WEBVTT - Whose Court Is It Now?

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brussel from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>In the last four years, three new justices have taken

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<v Speaker 1>the bench at the Supreme Court, giving the conservative justices

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<v Speaker 1>a six to three edge over the liberal justices. But

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<v Speaker 1>where does that put the Chief Justice, who just one

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<v Speaker 1>term ago was the deciding vote in five to four

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<v Speaker 1>decisions of the court. Joining me is Michael Doer, a

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<v Speaker 1>professor at Cornell Law School. His latest article is entitled

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<v Speaker 1>Whose Court is it now? So start by telling us

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<v Speaker 1>what is the role of the Chief Justice? The Chief

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<v Speaker 1>Justice is first among equals. The only two formal powers

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<v Speaker 1>that the chief Justice has at other justices lack. Is first,

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<v Speaker 1>the assignment power, So whenever the Chief Justice is in

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<v Speaker 1>the majority, it's his prerogative to assign who writes the

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<v Speaker 1>majority opinion. If he's not in the majority, than the

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<v Speaker 1>next most senior justice has that role. The second authority

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<v Speaker 1>is that he has some administrative responsibilities with respect to

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court itself and the federal judiciary as a whole.

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<v Speaker 1>So he's not just the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

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<v Speaker 1>The official title is the Chief Justice of the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>So in that sense, it's an administrative role, not just

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<v Speaker 1>in a judicatory one, and that differs a little bit

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<v Speaker 1>from other justices explain the importance of getting the majority

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<v Speaker 1>opinion of a justice writing the majority opinion. So, the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court is a court of last resort. It chooses

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<v Speaker 1>the cases it decides, and so when it decides a case,

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<v Speaker 1>it's not simply resolving a dispute between the parties. You

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<v Speaker 1>don't really need to go to the Supreme Court for that.

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<v Speaker 1>The lower courts can do that and do it all

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<v Speaker 1>the time. The reason the Supreme Court takes a case

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<v Speaker 1>in the first place is typically to resolve some important

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<v Speaker 1>contested legal question that affects many cases, and the outcome

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<v Speaker 1>is in some ways less important than the wording of

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<v Speaker 1>the opinion deciding the case. The court can establish some

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<v Speaker 1>new legal test by rule or a standard that's going

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<v Speaker 1>to apply in many cases, and therefore the author of

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<v Speaker 1>the majority opinion has a great deal of power beyond

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<v Speaker 1>simply deciding how the case comes out. That's decided by

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<v Speaker 1>majority vote, But there are many different ways to write

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<v Speaker 1>the opinion deciding a case that will affect lots of

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<v Speaker 1>other cases. Now it's true that you still need at

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<v Speaker 1>least four other justices to sign onto your opinion to

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<v Speaker 1>make it the governing law. But there is a bit

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<v Speaker 1>of flexibility that the author of majority opinion has to

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<v Speaker 1>write it the way he or she wants, and therefore

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<v Speaker 1>it makes a difference who writes the majority opinion. This

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<v Speaker 1>Chief Justice John Roberts, like most of his predecessors, will

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<v Speaker 1>typically keep the majority opinions for himself. In very contentious

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<v Speaker 1>important cases, it's possible the chief could assign an opinion

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<v Speaker 1>to a justice and the justice could lose the majority

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<v Speaker 1>in writing the opinion. Sure, so, let me let me

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<v Speaker 1>illustrate with an example. Let's say that the Chief Justice

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<v Speaker 1>assigns an opinion in the leading case to another justice

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<v Speaker 1>who's in the majority. Let's imagine to Justice Alito, and

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Alito writes the opinion in a way that reflects

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<v Speaker 1>the outcome during the initial vote, but he writes it

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<v Speaker 1>in such a way that is so extreme that some

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<v Speaker 1>of the justices who originally voted with him say, well,

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<v Speaker 1>we still think that that's the right outcome, but we

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<v Speaker 1>can't join your opinion. And therefore that one or more

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<v Speaker 1>of them might write a concurrence, and that concurrence could

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<v Speaker 1>even attract enough other votes that it becomes the majority.

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<v Speaker 1>In rare cases, the outcome actually flips from the petitioner

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<v Speaker 1>wins to the petitioner loses after the assignment of the opinion,

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<v Speaker 1>because somebody writes an opinion and the justices who originally

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<v Speaker 1>voted the same way read it and realize. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>now that I think about it, I think this is mistaken.

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<v Speaker 1>I can't join, and I think the other side wins.

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<v Speaker 1>Doesn't happen often, but it does happen. So if the

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<v Speaker 1>chief is not in the majority, then the senior justice

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<v Speaker 1>that is in the majority assigns the opinion. In history,

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<v Speaker 1>have there been some justices who had more power than

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<v Speaker 1>the chief because of that will not exactly. I think

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<v Speaker 1>you might say that prior to his retirement, Justice Kennedy

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<v Speaker 1>was about as powerful as Chief Justice Roberts because he

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<v Speaker 1>was closer to the center of the court. But he

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<v Speaker 1>more often voted with the Chief Justice than against him.

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<v Speaker 1>So the Chief Justice still retained the assignment power. But

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<v Speaker 1>you can imagine circumstances in which the chief is an

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<v Speaker 1>ideological outlier and thus so frequently in dissent in important cases,

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<v Speaker 1>that he is not effectively assigning opinions. In those important cases.

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<v Speaker 1>I think people thought that might be true when John

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<v Speaker 1>Roberts's predecessor, William rank Whist, became Chief Justice, because rank

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<v Speaker 1>Wist had been pretty much on the far right of

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<v Speaker 1>the court as an associate justice. But two things happened

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<v Speaker 1>during his Chief justiceship that I think made him a

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<v Speaker 1>fairly typical chief Justice. One is that additional conservatives were appointed,

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<v Speaker 1>that the center of the court moved to the right

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<v Speaker 1>and thus closer to him. And two because I think

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<v Speaker 1>he moderated his views a little bit so as to

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<v Speaker 1>make himself more of a centrist. And therefore it's often

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<v Speaker 1>the case that a Chief Justice will be near the

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<v Speaker 1>center of the court in order to preserve the chief's

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<v Speaker 1>power within the court. Chief Justice John Roberts not last term.

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<v Speaker 1>The term before last was like Justice Kennedy. He was

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<v Speaker 1>the swing vote, and then we had the new conservative

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<v Speaker 1>justices come on the court. He was in the majority

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<v Speaker 1>though the time, so he's lost some of his power. Right. So,

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<v Speaker 1>statisticians who studied the court talk about the median justice,

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<v Speaker 1>and that's typically the justice who is in the majority

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<v Speaker 1>more than anybody else. This last term, that was Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Brett Kavanaugh. He was virtually always in the majority, and

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes one is virtue always in the majority because one

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<v Speaker 1>is exactly in the center of the court. So there

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<v Speaker 1>are four justices to your left for to your right.

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<v Speaker 1>Whichever way you vote, you make the majority. But I

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<v Speaker 1>think it's a mistake to think about who the median

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<v Speaker 1>justice is on average rather than on particular issues. So

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<v Speaker 1>on many many issues, there really isn't a single median justice.

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<v Speaker 1>There's sort of a group of them. I think if

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<v Speaker 1>you were sort of were to look at this court overall,

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<v Speaker 1>what we can say is Justice Sodomire is the most

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<v Speaker 1>liberal justice. Justice Thomas is the most conservative justice, although

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Alito is pretty close to him. Justices Brier and

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<v Speaker 1>Kagan are sort of moderate liberals. Justice Gorsuch is very conservative,

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<v Speaker 1>but not quite as conservative as Thomas and Alito. And

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<v Speaker 1>then there's a group of sort of moderate conservatives on

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<v Speaker 1>some issues, the Chief Justice and the two newest Justices

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<v Speaker 1>Kavanaugh and Barrett. But that disguises and glosses over nuances.

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<v Speaker 1>So there are some issues on which Justice Gorsuch is

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<v Speaker 1>a liberal, like Fourth Amendment search and seizure issue shoos.

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<v Speaker 1>Then there are other issues in which Chief Justice John

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<v Speaker 1>Roberts is actually more conservative than some of the justices

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<v Speaker 1>we think of as very conservative. And so if you're

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<v Speaker 1>asking who is the median justice who is going to

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<v Speaker 1>be in the center, you really need to know more

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<v Speaker 1>about the particular case than just who's been the center

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<v Speaker 1>on average. You said that Justice Thomas is the farthest right,

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<v Speaker 1>explain some of his shall we say, unique positions. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>on starry decisive right. The starry dicisis is the Latin

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<v Speaker 1>term for adhering to precedent. Justice Thomas has said and

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes voted in accordance with the view that starry decisives

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<v Speaker 1>has very little role to play in constitutional adjudication. His

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<v Speaker 1>thought is the Constitution is the supreme law of the land,

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<v Speaker 1>not the precedents. If the presidents don't correctly preserve the

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<v Speaker 1>original meaning of the Constitution, then the Court should discard

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<v Speaker 1>the president's most justices. Every other justice ever to still

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<v Speaker 1>on the Court pretty much has taken a somewhat different view,

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<v Speaker 1>which is that you can't start over every day as

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<v Speaker 1>though there we haven't been living under this constitution for

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<v Speaker 1>well over two hundred years. You have to accept as

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<v Speaker 1>the law prior decisions unless there's some very good reason

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<v Speaker 1>to overturn them. That's what starry decisis is it's not

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<v Speaker 1>as the courts somebody says, it's not an inexorable command,

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<v Speaker 1>but it is a presumption in favor of precedent. And

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<v Speaker 1>so what do you need to overcome it? Well, you

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<v Speaker 1>need not just that you think the original case should

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<v Speaker 1>have come out the other way, but do you think

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<v Speaker 1>the original case was very wrong, profoundly wrong, and there

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<v Speaker 1>haven't been substantial reliance interests people investing money or living

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<v Speaker 1>their lives based on and the existing precedent. Justice Thomas

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<v Speaker 1>acknowledges that those are considerations, but he gives them much

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<v Speaker 1>much less weight than other justices do. So that's the

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<v Speaker 1>first area starry disis. Second place I would point to

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<v Speaker 1>is that Justice Thomas is a more committed originalist than

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<v Speaker 1>nearly any other of the current justices. That is, he

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<v Speaker 1>thinks that the Constitution means only what people believed it

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<v Speaker 1>meant at the time it was adopted. So let me

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<v Speaker 1>give you an example from a few years ago that

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<v Speaker 1>it has come up again recently. There was a case

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<v Speaker 1>involving restrictions on the sale of violent video games to

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<v Speaker 1>minors without their parents. Permission a case called Electronic Merchants

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<v Speaker 1>Association that came out of California, and the majority in

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<v Speaker 1>the case found that the law was unconstitutional in the

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<v Speaker 1>way it restricted freedom of speech. The leading descent disagreed,

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<v Speaker 1>but said, you know, as we apply our precedents, we

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<v Speaker 1>think that the court has gotten it wrong. And then

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Thomas wrote his own descent in which he said, well,

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<v Speaker 1>the case should come out the other way, That is

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<v Speaker 1>to say that the law should be upheld, but not

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<v Speaker 1>because of any current principle of free speech, but because

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<v Speaker 1>in the eighteenth century, strangers didn't have a right to

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<v Speaker 1>talk to miners without the permission of the parents. And

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<v Speaker 1>so he essentially said that miners don't have any free

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<v Speaker 1>speech rights because they didn't have any free speech rights

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<v Speaker 1>in the eighteenth century. And that's the end of the story.

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<v Speaker 1>So that's a kind of extreme view of originalism that

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<v Speaker 1>nobody else shares. I just want to get your take on.

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<v Speaker 1>CNN Legal analyst Jeffrey Tubin has written an opinion piece

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<v Speaker 1>saying Clarence Thomas is the new Chief Justice. Why do

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<v Speaker 1>you think that is correct or incorrect? So I think

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<v Speaker 1>it's incorrect. I think what Mr Tuban is alluding to

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<v Speaker 1>is the fact that the Chief Justice in some important

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<v Speaker 1>cases has sided with the Democratic appointees Justices Briar son

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<v Speaker 1>of my Ran Kagan, to form a group of four

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<v Speaker 1>in dissent as against the five more conservative justices. We

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<v Speaker 1>saw this most profoundly in some of the COVID cases

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<v Speaker 1>involving religious freedom. And so when that happens, when you

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<v Speaker 1>have that alignment of Roberts plus the Democratic appointees versus

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<v Speaker 1>all the other Republican appointees, then Justice Thomas, as the

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<v Speaker 1>most senior associate Justice, has the assigning power. And Mr

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<v Speaker 1>Tuban says the assigning power is the only thing that

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<v Speaker 1>distinguishes the Chief Justice from the other justices. So in

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<v Speaker 1>that technical sense, he's onto something, But I don't think

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<v Speaker 1>it's really accurate, because the Chief Justice doesn't just assign

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<v Speaker 1>the opinions. The assignment power is only meaningful if the

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<v Speaker 1>person to whom you assign it then writes an opinion

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<v Speaker 1>that is going to garner five votes for its rationale,

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<v Speaker 1>not just the result. And Justice Thomas can't get a

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<v Speaker 1>majority to go along with his most distinctive and most

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<v Speaker 1>extreme views about story to Scientist about originalism, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>So it seems to me that we could have a

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<v Speaker 1>conception of a kind of de facto chief Justice, someone

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<v Speaker 1>who might or might not be the actual chief Justice,

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<v Speaker 1>but has sort of the most power on the court,

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<v Speaker 1>and that would be some combination of being close to

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<v Speaker 1>the center of the court and being very senior. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>the only person on this court who is both close

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<v Speaker 1>to the center of the court and very senior is

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<v Speaker 1>in fact Chief Justice John Roberts. So I think that

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<v Speaker 1>John Roberts is not only the literal chief Justice, but

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<v Speaker 1>he is in fact the de facto chief Justice. You

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<v Speaker 1>could have made an argument a few years ago there

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<v Speaker 1>before his retirement, Justice Kennedy, who was at that time

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<v Speaker 1>the senior associate Justice and at the exact center of

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<v Speaker 1>the court, was the sort of de facto chief Justice,

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<v Speaker 1>And you know that would have been a reasonable argument.

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<v Speaker 1>But you can't make that argument today. The most senior

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<v Speaker 1>associate justice is at the extreme of the court. The

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<v Speaker 1>justice at the exact middle, Justice Kavanaugh, is the second

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<v Speaker 1>most junior justice. So it's only John Roberts who sort

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<v Speaker 1>of combines seniority and being close to the center. In

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<v Speaker 1>upcoming case, the case involving Mississippi and abortion take that

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<v Speaker 1>and say that Thomas wants to overturn Row, but the

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<v Speaker 1>median justices don't want to do that right away. They

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<v Speaker 1>wanted to be more incremental. Just explain how that would

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<v Speaker 1>sort of work out, right. So all of this is

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<v Speaker 1>somewhat speculative. But there is a case currently on the

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<v Speaker 1>docket of the Supreme Court for argument in the coming term,

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<v Speaker 1>coming from Mississippi, in which the State of Mississippi has

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<v Speaker 1>asked the Supreme Court to overturn Roe v. Wade and

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<v Speaker 1>the subsequent cases applying it, and, if not at least

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<v Speaker 1>to cut back dramatically on it, to do away with

0:15:23.480 --> 0:15:27.520
<v Speaker 1>the viability line, which is a key part of Roe v. Wade.

0:15:28.080 --> 0:15:31.320
<v Speaker 1>I think it's fair to say that Justice Thomas and

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Alito would tomorrow if they had the opportunity to

0:15:35.800 --> 0:15:39.440
<v Speaker 1>say we hereby overrule Roe v. Wade. I think it's

0:15:39.560 --> 0:15:47.520
<v Speaker 1>also likely that three or four additional justices would get

0:15:47.600 --> 0:15:52.520
<v Speaker 1>somewhere near there eventually, but might want to do it

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<v Speaker 1>more incrementally. That has been one of the hallmarks of

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<v Speaker 1>the Chief justiceship of John Roberts is that he moves

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<v Speaker 1>in relatively small steps for the first time in his

0:16:05.160 --> 0:16:09.240
<v Speaker 1>judicial career, not this past term, but the previous term.

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<v Speaker 1>In the Louisiana abortion case June Medical, the Chief Justice

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<v Speaker 1>actually voted to strike down an abortion restriction. Now, he

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<v Speaker 1>did so on the basis of precedent, and he did

0:16:22.360 --> 0:16:26.440
<v Speaker 1>not commit to applying that precedent forever. But it does

0:16:26.640 --> 0:16:30.520
<v Speaker 1>suggest a kind of caution on his part. If that

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<v Speaker 1>cautious attitude is shared by either Justice Kavanaugh or Justice Barrett,

0:16:37.040 --> 0:16:41.360
<v Speaker 1>or both of them, then the Court will not fully

0:16:41.640 --> 0:16:46.360
<v Speaker 1>and frontally over rule Row in the coming term, even

0:16:46.400 --> 0:16:49.800
<v Speaker 1>though that might be the preference of Justice Thomas, probably

0:16:49.840 --> 0:16:53.240
<v Speaker 1>Justice Leedo, and perhaps Justice Corsage. Thanks for being on

0:16:53.280 --> 0:16:56.640
<v Speaker 1>the show. That's Professor Michael Dorff of Cornell Law School,

0:16:57.200 --> 0:16:59.520
<v Speaker 1>and that's it for the edition of the Bloomberg Law Show.

0:17:00.040 --> 0:17:02.080
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:17:02.120 --> 0:17:05.919
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:17:06.080 --> 0:17:09.760
<v Speaker 1>and at Bloomberg dot com, slash podcast, Slash Law. I'm

0:17:09.840 --> 0:17:12.040
<v Speaker 1>June Grasso, and you're listening to Bloomberg