WEBVTT - Larry Summers Predicts the Future, and It Doesn't Look Good

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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to stephanois the podcast that brings the

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<v Speaker 1>global economy to you, and we have a special episode

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<v Speaker 1>today in honor of the holiday season. A conversation with

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<v Speaker 1>the economist Larry Summers, Professor at Harvard, former Treasury Secretary,

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<v Speaker 1>frequent participant in the public debate about all things economic.

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<v Speaker 1>Also my friend and former boss, Larry. I mean, it

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<v Speaker 1>is the end of the year. I guess we can

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<v Speaker 1>start with a little gloating. I mean, in any given year,

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<v Speaker 1>economists get a lot wrong, and this year and especially

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<v Speaker 1>large number of them wrongly assumed inflation was going to

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<v Speaker 1>be a fleeting phenomenon. But you sounded the alarm early

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<v Speaker 1>in the year, and we're considered a bit of a

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<v Speaker 1>crank for doing so initially, but not anymore. What did

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<v Speaker 1>you see that others didn't see? Definitely, you know, I've

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<v Speaker 1>been right this year, but they've been plenty of years

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<v Speaker 1>when I've been wrong. I did what I thought was

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<v Speaker 1>a straightforward analysis of the situation. I looked at how

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<v Speaker 1>short incomes were of trend, and I saw that they

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<v Speaker 1>were about twenty five or thirty billion dollars short of

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<v Speaker 1>trend each month, and that that number was declining, and

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<v Speaker 1>then I saw that the proposed transfer payments and other

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<v Speaker 1>stimulus represented close to two hundred billion dollars a month,

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<v Speaker 1>and so I thought, if you were filling a thirty

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<v Speaker 1>billion dollar hole with two hundred billion dollars of spending,

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<v Speaker 1>there was likely to be some overflow, and that overflow

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<v Speaker 1>would translate into inflation. I did the same calculation, essentially

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<v Speaker 1>looking at g d P, and I saw a two

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<v Speaker 1>or three percent GDP gap met with about fifteen percent

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<v Speaker 1>of stimulus. I had thought a lot about the Obama period,

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<v Speaker 1>and I agreed with the concern. Indeed, I expressed them

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<v Speaker 1>at the time that that stimulus was too small. That

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<v Speaker 1>stimulus and its first year was perhaps half of the

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<v Speaker 1>g d P gap. This proposed stimulus was a significant

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<v Speaker 1>multiple of the GDP gap. I thought there was a

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<v Speaker 1>case that the Obama stimulus might have been low by

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<v Speaker 1>might have been low by it surely was not low

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<v Speaker 1>by a factor of five to ten. So it seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to me that we were over stimulating the economy. That

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<v Speaker 1>people had not seen inflation in forty years, so they

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<v Speaker 1>assumed it was something you didn't need to worry about,

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<v Speaker 1>but that if you just did a straightforward analysis, demand

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<v Speaker 1>was going to run ahead of supply. I have to say,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that's pretty much what we've seen. I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think that the analyzes suggesting that this is all bottlenecks

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<v Speaker 1>are right. Nine percent of CPI components show inflation above

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<v Speaker 1>three percent, more than above the FEDS target. If I

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<v Speaker 1>look at what's happening in the labor market, it looks

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<v Speaker 1>to me like we've got substantial labor shortages that push

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<v Speaker 1>wages up, but only with a lag, because wages aren't

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<v Speaker 1>reset constantly. We've got substantial pressures in the housing market

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<v Speaker 1>that have not manifest themselves at all really in the

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<v Speaker 1>official price in disease UH yet, So I think we've

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<v Speaker 1>got a fairly serious inflationary situation that's been growing for

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<v Speaker 1>quite some time. If wages do go up, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>true that we haven't seen as much as you might

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<v Speaker 1>have expected in the last few months, but if they

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<v Speaker 1>if they do go up, the last twenty years, we

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<v Speaker 1>haven't seen a follow through from higher wages to higher inflation.

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<v Speaker 1>Even in the Fed Zone model doesn't include much response

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<v Speaker 1>from inflation. So why do you think this time will

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<v Speaker 1>be different? Well, there are two different questions. One is

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<v Speaker 1>the response of prices to wages, and the other is

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<v Speaker 1>the responsive wages to unemployment. With respect to wages to prices,

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<v Speaker 1>we just haven't seen very much variation in UH the

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<v Speaker 1>level of wage growth, and therefore it would be hard

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<v Speaker 1>to find a relationship with prices. I'm much more influenced

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<v Speaker 1>by the experience of my own talking to businesses and

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<v Speaker 1>even more people like those Bloomberg employees who spend their

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<v Speaker 1>lives talking to companies, and they all say more or

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<v Speaker 1>less the same thing. We're gonna have to push up

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<v Speaker 1>wages because of labor shortages, and when we do, we

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<v Speaker 1>have plenty of pricing power. And I guess I trust

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<v Speaker 1>those anecdotes more than I trust econometric relationships estimated over

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<v Speaker 1>periods when there's been very little variation. We did have

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<v Speaker 1>some months in with low unemployment and not extremely rapid

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<v Speaker 1>wage pressure, but that's one several month experience in twenty years.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think there's any support in the data for

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<v Speaker 1>the view the FED took that the economy can enjoy

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<v Speaker 1>three and a half percent unemployment for multiple years with

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<v Speaker 1>significantly declining UH inflation. Indeed, the FEDS forecasts call for

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<v Speaker 1>unemployment below its estimates of the normal level interest rates

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<v Speaker 1>never reaching in the next few years. It's uncept of

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<v Speaker 1>the normal level and nonetheless continuous deceleration of inflation that

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<v Speaker 1>might happen, but it doesn't seem to me that it

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<v Speaker 1>is the most in joyitive reading of our macroeconomic history.

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<v Speaker 1>Just to follow up briefly on the on the wages

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<v Speaker 1>and prices thing, you're you're obviously right that that companies

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<v Speaker 1>have been complaining about labor shortages, have been talking archly

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<v Speaker 1>about rising costs, meaning they were going to have to

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<v Speaker 1>push up prices, and they clearly do have pricing power.

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<v Speaker 1>All the data that we've looked at, and we discussed

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<v Speaker 1>it on the on the podcast a few weeks ago

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<v Speaker 1>suggested that they've already used that power to raise profit

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<v Speaker 1>margins this year, well beyond any increasing costs. And it's

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<v Speaker 1>not obvious that they couldn't absorb some of this increase

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<v Speaker 1>wages in profit margins. I mean, inherently that wouldn't be

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<v Speaker 1>such a bad thing, right if you had more wages

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<v Speaker 1>for workers and companies absorbed some of it in profit margins,

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<v Speaker 1>which in some cases are historically high. You know, Stephanie,

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<v Speaker 1>prices are set by supply and demand, and we're seeing

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<v Speaker 1>in a very wide range of sectors rising demand. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>retailers are engaged, apparently, is best one can tell from

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<v Speaker 1>the anecdotes, in much less promotional activity this Christmas than

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<v Speaker 1>they have been in previous Christmas. That's showing up in

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<v Speaker 1>higher margins for them and for their suppliers. I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think there's anything nefarious about that. That's just what goes

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<v Speaker 1>with an economy where UH stores are stores are full. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't know that, you know. I think the diagnosis

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<v Speaker 1>that you're implicitly offering is the one that the Nixon

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<v Speaker 1>administration rather unsuccessfully offered, that rising prices necessitate price controls

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<v Speaker 1>so as to contain profits and reduce inflation. That worked

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<v Speaker 1>out rather spectacularly badly, and fortunately that's not an idea

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<v Speaker 1>we've heard this time around. I think trying to restrict

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<v Speaker 1>prices would be the best way I could imagine two

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<v Speaker 1>lengthen the period of shortages, UH bottlenecks, and disillusion me.

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<v Speaker 1>We tried that strategy with respect to gasoline in the

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<v Speaker 1>late nineties seventies. I don't know why businesses would not

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<v Speaker 1>be pushing on prices when they had shortages of goods

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<v Speaker 1>and supply. I guess well, I'm tripping up over is

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<v Speaker 1>that you've written quite a lot in the past. An

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<v Speaker 1>important academic is actually about the decline in labor bargaining

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<v Speaker 1>power and the impact that this had had, and that

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<v Speaker 1>particularly how the scales had shifted in favor of employers

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<v Speaker 1>in many parts of the labor market. Um, it just

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<v Speaker 1>sort of feels in the analysis that you're giving. I

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<v Speaker 1>don't recall you accuse me of proposing price controls. I

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<v Speaker 1>don't recall ever saying that, but I'll check the transcript.

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<v Speaker 1>But the description you're giving suggests there is no way

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<v Speaker 1>to reset that balance or perhaps even in the sort

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<v Speaker 1>of macro terms, start having a higher share of national

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<v Speaker 1>income going to labor relative to capital, you know, reversal

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<v Speaker 1>of what we've had in the last few years. Because

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<v Speaker 1>if if wages go up faster than productivity, you're saying

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<v Speaker 1>the FED should definitely put on the brakes in response

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<v Speaker 1>to that, and if it doesn't, companies will inevitably just

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<v Speaker 1>pass on any wage increase and it will just result

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<v Speaker 1>in more and more inflation. It doesn't feel like there's

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<v Speaker 1>any way to reverse that psycho we've seen over the

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<v Speaker 1>last few decades. That's that's really not what I'm saying, Stephanie.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, first, just on the facts. This period of

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<v Speaker 1>high inflation has coincided with more rapid reel wage reduction

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<v Speaker 1>than we had seen previously. So for the majority of workers,

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<v Speaker 1>it's working out badly so far, not working out well.

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<v Speaker 1>That's a political response to inflation that we're observing. Second,

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<v Speaker 1>I am a strong supporter of the type of labor

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<v Speaker 1>law reforms that the administration has worked on. My colleague

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<v Speaker 1>in the labor power paper that you wrote referred to

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<v Speaker 1>Anna Stansbury, has done very important work showing that when

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<v Speaker 1>you put reasonable penalties on it influences behavior and allows

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<v Speaker 1>union organizing to take place. I am a strong supporter

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<v Speaker 1>of measures to strengthen labor through UH, the labor movement

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<v Speaker 1>in unions, through a range of innovations that would encourage

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<v Speaker 1>labor power. What I don't agree with is UH the

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<v Speaker 1>idea that's simply running the economy hot on an unlimited

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<v Speaker 1>basis can do it. If I thought we could sustainably

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<v Speaker 1>run the economy in a red hot way, that would

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<v Speaker 1>be a wonderful thing. But the consequence, and this is

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<v Speaker 1>the excruciating lesson we learned in the nine seventies. Consequence

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<v Speaker 1>of an overheating economy is not merely elevated inflation, but

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<v Speaker 1>constantly rising inflation. And that's why my fear is that

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<v Speaker 1>we are already reaching a point where it will be

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<v Speaker 1>challenging to reduce inflation without giving rise to recession. Should

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<v Speaker 1>we do all kinds of things. Should we raise a

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<v Speaker 1>minimum wage, absolutely, Should we empower unions, yes, but this

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<v Speaker 1>kind of policy, there are no examples of successful inflationary

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<v Speaker 1>policy that has worked out to the benefit of workers.

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<v Speaker 1>And there are dozens of examples, from the Labor Party

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<v Speaker 1>in Britain in the nineties seventies to multiple Latin American

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<v Speaker 1>experiences to our own experience in UH the nineteen sixties

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<v Speaker 1>and seventies, where it backfired with respect to the very

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<v Speaker 1>people it was trying to help. Do you think biden

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<v Speaker 1>nomics deserves a dictionary entry or will deserve a dictionary

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<v Speaker 1>entry when the dictionaries get rewritten or revised? Does it

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<v Speaker 1>does it amount to anything in your view? I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>we've had any twelve months. I think we'll have to

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<v Speaker 1>see what happens down down the road. UH. The hope

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<v Speaker 1>would be that it represents a kind of progressive supply

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<v Speaker 1>side economics that emphasizes supply and does so through public investment. Unfortunately,

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<v Speaker 1>the share of the spending that represents transfer payments rather

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<v Speaker 1>than public investment has been sufficiently high that I'm not

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<v Speaker 1>sure how great the benefits will be, and I'm concerned

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<v Speaker 1>that there's been insufficient incent impulse to making the public

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<v Speaker 1>investments uh cost effective, streamlining infrastructure investment, for example. On

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<v Speaker 1>the other hand, Uh, Stephanie, I think that the recognition

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<v Speaker 1>that we have On the one hand, on your flight,

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<v Speaker 1>you can now watch television in the seat in front

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<v Speaker 1>of you in a way that would have been inconceivable

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<v Speaker 1>thirty years ago. On the other hand, it takes half

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<v Speaker 1>an hour more to get from Boston to Washington than

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<v Speaker 1>it did thirty years ago, just because of the decaying infrastructure.

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<v Speaker 1>That's a kind of misplaced priority, and it's a metaphor

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<v Speaker 1>for what's going wrong, um, in important parts of the

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<v Speaker 1>way our economic system has functioned. I mean, I've known

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<v Speaker 1>you for a long time and through a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>that time, and certainly when you and I were the

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<v Speaker 1>Treasury Department in the late nineties. The kind of default

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<v Speaker 1>view of most government government governments was that government should

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<v Speaker 1>meddle as little as possible in mark and set the

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<v Speaker 1>rules for markets, but then let the chips fall where

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<v Speaker 1>they may, especially on trade, um and potentially the environment,

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<v Speaker 1>industrial policy, all those things we tended to be a

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<v Speaker 1>sort of default was to be suspicious of these things. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>do you have you had a change of heart on

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<v Speaker 1>those things? I mean, I notice notice that Janet Yellen

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<v Speaker 1>recently talked about needing to be less reliant on other

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<v Speaker 1>countries for critical goods. And I've seen you have talked

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<v Speaker 1>a bit about in the environment of wanting a more

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<v Speaker 1>sort of muscular approach to government. Are you Are you

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<v Speaker 1>rethinking your view of government. I think that there's been

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<v Speaker 1>this extraordinary change in relative prices stuff. Um, if you

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<v Speaker 1>look at the relative price of the day in a

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<v Speaker 1>hospital and a television set, it's changed by a factor

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<v Speaker 1>of a hundred since the night. That means we're in

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<v Speaker 1>a very different economy and a much larger share of

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<v Speaker 1>the economy, a much larger share of the people working

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<v Speaker 1>ari in sectors that have a range of market face years.

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<v Speaker 1>And certainly there's a case for government involvement in those

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<v Speaker 1>But I think what needs to be very very careful

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<v Speaker 1>about how governments will carry out any kind of industrial

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<v Speaker 1>policy intervention. And I have to say that when I

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<v Speaker 1>hear about in industrial policy in the name of achieving

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<v Speaker 1>green objectives, I'm much more sympathetic, for example, than when

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<v Speaker 1>I hear about it in the name of preserving jobs.

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<v Speaker 1>I think the available evidence on protectionist strategies is that

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<v Speaker 1>they mostly cost a million dollars a job saved or

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<v Speaker 1>more once you work through their full UH impacts. Take

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<v Speaker 1>for example, UH steal protection. UH steal textion operates to

0:17:02.680 --> 0:17:07.920
<v Speaker 1>save potentially fifty tho jobs of steel workers, sixth as

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<v Speaker 1>many as we have manicurists in the United States, but

0:17:11.400 --> 0:17:15.600
<v Speaker 1>it makes industries with five million people that you steal

0:17:16.200 --> 0:17:20.080
<v Speaker 1>less competitive than the otherwise would be. Going back to

0:17:20.119 --> 0:17:23.200
<v Speaker 1>the Janet yelling comments, a lot of people look at

0:17:23.240 --> 0:17:27.840
<v Speaker 1>the supply chain snarl ups, the lines of container ships

0:17:28.160 --> 0:17:34.119
<v Speaker 1>outside Long Beach and other big ports and say Donald

0:17:34.160 --> 0:17:36.399
<v Speaker 1>Trump was right, we should be less reliant on all

0:17:36.480 --> 0:17:41.480
<v Speaker 1>these foreign manufacturers. It's important to understand why we have

0:17:41.600 --> 0:17:45.560
<v Speaker 1>those supplies, why we have those long lines. It is

0:17:45.640 --> 0:17:50.639
<v Speaker 1>not because of anything that China is doing. It is

0:17:50.720 --> 0:17:57.080
<v Speaker 1>because our demand for goods searched and I would much

0:17:57.160 --> 0:18:01.960
<v Speaker 1>rather see us be better at expanding port capacity quickly.

0:18:02.680 --> 0:18:06.000
<v Speaker 1>Do we need to pay attention to rare earths and

0:18:06.480 --> 0:18:09.919
<v Speaker 1>other goods that are highly concentrated in the world for

0:18:09.960 --> 0:18:16.040
<v Speaker 1>our national security? Yes, we do. Should we institute some

0:18:17.000 --> 0:18:24.000
<v Speaker 1>broader program of non reliance on trade, I suspect there

0:18:24.040 --> 0:18:29.399
<v Speaker 1>would be very substantial inefficiencies from doing that. I do

0:18:29.520 --> 0:18:32.240
<v Speaker 1>think we need to manage the global economy much more

0:18:32.280 --> 0:18:34.600
<v Speaker 1>than we have. That's why I was such a strong

0:18:34.720 --> 0:18:40.000
<v Speaker 1>supporter of the initiatives that Secretary yell And brought to

0:18:40.119 --> 0:18:45.680
<v Speaker 1>completion to harmonize corporate taxes around the world so capital

0:18:45.720 --> 0:18:49.280
<v Speaker 1>could run, but it couldn't hide and would be taxed

0:18:49.520 --> 0:18:54.360
<v Speaker 1>in uh reasonable ways. That's why I think the right

0:18:54.480 --> 0:18:58.440
<v Speaker 1>trade agreements pay attention also to the context in which

0:18:58.480 --> 0:19:02.080
<v Speaker 1>trade takes place. What kind to regulations, uh there are?

0:19:02.200 --> 0:19:05.440
<v Speaker 1>What kinds of rules there are for workers? What kind

0:19:05.440 --> 0:19:09.480
<v Speaker 1>of exchange rate arrangements? Uh there are? But I think

0:19:09.480 --> 0:19:16.439
<v Speaker 1>a strategy of actively pursuing disintegration is not likely to

0:19:17.760 --> 0:19:24.560
<v Speaker 1>make us more secure. And certainly the first order effect

0:19:25.640 --> 0:19:29.640
<v Speaker 1>of stopping us from buying goods from abroad when they

0:19:29.640 --> 0:19:34.679
<v Speaker 1>are cheapest will be to exacerbate inflation rather than to

0:19:34.760 --> 0:19:38.960
<v Speaker 1>reduce inflation. So the idea of cutting off cheap supply

0:19:39.760 --> 0:19:43.760
<v Speaker 1>as a strategy for reducing inflation at a moment when

0:19:43.760 --> 0:19:47.680
<v Speaker 1>that's our principal economic problem seems to short run economic

0:19:47.760 --> 0:19:51.760
<v Speaker 1>problem seems to me bizarre at two very quick ones.

0:19:52.119 --> 0:19:55.360
<v Speaker 1>Because you mentioned trade. One of the areas where President

0:19:55.359 --> 0:19:59.280
<v Speaker 1>Biden has been probably most similar to his predecessor is

0:19:59.320 --> 0:20:05.199
<v Speaker 1>in relations to China, um general attitude to China. Do

0:20:05.280 --> 0:20:08.879
<v Speaker 1>you basically agree with that? I think we have not

0:20:09.040 --> 0:20:15.280
<v Speaker 1>yet formulated a satisfactory China strategy. I don't think President

0:20:15.520 --> 0:20:19.560
<v Speaker 1>Trump had one. I think two of the struculence is

0:20:19.760 --> 0:20:25.520
<v Speaker 1>very risky, and we have had a lot of that.

0:20:26.440 --> 0:20:36.119
<v Speaker 1>I hope we'll see evolution in the months ahead. Just

0:20:36.160 --> 0:20:38.119
<v Speaker 1>going back to what we were talking about the beginning,

0:20:38.160 --> 0:20:40.040
<v Speaker 1>and you you painted a picture where you thought it

0:20:40.119 --> 0:20:42.320
<v Speaker 1>was much more likely than not that we were ending

0:20:42.320 --> 0:20:44.719
<v Speaker 1>a period. But we're starting a period that was going

0:20:44.760 --> 0:20:47.520
<v Speaker 1>to be quite hard to control inflation, and inflation could

0:20:47.520 --> 0:20:50.199
<v Speaker 1>continue for some time. You know, people will remember for

0:20:50.240 --> 0:20:54.080
<v Speaker 1>many years you were talking about secular stagnation. If you

0:20:54.080 --> 0:20:56.920
<v Speaker 1>look at the bond market, very low interest rates still

0:20:56.960 --> 0:21:00.200
<v Speaker 1>out into the long term future. There's the suggestions meems

0:21:00.240 --> 0:21:03.120
<v Speaker 1>to be from them that secular stagnation is still here,

0:21:03.280 --> 0:21:08.600
<v Speaker 1>that we still have structurally low growth prospects. How is

0:21:09.000 --> 0:21:11.159
<v Speaker 1>do you still believe in secular stagnation? Do you now

0:21:11.200 --> 0:21:15.640
<v Speaker 1>believe in secular stagflation? I think secular stagnations are real

0:21:15.760 --> 0:21:20.000
<v Speaker 1>risk looking out a few years. I certainly think that's

0:21:20.040 --> 0:21:24.119
<v Speaker 1>what the market is, as you say, Stephanie, pricing in

0:21:25.960 --> 0:21:30.200
<v Speaker 1>I'm surprised by how low long term interest rates are.

0:21:30.240 --> 0:21:33.199
<v Speaker 1>That's something I didn't get right. I would have forecast

0:21:33.400 --> 0:21:38.800
<v Speaker 1>larger increases in interest rates given conditions. I think part

0:21:38.800 --> 0:21:43.160
<v Speaker 1>of it is that markets are foreseeing that we will

0:21:43.200 --> 0:21:48.360
<v Speaker 1>do what's necessary to contain inflation, and that process will

0:21:48.440 --> 0:21:52.760
<v Speaker 1>be quite contractionary, and that's part of what I think

0:21:52.920 --> 0:21:58.240
<v Speaker 1>is being factored into the level of markets. But I

0:21:58.280 --> 0:22:02.840
<v Speaker 1>do think there's a real chance that there will be

0:22:04.240 --> 0:22:08.840
<v Speaker 1>a return to secular stagnation. I'm not sure you know.

0:22:08.920 --> 0:22:13.720
<v Speaker 1>In some ways, Stephanie, this current episode of a very

0:22:13.840 --> 0:22:18.720
<v Speaker 1>large infusion of spending brings back memories of World War Two,

0:22:19.560 --> 0:22:22.720
<v Speaker 1>and there was an expectation that after World War Two

0:22:22.920 --> 0:22:26.840
<v Speaker 1>the economy would return to the kind of secular stagnation

0:22:26.960 --> 0:22:29.919
<v Speaker 1>depression that it had been and for a variety of

0:22:29.960 --> 0:22:34.080
<v Speaker 1>reasons that never materialized. I'm really not sure what's going

0:22:34.119 --> 0:22:40.560
<v Speaker 1>to come after uh this current episode. I'm certainly not

0:22:40.760 --> 0:22:44.760
<v Speaker 1>confident that we're going to have sustained excess demand for

0:22:44.880 --> 0:22:49.280
<v Speaker 1>many years. I think the challenges that we've pumped up

0:22:49.359 --> 0:22:55.520
<v Speaker 1>aggregate demand now and then who knows how we're going

0:22:55.600 --> 0:22:59.200
<v Speaker 1>to work our way through back to more normal levels

0:22:59.240 --> 0:23:03.960
<v Speaker 1>of demand. Well, you've paid it a pretty worrying picture

0:23:04.040 --> 0:23:06.159
<v Speaker 1>for the next year, for twenty two. So I kind

0:23:06.160 --> 0:23:08.159
<v Speaker 1>of hope for all our sakes that you're more wrong

0:23:08.280 --> 0:23:10.640
<v Speaker 1>next year than you were this year. But I hope

0:23:10.680 --> 0:23:12.479
<v Speaker 1>you have a happy new year. And thank you very much,

0:23:12.560 --> 0:23:20.520
<v Speaker 1>Larry something, thank you. And that is it for this

0:23:20.600 --> 0:23:23.919
<v Speaker 1>special episode of Stephanomics. We'll be back next week with

0:23:24.000 --> 0:23:28.560
<v Speaker 1>a special look ahead to two. In the meantime, enjoy

0:23:28.600 --> 0:23:32.000
<v Speaker 1>your holidays if you get any, and follow at Economics

0:23:32.000 --> 0:23:34.520
<v Speaker 1>on Twitter if you feel like escaping into news and

0:23:34.560 --> 0:23:39.080
<v Speaker 1>analysis from Bloomberg Economics. This episode was produced, as ever

0:23:39.200 --> 0:23:42.320
<v Speaker 1>by A Mangus Henrickson, with special thanks to Larry Summers,

0:23:42.520 --> 0:23:46.760
<v Speaker 1>Kelly Friendly and Julie Shampoo. Mike sasso Is executive producer

0:23:46.800 --> 0:23:50.760
<v Speaker 1>of Stephonomics and the head of Bloomberg Podcast is francesco Leavie.