v Speaker 1>is serious and can't be ignored. We had a professor

0:23:46.156 --> 0:23:48.876
<v Speaker 1>from the Unity of Chicago on this podcast one of

0:23:48.876 --> 0:23:50.756
<v Speaker 1>our first episodes we did. She's an expert on white

0:23:50.756 --> 0:23:55.036
<v Speaker 1>supremacist groups and she's written a very compelling book tracing

0:23:55.036 --> 0:23:57.116
<v Speaker 1>the history of the white supremacist movement in the United

0:23:57.156 --> 0:24:00.476
<v Speaker 1>States back actually to the post Vietnam era, and she

0:24:00.556 --> 0:24:03.396
<v Speaker 1>makes a very strong case that it's coordinated, that it's organized,

0:24:03.636 --> 0:24:06.556
<v Speaker 1>that it has objectives, and she sees the Proud Boys

0:24:06.596 --> 0:24:09.116
<v Speaker 1>whom Trump referred to the other day in the debate,

0:24:09.116 --> 0:24:11.596
<v Speaker 1>as you just wrote an not bed. This professor just

0:24:11.596 --> 0:24:12.876
<v Speaker 1>wrote an not bed in the New York Times saying

0:24:12.876 --> 0:24:14.796
<v Speaker 1>their Proud Boys are squarely a part of that movement.

0:24:14.796 --> 0:24:16.676
<v Speaker 1>So it's real, and I want to acknowledge that it's real.

0:24:17.796 --> 0:24:20.516
<v Speaker 1>That said, it's not very organized internally. These are not

0:24:20.596 --> 0:24:23.796
<v Speaker 1>very well organized militias. And although they no doubt feel

0:24:23.876 --> 0:24:28.276
<v Speaker 1>allegiance to Trump, he doesn't control them in the sense

0:24:28.356 --> 0:24:33.236
<v Speaker 1>in which a dictator in an authoritarian state might control

0:24:33.356 --> 0:24:37.076
<v Speaker 1>paramilitary groups. They don't have senior group of leaders who

0:24:37.116 --> 0:24:40.356
<v Speaker 1>answer to them, there's no financial source of funding. It's

0:24:40.356 --> 0:24:44.396
<v Speaker 1>an ideological kind of loose affiliation. And it's also not

0:24:44.436 --> 0:24:46.556
<v Speaker 1>clear that their numbers are very great. And there's debate

0:24:46.556 --> 0:24:48.036
<v Speaker 1>about this, but it's not clear that the numbers are

0:24:48.116 --> 0:24:50.156
<v Speaker 1>very great. There are enough people to do damage because

0:24:50.156 --> 0:24:52.316
<v Speaker 1>they have weapons, and I don't want to minimize this,

0:24:52.356 --> 0:24:54.396
<v Speaker 1>and I don't want to minimize the handful of deaths

0:24:54.436 --> 0:24:56.796
<v Speaker 1>that they have caused, nor do I want to minimize

0:24:56.836 --> 0:24:58.516
<v Speaker 1>the risk that they pose. They do pose a great

0:24:58.596 --> 0:25:01.196
<v Speaker 1>risk to our sense of social order, but I guess

0:25:01.196 --> 0:25:03.516
<v Speaker 1>I don't see them as rising to the level of

0:25:03.516 --> 0:25:06.316
<v Speaker 1>the kinds of organizations they could make any kind of

0:25:06.316 --> 0:25:10.236
<v Speaker 1>a credible attempt to take control of insta atitutions or

0:25:10.276 --> 0:25:13.636
<v Speaker 1>to take control of streets in that sort of way,

0:25:14.076 --> 0:25:16.716
<v Speaker 1>And I think we're still very, very far from them

0:25:16.836 --> 0:25:24.036
<v Speaker 1>having that kind of capacity. Again, you made me feel better.

0:25:24.076 --> 0:25:30.116
<v Speaker 1>I suppose there's a saying in Polish that a pessimist

0:25:30.276 --> 0:25:38.356
<v Speaker 1>is but an informed optimist. Perhaps I tend to error

0:25:38.396 --> 0:25:43.596
<v Speaker 1>in this direction, perhaps just because I'm just overwhelmed by

0:25:43.596 --> 0:25:50.876
<v Speaker 1>the unprecedented character of our discussion. But if I may

0:25:50.996 --> 0:25:56.236
<v Speaker 1>diverge from the narrow issue of democracy, transfer of power, etc.

0:25:57.316 --> 0:26:01.076
<v Speaker 1>This whole situation is deeper. This is not just a

0:26:01.156 --> 0:26:05.596
<v Speaker 1>matter of elections. It's not just a matter of political strategies.

0:26:06.276 --> 0:26:12.276
<v Speaker 1>It has deep roots into society. We are polarized, not

0:26:12.396 --> 0:26:15.796
<v Speaker 1>just in the sense that different people want different things.

0:26:16.716 --> 0:26:20.396
<v Speaker 1>We are polarized in the sense that people are willing

0:26:20.556 --> 0:26:25.196
<v Speaker 1>to do nasty things to others with whom they disagree.

0:26:26.196 --> 0:26:28.956
<v Speaker 1>That's what I find new, the fact that some people

0:26:28.996 --> 0:26:32.516
<v Speaker 1>are pro abortion and others against abortion. That some people

0:26:32.556 --> 0:26:35.996
<v Speaker 1>have higher taxes, lower taxes. We've always lived with it,

0:26:36.076 --> 0:26:39.356
<v Speaker 1>and if they diverge, they diverge. That doesn't bother me.

0:26:39.756 --> 0:26:44.476
<v Speaker 1>What bothers me is how deep the roots are. In

0:26:44.516 --> 0:26:47.876
<v Speaker 1>the nineteen sixties, about four percent or five percent of

0:26:48.916 --> 0:26:53.156
<v Speaker 1>partisans would have objected if the offspring married an offspringing

0:26:53.196 --> 0:26:55.796
<v Speaker 1>of an opposite party, and now it's in the fifty

0:26:55.876 --> 0:27:01.196
<v Speaker 1>sixty percent range. There's a beautiful study in proceedings of

0:27:01.356 --> 0:27:05.596
<v Speaker 1>National Academy of Science of Thanksgiving a year ago in

0:27:05.756 --> 0:27:10.756
<v Speaker 1>which if at the Thanksgiving dinner is de traditional American

0:27:10.876 --> 0:27:15.756
<v Speaker 1>family holiday, there were people who came from congressional districts

0:27:15.876 --> 0:27:20.396
<v Speaker 1>controlled by different parties. The Thanksgiving dinner lasted thirty minutes

0:27:20.516 --> 0:27:25.916
<v Speaker 1>less because they couldn't talk politics. Yes, one question that

0:27:25.996 --> 0:27:28.916
<v Speaker 1>we should not lose. From perspective, this is why I

0:27:29.036 --> 0:27:33.276
<v Speaker 1>raised this is so the election is over, Biden assumes,

0:27:33.596 --> 0:27:37.276
<v Speaker 1>and then we're going to change in the society. This

0:27:37.556 --> 0:27:43.876
<v Speaker 1>is I think this current situation undermines too many deeply

0:27:43.956 --> 0:27:48.676
<v Speaker 1>held beliefs, including mind well. It will be fascinating to

0:27:48.716 --> 0:27:52.796
<v Speaker 1>discover in the next few months whether those beliefs and

0:27:53.036 --> 0:27:56.956
<v Speaker 1>mine which are formed by learning from yours may actually

0:27:57.036 --> 0:28:00.196
<v Speaker 1>have been correct, and which ones are being challenged in

0:28:00.236 --> 0:28:03.276
<v Speaker 1>ways that creates the kind of intellectual crisis that you're describing.

0:28:03.476 --> 0:28:06.716
<v Speaker 1>Let's hope that our crisis remains only an intellectual crisis

0:28:06.876 --> 0:28:10.396
<v Speaker 1>and doesn't become a constitutional crisis. That you're right, Noah,

0:28:10.716 --> 0:28:15.916
<v Speaker 1>and that my fears aren't founded. I really do. You've

0:28:15.916 --> 0:28:19.556
<v Speaker 1>made me feel somewhat optimistic. Thank you very much for

0:28:19.596 --> 0:28:28.276
<v Speaker 1>a wonderful, thoughtful conversation. Thank you, Adam, Thank you. I

0:28:28.396 --> 0:28:33.796
<v Speaker 1>was extremely excited and fascinated to speak to Professor Adam Trevorski.

0:28:34.236 --> 0:28:36.956
<v Speaker 1>It's rare that you get a chance to interview someone

0:28:37.156 --> 0:28:41.156
<v Speaker 1>who's influenced your own thinking so much. And it was

0:28:41.196 --> 0:28:45.396
<v Speaker 1>also a little scary because what optimism I have tried

0:28:45.436 --> 0:28:48.716
<v Speaker 1>to sustain and maintain about the capacity of the United

0:28:48.756 --> 0:28:53.396
<v Speaker 1>States to transfer power in this coming election peacefully is

0:28:53.436 --> 0:28:57.196
<v Speaker 1>derived I would say ninety five percent from my reading

0:28:57.276 --> 0:29:00.156
<v Speaker 1>of his work over the years, and so it was

0:29:00.196 --> 0:29:04.636
<v Speaker 1>a little dispiriting and disconcerting to put his arguments to

0:29:04.836 --> 0:29:09.716
<v Speaker 1>him and hear that he himself is skeptical. Was very

0:29:09.796 --> 0:29:12.276
<v Speaker 1>struck that he said that for him, this was a

0:29:12.316 --> 0:29:17.116
<v Speaker 1>moment where political science was facing a deep intellectual crisis.

0:29:17.676 --> 0:29:19.916
<v Speaker 1>That's a very open minded thing of him to say

0:29:20.276 --> 0:29:25.516
<v Speaker 1>but it's also pretty disturbing because that crisis might prefigure

0:29:25.836 --> 0:29:29.356
<v Speaker 1>a deeper crisis for the country and indeed for the world,

0:29:29.596 --> 0:29:33.396
<v Speaker 1>if our democratic institutions break down in the coming election.

0:29:34.396 --> 0:29:36.836
<v Speaker 1>Over the course of the conversation, what you heard me

0:29:36.956 --> 0:29:41.716
<v Speaker 1>doing was trying to reassure myself by using Professor Savorski's

0:29:41.796 --> 0:29:43.476
<v Speaker 1>arguments to see if I could get him to back

0:29:43.556 --> 0:29:46.996
<v Speaker 1>down from the degree of uncertainty and concern that he feels.

0:29:47.276 --> 0:29:49.876
<v Speaker 1>And I would say I was pretty unsuccessful in that regard.

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<v Speaker 1>I think Adam has a strong sense that the fact

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<v Speaker 1>that Donald Trump began to speak about potentially not leaving

0:29:56.356 --> 0:30:01.436
<v Speaker 1>office opened up a vein of discussion and discourse about

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<v Speaker 1>transition that just would have been unimaginable to use his

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<v Speaker 1>word in the United States beforehand, up to and including

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<v Speaker 1>asking ourselves what the US military would do if Donald

0:30:12.276 --> 0:30:15.396
<v Speaker 1>Trump disputed the presidency. The only good news I can

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<v Speaker 1>take away from this conversation is that we're going to

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<v Speaker 1>know the answers relatively soon. The election is coming, the

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<v Speaker 1>court fights that may follow that will ensue, and then

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<v Speaker 1>in just a few months we're supposed to inaugurate a

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<v Speaker 1>new president. Whoever that turns out to be. Here's hoping

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<v Speaker 1>it goes as smoothly as it can until the next

0:30:37.476 --> 0:30:41.076
<v Speaker 1>time we speak. Be careful, be safe, and be well.

0:30:42.316 --> 0:30:45.116
<v Speaker 1>Deep Background is brought to you by Pushkin Industries. Our

0:30:45.156 --> 0:30:48.716
<v Speaker 1>producer is Lydia Gencott, our engineer is Martin Gonzalez, and

0:30:48.796 --> 0:30:52.036
<v Speaker 1>our showrunner is Sophie Crane mckibbon. Theme music by Luis

0:30:52.116 --> 0:30:56.156
<v Speaker 1>Gera at Pushkin. Thanks to Mia Lobell, Julia Barton, Heather Faine,

0:30:56.316 --> 0:31:00.276
<v Speaker 1>Carlie mcgliori, Mackie Taylor, Eric Sandler, and Jacob Weisberg. You

0:31:00.276 --> 0:31:02.956
<v Speaker 1>can find me on Twitter and Noah Rfelden. I also

0:31:03.036 --> 0:31:05.356
<v Speaker 1>write a column for Bloomberg Opinion, which you can find

0:31:05.356 --> 0:31:09.396
<v Speaker 1>at Bloomberg dot com slash feld To discover Bloomberg's originals

0:31:09.396 --> 0:31:13.036
<v Speaker 1>slate of podcasts, go to Bloomberg dot com slash Podcasts,

0:31:13.356 --> 0:31:15.436
<v Speaker 1>and if you liked what you heard today, please write

0:31:15.476 --> 0:31:18.476
<v Speaker 1>a review or tell a friend. This is Deep Background.