WEBVTT - How Do the Three Branches of the U.S. Government Work (Or Not Work) Together?

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to Brainstuff, a production of iHeartRadio. Hey Brainstuff, Lauren Vogelbaum. Here.

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<v Speaker 1>If you're a person who is not a hardcore political junkie,

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<v Speaker 1>you may find yourself bewildered by how the three main

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<v Speaker 1>parts of the US government continually seem to be butting

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<v Speaker 1>heads instead of working together on solutions to the nation's problems.

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<v Speaker 1>But the government was structured in three parts for reasons.

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<v Speaker 1>The three branches are the executive branch, which includes the president,

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<v Speaker 1>their cabinet, and the agencies that they control. The legislative branch,

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<v Speaker 1>consisting of the two houses of Congress, which are the

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<v Speaker 1>House of Representatives and the Senate, and the judicial branch,

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<v Speaker 1>which includes the Supreme Court and all of the nation's

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<v Speaker 1>federal and state courts. In the abstract, here's how the

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<v Speaker 1>system sort of works. The President might press Congress to

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<v Speaker 1>pass legislation non sum issue that he made a campaign

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<v Speaker 1>promise to when act. After lots of arguing and finagling,

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<v Speaker 1>the legislators pass a bill, which sometimes turns out to

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<v Speaker 1>be very different from what the president asked for. If

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<v Speaker 1>he doesn't veto the bill, he may issue a signing

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<v Speaker 1>statement that spells out how the federal agencies that he

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<v Speaker 1>controls are going to enforce the law in a different

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<v Speaker 1>way than Congress intended. Then other executive branch employees draw

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<v Speaker 1>up regulations for how to enforce the law, and it

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<v Speaker 1>takes effect. Congressional committees may hold hearings to scrutinize what

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<v Speaker 1>the executive branch is doing, and to top it all off,

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<v Speaker 1>the US Supreme Court might step in and smack down

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<v Speaker 1>both the President and Congress by ruling that some part

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<v Speaker 1>of the law is unconstitutional, forcing them to essentially start over.

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<v Speaker 1>As wild as it may seem, that's how the nation's

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<v Speaker 1>founders actually intended the system to work, because they didn't

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<v Speaker 1>want any one part of the government to have too

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<v Speaker 1>much power. To that end, they filled the US Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>with checks and balances that each branch could impose upon

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<v Speaker 1>the others. The idea was that those three branches eventually

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<v Speaker 1>would hammer out compromises that everyone could live with. Of course,

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<v Speaker 1>the idea of having three branches of a government check

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<v Speaker 1>each other isn't an American invention. The founders, including James Madison,

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<v Speaker 1>the future president who was the lead author of the

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<v Speaker 1>US Constitution, were influenced by ideas all the way from antiquity,

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<v Speaker 1>like Aristotle's politics all the way through John Locke, the

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<v Speaker 1>late seventeenth century British philosopher, But the most prominent influence

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<v Speaker 1>may have been French philosopher Baron de Montenescu, author of

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<v Speaker 1>the seventeen forty eight treatise The Spirit of the Laws,

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<v Speaker 1>who described what should distinguish a self governing republic from

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<v Speaker 1>monarchies and despotic countries. The republican government, he believed, needed

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<v Speaker 1>to have and independent executive, legislative, and judicial branches in

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<v Speaker 1>order to prevent one another from abusing their various powers.

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<v Speaker 1>But the system devised by the founders, which is described

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<v Speaker 1>in Articles one, two, and three of the US Constitution,

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<v Speaker 1>wasn't quite as cotton dried as Montenescue's. Instead, they allowed

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<v Speaker 1>some overlap for the article. This episode is based on

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<v Speaker 1>How Stuffworks. Spoke via email back in twenty twenty with

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<v Speaker 1>Nicholas Mosvik, who at the time was a senior fellow

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<v Speaker 1>at the National Constitution Center, a museum and civil education

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<v Speaker 1>organization in Philadelphia. He said the easiest examples are in

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate and Article two. The Senate clearly holds executive

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<v Speaker 1>functions as they perform a role in advice and consent

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<v Speaker 1>for treaties, the appointment of judges and executive officers. The

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<v Speaker 1>president holds a veto power, which gives an a role

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<v Speaker 1>in legislation and the power to give advice to Congress,

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<v Speaker 1>but typically in the form of a state of the

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<v Speaker 1>Union and recommendations on legislation. To make things more complicated,

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<v Speaker 1>some of the president's powers aren't precisely spelled out in

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution. For example, both executive orders and signing statements

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<v Speaker 1>are more modern inventions derived from implied language in the Constitution.

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<v Speaker 1>The concept of how the three branches work together or

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<v Speaker 1>against each other has indeed evolved over the centuries as

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<v Speaker 1>new circumstances have presented new situations. For example, during the

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen thirties, all three branches of government were involved in

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<v Speaker 1>creating and delineating the boundaries of a number of administrative

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<v Speaker 1>bodies surrounding industrialization, the First World War, the Great Depression,

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<v Speaker 1>and the New Deal. There's a concept called the non

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<v Speaker 1>delegation doctrine that states that a branch of the government

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<v Speaker 1>can't delegate its powers to another group. But during that

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<v Speaker 1>time in the nineteen thirties, the government created a number

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<v Speaker 1>of national agencies, like the Food and Drug Administration and

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<v Speaker 1>the Securities and Exchange Commission to help monitor and regulate

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<v Speaker 1>the developing realities of our society. Amosfik said the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court was heavily involved in the nineteen thirties in determining

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<v Speaker 1>the boundaries of what we call delegation, the granting of

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<v Speaker 1>one branch's powers to an independent body or as part

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<v Speaker 1>of the executive branch. Some delegations were initially struck down

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<v Speaker 1>under the non delegation doctrine. Scholars debate whether or not

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<v Speaker 1>the non delegation doctrine flows from the understanding of the founders,

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<v Speaker 1>but the idea is simply that Congress cannot delegate its

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<v Speaker 1>core power from the vesting clause to make all laws

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<v Speaker 1>to another body, any more than it can grant non

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<v Speaker 1>Article three courts, Article three powers or jurisdiction. This, too,

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<v Speaker 1>is where recent questions about removal of directors of administrative

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<v Speaker 1>agencies by the President comes from. It too, is a

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<v Speaker 1>separation of powers question, but one that flows from modern

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<v Speaker 1>innovations that the founders could not entirely envision. However, the

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<v Speaker 1>checks and balances baked into the three branch system have

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<v Speaker 1>prevented abuses of power in modern situations. Houstuff Works also

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<v Speaker 1>spoke via email with Bruce Peabody, a professor of government

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<v Speaker 1>in politics at Fairleigh Dickinson University. He said one of

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<v Speaker 1>the classic examples is the push and pull associated with

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<v Speaker 1>the congressional investigation into the Nixon campaign's trespass and bugging

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<v Speaker 1>of the Watergate building and the Democratic National Committee's headquarters.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress rightfully investigated the president pushed back, claiming that the

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<v Speaker 1>White House recordings which implicated the president were covered under

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<v Speaker 1>the legal protection of executive privilege, and the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>helped navigate the dispute, ultimately ruling that the president did

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<v Speaker 1>have the unwritten constitutional power of the executive privilege, but

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<v Speaker 1>noting that it was not an unlimited power, and setting

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<v Speaker 1>out some of the rules for its use. In the

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<v Speaker 1>process of this dramatic example of checks and balances, each

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<v Speaker 1>branch arguably served its own political and institutional interests as

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<v Speaker 1>well as the nations, but the three branch system isn't

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<v Speaker 1>some machine that can just run on autopilot. In order

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<v Speaker 1>for the democracy to work, the people in the three

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<v Speaker 1>branches need to have personal qualities that go beyond the

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<v Speaker 1>architecture of the system. In recent years, we've seen the

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<v Speaker 1>system become less effective in working out conflicts and taking

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<v Speaker 1>effective action. The increasingly acrimonious stalemate over the nation's immigration

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<v Speaker 1>policy is a prime example. Peabody said, I would probably

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<v Speaker 1>attribute our logjam and chronic inaction most directly to hyperactive partisanship.

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<v Speaker 1>But yes, this development is tied up with a decline

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<v Speaker 1>in our belief in Republican virtue, a somewhat old fashioned

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<v Speaker 1>idea that our leaders should be expected to act for

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<v Speaker 1>the public good a not just personal interest, and that

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<v Speaker 1>they should achieve honor while serving in government. Political science

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<v Speaker 1>scholars have identified basic norms that are necessary for enabling

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<v Speaker 1>our government to function. One of those key principles, Peabody explains,

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<v Speaker 1>is mutual toleration. The idea of accepting your political opponents

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<v Speaker 1>is legitimate even if you've eminently disagree with them. The

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<v Speaker 1>keyword here is mutual, as all parties must act in

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<v Speaker 1>good faith in order for the system to work. Another

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<v Speaker 1>important ingredient is forbearance, which basically means that you self

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<v Speaker 1>impose limits on how far you'll go in using your

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<v Speaker 1>powers of government to advance your interests and those of

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<v Speaker 1>the political party to which you belong. Even outside of

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<v Speaker 1>our current circumstances, America's three branch system is highly susceptible

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<v Speaker 1>to developing imbalances, in part because the founders chose to

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<v Speaker 1>create a strong chief executive in the president. That leader

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<v Speaker 1>has brought authority and can't easily be removed from power

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<v Speaker 1>before their four years are up. In the UK, by contrast,

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<v Speaker 1>political conflict can lead to Parliament calling an early election

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<v Speaker 1>that can lead to the Prime Minister being kicked out

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<v Speaker 1>of power. To exacerbate this problem, over the years, we've

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<v Speaker 1>seen a gradual expansion of presidential power. Peabody said that

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<v Speaker 1>the US government has become increasingly president centric for a

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<v Speaker 1>variety of reasons, from changes in our media environment and

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<v Speaker 1>political campaigns that focus on candidates rather than ideas, to

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<v Speaker 1>the growth of what sometimes called the administrative state, that is,

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<v Speaker 1>the vast and permanent bureaucracy of executive branch agencies. Peaboddy

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<v Speaker 1>said this, combined with both parties post FDR success in

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<v Speaker 1>placing their candidates in the White House and the close

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<v Speaker 1>competitiveness of many presidential races, have made both Democrats and

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<v Speaker 1>Republicans complicit an increasing executive power. Both the Trump and

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<v Speaker 1>Obama administrations illustrate that we look to our chief executive

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<v Speaker 1>to solve problems and wheeled authority when Congress isn't able

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<v Speaker 1>to cooperate, lead, or assert itself. Taking immigration as an example,

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<v Speaker 1>after years of infighting in Congress, a President Obama in

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<v Speaker 1>twenty fourteen decided to issue an executive order deferring the

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<v Speaker 1>deportation of so called dreamers, meaning children who entered the

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<v Speaker 1>US illegally with their parents and grew up here. The

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<v Speaker 1>program is called the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival or DACA.

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<v Speaker 1>The constitutionality of Obama's executive order was challenged, but ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>upheld in a narrow five to four decision by the

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<v Speaker 1>US Supreme Court in June of twenty twenty. In the meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>Obama tried to expand DAKA, but then the Trump administration

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<v Speaker 1>canceled the expansion and tried to dismantle DACA altogether. Then

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<v Speaker 1>President Biden administered another executive order reinstating it. That order

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<v Speaker 1>has also been challenged and is now making its way

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<v Speaker 1>back up through the courts. But even so, the three

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<v Speaker 1>branch system has an amazing amount of resilience. The Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>still enables Congress and the courts to push back against

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<v Speaker 1>presidential power and vice versa. Congress has a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>what's called power of the purse, a meaning they can

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<v Speaker 1>direct or redirect policy through funding and when. In twenty

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<v Speaker 1>twenty four, the Supreme Court ruled the presidents have immunity

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<v Speaker 1>from crimes they commit during official actions. The Biden administration

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<v Speaker 1>called for a constitutional amendment preventing that immunity and suggested

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<v Speaker 1>term limits for Supreme Court justices. The system is certainly

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<v Speaker 1>strained in these our hyperpartisan times, but it seems to

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<v Speaker 1>still be plodding along. We hear it. Brainstuff encourage you

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<v Speaker 1>to do your part. Educate yourself on local issues and elections,

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<v Speaker 1>and vote in those between term times. Local and state

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<v Speaker 1>appointments can have a huge impact on our lives and

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<v Speaker 1>on policies going all the way up to national issues.

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<v Speaker 1>Today's episode is based on the article what are the

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<v Speaker 1>three branches of US Government and how do they work together?

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<v Speaker 1>On how Stuffworks dot Com? Written by Patrick J. Kaiger.

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<v Speaker 1>Brainstuff is production of iHeartRadio in partnership with how Stuffworks

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<v Speaker 1>dot Com and is produced by Tyler Klang. Four more

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<v Speaker 1>podcasts from my Heart Radio visit the iHeartRadio app, Apple podcasts,

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<v Speaker 1>or wherever you listen to your favorite shows.