WEBVTT - Why China Wants Sway Over Vanuatu

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<v Speaker 1>Two months ago, we devoted an episode to a tropical

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<v Speaker 1>paradise that was fast becoming a geopolitical football. That paradise

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<v Speaker 1>was the Maldives, the subject economic and political rivalry between

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<v Speaker 1>China and India. But things move fast. There's another superpower

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<v Speaker 1>playground that's getting hot, the South Pacific. China's sway is

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<v Speaker 1>increasing in a region that's traditionally a sphere of American,

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<v Speaker 1>French and Australian influence. The country most in focus is Vanuatu,

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<v Speaker 1>where China is dishing out lots of loans and beefing

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<v Speaker 1>up the nation's infrastructure. But sooner or later, critics say

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<v Speaker 1>China will want to convert some of that leverage into

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<v Speaker 1>a base for its military. Welcome to Benchmark, a show

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<v Speaker 1>about the global economy. I'm Daniel moss Net, aonomics writer

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<v Speaker 1>and editor at Limburg Opinion in New York. And I'm

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<v Speaker 1>Scott Landman and economics editor Limburgh News in Washington. So

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<v Speaker 1>what's at stake in Vanawa to in the South Pacific?

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<v Speaker 1>How has the region's economic and political profile changed and

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<v Speaker 1>what are the consequences. Our guest Jonathan Prike from the

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<v Speaker 1>Lower Institute in Sydney, will try to explain it for us, Jonathan,

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<v Speaker 1>thanks for joining us, Thanks for having me guys. First

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<v Speaker 1>of all, why should we care if China's influence in

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<v Speaker 1>the South Pacific is growing or shrinking? Well, yeah, why

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<v Speaker 1>don't we start with a bit of geography on on

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<v Speaker 1>what we mean by the South Pacific. The South Pacific

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<v Speaker 1>is the region of the Pacific Islands that makes is

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<v Speaker 1>made up of fourteen sovereign nations, and they range from

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<v Speaker 1>in size from tiny New a country of fred people,

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<v Speaker 1>to Papua New Guinea, a country of more than eight million.

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<v Speaker 1>They take up of the world surface and are rich

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<v Speaker 1>in fishery resources, but are smaller people numbers. I think

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<v Speaker 1>total population of the Pacific Islands is somewhere around thirteen

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<v Speaker 1>million people. But because they make up of the world surface,

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<v Speaker 1>because of that, the fisheries and exclusive economics own resources

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<v Speaker 1>that they have. There is a significant some significant interests

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<v Speaker 1>in the region. But when you step back and look

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<v Speaker 1>at the South Pacific in the global geopolitical sphere, it's

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<v Speaker 1>really hard to see a huge amount of significance. It's

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<v Speaker 1>not on major shipping routes. It's it's distant from from

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<v Speaker 1>the power bases in Asia. But when you look to

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<v Speaker 1>World War Two, you can see at the significant role

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<v Speaker 1>that the Pacific Islands region has played in geo strategy

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<v Speaker 1>in the past. And why is it important. Well, it's

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<v Speaker 1>important particularly for Australia because we see the Pacific as

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<v Speaker 1>really our backyard. Former Prime Minister of pup Guinea sorry

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<v Speaker 1>of Australia, John Howard once called the Pacific our patch.

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<v Speaker 1>So we now have changed that language to call in

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<v Speaker 1>ourselves the partner of choice for the Pacific and that's

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<v Speaker 1>a relation, a relationship that we want to make tame

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<v Speaker 1>in the region. So it's definitely this, this rise of

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<v Speaker 1>China and the Pacific is definitely causing a great degree

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<v Speaker 1>of anxiety in Canberra and in other traditional power bases

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<v Speaker 1>that have had a role to play in the Pacific,

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<v Speaker 1>that of Tokyo, Washington and Wellington. So how did Vanua

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<v Speaker 1>to become the geo strategic flashpoint in all this, especially

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<v Speaker 1>with regards to China and Australia right now? Yeah, So

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<v Speaker 1>it's it's important to note that China's rise in the

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<v Speaker 1>Pacific hasn't happened overnight. Indeed, China has links to the

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<v Speaker 1>Pacific that go back hundreds of years, generations of Chinese

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<v Speaker 1>migrants that are in the Pacific that play an important

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<v Speaker 1>role in a lot of these communities. But really since

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<v Speaker 1>about two thousand and six, we have seen a ramping

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<v Speaker 1>up of China's engagement in the Pacific. And I also

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<v Speaker 1>note that China's only engaged formally with eight countries in

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<v Speaker 1>the Pacific Islands. There remain reign six support Taiwan, and

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<v Speaker 1>they now make up just one third of the of

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<v Speaker 1>Taiwan's remaining support based in the United Nations. So that's

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<v Speaker 1>such just an interesting little little elements of China's engagement.

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<v Speaker 1>But since two thousand and six, China has really been

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<v Speaker 1>been ramping up its engagement in the Pacific. A lot

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<v Speaker 1>of that has come in the form of what we

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<v Speaker 1>see what China's doing elsewhere in the world, the form

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<v Speaker 1>of concessional loans to build large infrastructure projects, and China's

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<v Speaker 1>been doing this in a big way in a number

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<v Speaker 1>of countries in the Pacific, Vanawatta being one of them.

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<v Speaker 1>For research from the Lower Institute has shown that that

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<v Speaker 1>China has injected over one point eight billion dollars of

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<v Speaker 1>lending and grants into the Pacific Island region since two

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<v Speaker 1>thousand and six. That would put it anywhere between the

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<v Speaker 1>top three and top five donor to the Pacific Islands region.

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<v Speaker 1>Vanawatu has immerges a flashpoint for this engagement this year

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<v Speaker 1>because when you take a look at the all the

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<v Speaker 1>different projects that China's engaged in, all the infrastructure projects,

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<v Speaker 1>most of them to pically are pretty benign. In a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of these countries, you know that big government buildings

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<v Speaker 1>that rehabilitating city centers that not really you can't really

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<v Speaker 1>see how they could be of dual use as we

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<v Speaker 1>have seen China do in other parts of the the world.

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<v Speaker 1>So they're not critical infrastructure. That not deep seaports and

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<v Speaker 1>not airports. They're not these these projects that China might

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<v Speaker 1>want to consider doing an asset buyback or um you

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<v Speaker 1>want to use as a dual use facility later down

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<v Speaker 1>the road. That's different in Vanuatu. In Vanuatu, China has

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<v Speaker 1>rehabilitated a port, a deep sea port on the country's

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<v Speaker 1>largest island, but one of its least inhabited. And you know,

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<v Speaker 1>analysts are from around the world look at look at

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<v Speaker 1>that project. Look at this now deep sea port that

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<v Speaker 1>reports have sean has the capacity to host an aircraft carrier.

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<v Speaker 1>They look at that project with a great degree of anxiety. Jonathan,

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<v Speaker 1>How have the region's economics changed. Is it a shift

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<v Speaker 1>in the contours of foreign aid traditionally dominated by Australia,

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<v Speaker 1>France and the US, or is there something else going

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<v Speaker 1>on here economically? Yeah, well, the economics of Pacific Islands,

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<v Speaker 1>of these smaller countries is quite unique. You know, most

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<v Speaker 1>of these countries are not going to follow a traditional

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<v Speaker 1>traditional economic development pathway just because of the small size

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<v Speaker 1>of most of these economies and just their remoteness to market.

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<v Speaker 1>So in the case of Vanuatu, Vanuatu is one of

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<v Speaker 1>the most tourist dependent economies in the world, but foreign

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<v Speaker 1>aid is always going to also going to be a

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<v Speaker 1>significant contributor to economic development and to the the economies

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<v Speaker 1>more broadly in these countries. So the fact that China

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<v Speaker 1>is injecting a lot of infrastructure into Vanuatu does have

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<v Speaker 1>an impact on on Vanuatu's economy, but it's not nearly

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<v Speaker 1>as important as the as the tourism markets that Vanawatu

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<v Speaker 1>benefits from, which are dominated by Australia and New Zealand,

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<v Speaker 1>and from cruise ships. So you know, well, the sport

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<v Speaker 1>that they have built is as sensibly to to increase

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<v Speaker 1>the amount of tourism arrivals. We haven't actually seen that eventuate.

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<v Speaker 1>But there is also another lends to look at this

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese lending through is that of the debt that Vanawata

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<v Speaker 1>is stacking up by taking on these loans, and that

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<v Speaker 1>debt profile gives China significant economic leverage over Vanawatta. How

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<v Speaker 1>they can use that leverage to their advantage is a

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<v Speaker 1>question I'm everyone is wondering. I'm not convinced that Vanawata

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<v Speaker 1>can really be brought through through this economic leverage. That

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<v Speaker 1>this is a country with with agency and you know,

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<v Speaker 1>their their foreign minister has come out recently after these

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<v Speaker 1>recent Saga has hit the press and said emphatically that

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<v Speaker 1>there is no way that they would let China develop

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<v Speaker 1>any sort of dual use military assets or any sort

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<v Speaker 1>of fixed base in Vanawatta. They just have no interest

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<v Speaker 1>in doing it. So just because China has this economic

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<v Speaker 1>leverage over Vanuata doesn't mean they're going to be able

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<v Speaker 1>to wield it as they might like in the future.

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<v Speaker 1>Jonathan talking about economic leverage from another point of view.

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<v Speaker 1>Here in Washington lately, we're spending a lot of time

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<v Speaker 1>writing and following what's going on between the US and

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<v Speaker 1>China over trade, with the potential for a trade war

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<v Speaker 1>looming high in a lot of people's minds, is there

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<v Speaker 1>any connection between how China might approach trade negotiations with

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<v Speaker 1>the United States or with other trading partners end China's

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<v Speaker 1>approach to influence in the South Pacific or just the

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<v Speaker 1>Greater Asia Pacific region. Well, yeah, that's a it's a

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<v Speaker 1>really interesting question, I guess. In the South Pacific, trade

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<v Speaker 1>is really insignificance component of the relationship or China's export

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<v Speaker 1>to a degree to these countries, but it's not at

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<v Speaker 1>all significant for China's trading profile so far. More important

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<v Speaker 1>I think for their engagement in the South Pacific is

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<v Speaker 1>to build political and formal influence in these countries, to

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<v Speaker 1>get support at the United Nations, to get our geopolitical support,

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<v Speaker 1>and too, yes, secure their support in the future. PUPN

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<v Speaker 1>New Guinea is a different story. Pup New guineas country

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<v Speaker 1>of eight ten million people that is rich in a

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<v Speaker 1>whole range of natural resources that China might be interested

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<v Speaker 1>in securing. But yeah, the trade component of this relationship

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<v Speaker 1>hasn't really eventuated in any significant degree at the moment.

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<v Speaker 1>China's engagement with Australia. A major component of that is

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<v Speaker 1>the trade relationship, and it has a significant influence on

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<v Speaker 1>the way in which we in Australia interacts with China,

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<v Speaker 1>and I guess it does shape the lens of the

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<v Speaker 1>way Australians are looking at China in the Pacific and

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<v Speaker 1>our immediate region because of just the challenges we're having

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<v Speaker 1>with our bilacteral relationship between Australia and China. There's been

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<v Speaker 1>some commentary that Britain wants to play a role enshoring

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<v Speaker 1>up the neighborhood. Jonathan, is this a joke? I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>Britain can't decide what its relations with France and Germany

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<v Speaker 1>should be, how can they give the South Pacific any

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<v Speaker 1>serious attention? Yeah, look, that's a great question. And I

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<v Speaker 1>think people have taken the announcements of Britain opening three

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<v Speaker 1>new diplomatic missions in the Pacific as a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>people have been heralding it as a potential game changer

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<v Speaker 1>or a Pacific pivot, and you know, I think that's

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<v Speaker 1>all nonsense. To be honest. First of all, the United

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<v Speaker 1>Kingdom has colonized half of the region, and to think

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<v Speaker 1>that they can come in and now act as as savior.

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<v Speaker 1>I think you know, we've seen how that story is

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<v Speaker 1>played out in the past. And just because they are

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<v Speaker 1>it is a post Brexit, UK is expanding its geopolitical

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<v Speaker 1>network again. It wants to establish itself more as a

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<v Speaker 1>global player. The South Pacific has been and will always

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<v Speaker 1>be on the fringe of geopolitical interest for the United Kingdom.

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<v Speaker 1>France has also committed to doing more in the South Pacific.

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<v Speaker 1>But if we are expecting them to really change the

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<v Speaker 1>landscape in any significant way, then um, I think we're

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<v Speaker 1>all going to be let down. The real owners should

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<v Speaker 1>be on the traditional powers that have been involved in

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<v Speaker 1>the Pacific for a long time, Australia, New Zealand, Japan

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<v Speaker 1>and the United States two look at the way in

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<v Speaker 1>which we're engaging with the Pacific and to really up

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<v Speaker 1>our game, to do more to maintain our positions as

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<v Speaker 1>being the partners of choice in the Pacific Islands region.

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<v Speaker 1>As the United States been alarmed at these developments at

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<v Speaker 1>all lately or or monitoring the situation in the South Pacific. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>so it's an interesting relationship between the United States and

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<v Speaker 1>Australia with regards to the Pacific Islands region, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>it's quite a unique one in that the United States

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<v Speaker 1>really does take a quite a hands off approach with

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<v Speaker 1>this part of the Pacific because they see Australia has

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<v Speaker 1>been a safe set of hands to be looking after

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<v Speaker 1>this part of the world, and they really do look

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<v Speaker 1>to us for guidance as to how they should be

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<v Speaker 1>engaging in this part of the world and in Banawatu

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<v Speaker 1>and other countries in the Pacific. So I'm sure there

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<v Speaker 1>have been some stern conversations between American and Australia about

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<v Speaker 1>as to what is going on in our immediate neighborhood

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<v Speaker 1>and asking whether Australia has dropped the ball here. But

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<v Speaker 1>I think the reality is that there was not much

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<v Speaker 1>Australia or the United States could have done to to

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<v Speaker 1>really curb the way in which China has been engaging

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<v Speaker 1>to this point. It would have or it would have

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<v Speaker 1>taken a very concerted effort, but we past that point

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<v Speaker 1>now and we have to work make sure we work

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<v Speaker 1>with China as much as possible to make sure what

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<v Speaker 1>they're doing in the region is beneficial to everyone. Jonathan,

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<v Speaker 1>You've done some work on labor mobility in the South Pacific.

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<v Speaker 1>What are the microeconomics of this issue. Have the internal

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<v Speaker 1>economies of these island states changed significantly and is that

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<v Speaker 1>playing a role here? Oh yeah, so later mobility is

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<v Speaker 1>going to be a critical component for economic development in

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of these countries, as Australia, New Zealand and

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<v Speaker 1>other Western nations. We go through labor shortages, particularly in

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<v Speaker 1>areas of the economy such as agriculture and horticulture and

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<v Speaker 1>the care industries, where there just aren't enough Australians to

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<v Speaker 1>fill these demand We should be looking more and more

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<v Speaker 1>to the Pacific to help fill our labor shortages, and

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<v Speaker 1>we have been doing that more in recent years that

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<v Speaker 1>we have seasonal worker programs where we bring Pacific Islanders

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<v Speaker 1>into Australian New Zealand who work in fruit picking and

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<v Speaker 1>the benefits speak for themselves. I mean, the average income

0:13:34.679 --> 0:13:39.120
<v Speaker 1>for these people increases by more than fourfold, and they

0:13:39.120 --> 0:13:42.439
<v Speaker 1>all want to come back, and they all are incredibly

0:13:42.440 --> 0:13:45.439
<v Speaker 1>happy with the scheme. And on the employer's side, increases

0:13:45.480 --> 0:13:49.079
<v Speaker 1>productivity of their employe, of their workforce by almost by

0:13:49.160 --> 0:13:51.959
<v Speaker 1>bringing these Pacific Islanders in. So it's really a win

0:13:52.000 --> 0:13:54.840
<v Speaker 1>win for everyone and it shows just how important labor

0:13:54.880 --> 0:13:57.640
<v Speaker 1>mobility will be as a component of economic development for

0:13:57.640 --> 0:14:00.280
<v Speaker 1>the Pacific in the future. Now as to how it's

0:14:00.360 --> 0:14:03.679
<v Speaker 1>changed the economies of these countries, it's not a one

0:14:03.720 --> 0:14:06.440
<v Speaker 1>size fits all. I mean, Tonga is a country that

0:14:06.520 --> 0:14:10.960
<v Speaker 1>has really lent into lab mobility in a big way.

0:14:11.080 --> 0:14:13.800
<v Speaker 1>And now I think that the last numbers I saw

0:14:13.840 --> 0:14:17.840
<v Speaker 1>with something like of the working age male population of

0:14:17.840 --> 0:14:21.320
<v Speaker 1>Tonga now every year work abroad and that is having

0:14:21.400 --> 0:14:25.200
<v Speaker 1>a significant impact on the domestic economy. And you know

0:14:25.240 --> 0:14:28.080
<v Speaker 1>that there's now labor shortages back in Tonga as a

0:14:28.080 --> 0:14:32.120
<v Speaker 1>result of so many workers going abroad. But when you

0:14:32.160 --> 0:14:35.160
<v Speaker 1>look to other countries like Solomon Islands pop in New Guinea,

0:14:35.200 --> 0:14:37.560
<v Speaker 1>where there is a much larger workforce waiting to and

0:14:37.600 --> 0:14:40.480
<v Speaker 1>ready to go, then you know you can still see

0:14:40.480 --> 0:14:44.200
<v Speaker 1>how the untapped potential of lab mobility in the Pacific.

0:14:44.320 --> 0:14:46.360
<v Speaker 1>It just we need to have a better balance of

0:14:46.400 --> 0:14:50.160
<v Speaker 1>where these workers are coming from, because I think having

0:14:50.800 --> 0:14:53.800
<v Speaker 1>that many workers from from Tonga every year is just

0:14:54.120 --> 0:14:57.360
<v Speaker 1>going to be unsustainable practice for the tongue and economy.

0:14:57.760 --> 0:15:01.760
<v Speaker 1>Go Tonga. On that note, Jonathan, thank you so much

0:15:01.800 --> 0:15:08.280
<v Speaker 1>for joining us. Thank you. Benchmark will be back next

0:15:08.320 --> 0:15:11.040
<v Speaker 1>week until then you can find us on the Bloomberg terminal,

0:15:11.040 --> 0:15:15.200
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<v Speaker 1>as app podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen. We love

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<v Speaker 1>also check us out on Twitter, follow me at Scott

0:15:28.440 --> 0:15:33.400
<v Speaker 1>Landman Dan You're at most Underscore ETA, and our guest

0:15:33.480 --> 0:15:38.240
<v Speaker 1>is at Jonathan Underscore p r y k E. Benchmark

0:15:38.320 --> 0:15:41.400
<v Speaker 1>is produced by tober Foreheads. The head of Bloomberg Podcasts

0:15:41.520 --> 0:15:45.040
<v Speaker 1>is Francesca lev Thanks for listening, See you next time.