WEBVTT - Turmoil at Justice Department Over Stone Sentencing

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grassoe from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>A stunning rebuke to the Justice Department, all four US

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<v Speaker 1>government prosecutors who backed a long prison stay for Trump,

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<v Speaker 1>ally Roger Stone, resigned from the case after senior Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Department officials intervened to recommend a more lenient sentence for Stone.

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<v Speaker 1>In a sentencing memo filed on Monday, prosecutors in the

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<v Speaker 1>Stone case recommended a sentence of seven to nine years

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<v Speaker 1>for his conviction for witness tampering, obstruction of justice, and

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<v Speaker 1>lying to Congress. At two a m. On Tuesday, President

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<v Speaker 1>Trump tweeted, quote, cannot allow this miscarriage of justice, and

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<v Speaker 1>by Tuesday afternoon, the Justice Department filed an amended sentencing memo,

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<v Speaker 1>calling the earlier recommendation excessive and unwarranted. A complete reversal.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course. President Trump denied being involved. No, I didn't

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<v Speaker 1>speak to the Justice. I'd be able to do it

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<v Speaker 1>if I wanted. I have the absolute right to do it.

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<v Speaker 1>I stay out of things to a degree that people

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't believe. But I didn't speak to him. I thought

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<v Speaker 1>the recommendation was ridiculous. I thought the whole prosecution was ridiculous,

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<v Speaker 1>joining me as former federal prosecutor Robert Mints a partner

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<v Speaker 1>mcarter in English. Have you ever seen an entire team

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<v Speaker 1>of prosecutors resigning due to interference from senior officials? I

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<v Speaker 1>think this is really unprecedented. In this case, there were

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<v Speaker 1>four prosecutors on the case, all career prosecutors, all withdrew

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<v Speaker 1>from the case, and one even one so far as

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<v Speaker 1>to resign the position from the Department of Justice. So

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<v Speaker 1>it really has created quite a stir and frankly, the

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<v Speaker 1>optics of this are just terrible for the Department of Justice. So, Bob,

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<v Speaker 1>the optics are bad, but just how bad. One of

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<v Speaker 1>the absolute bedrock principles of the justice system in our

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<v Speaker 1>country is the belief that every defendant will have their

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<v Speaker 1>fair day in court and that prosecutors will pursue cases

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<v Speaker 1>based upon whether or not they believe a crime has

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<v Speaker 1>been committed without any interference from any kind of political

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<v Speaker 1>outside influences. And what we've seen here is the situation where,

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<v Speaker 1>regardless of which side of this case you come down on,

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<v Speaker 1>the fact is that there is the appearance of outside

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<v Speaker 1>influence by the White House that has put pressure on

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice. Whether or not that's true, whether

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<v Speaker 1>or not the president's tweet occurred after the decision was made,

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<v Speaker 1>is really irrelevant. There's just an appearance here that this

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<v Speaker 1>case is being handled in some way outside of the

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<v Speaker 1>mainstream channels of the Department of Justice, and that decisions

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<v Speaker 1>are being made for reasons other than what is possibly

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<v Speaker 1>the strongest prosecutable case for the Department of Justice, and

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<v Speaker 1>that a recommendation for sentencing here is being made for

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<v Speaker 1>reasons other than what the law requires. So President Trump

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<v Speaker 1>said he didn't talk to anyone in the Department of Justice,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Department of Justice says the same thing. But

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<v Speaker 1>you're saying that it does and even matter if he

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<v Speaker 1>spoke to someone at the Department of Justice. Does it

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<v Speaker 1>matter if the Department of Justice was responding to perceived

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<v Speaker 1>pressure from his tweets at two in the morning on Tuesday,

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<v Speaker 1>after the filing was made on Monday, and then all

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<v Speaker 1>of a sudden, a new filing on Tuesday afternoon. Sure,

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<v Speaker 1>And that's exactly the problem here, is that if you

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<v Speaker 1>look at the sequence of the president's tweets and then

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<v Speaker 1>the recalling of the original recommendation on the second recommendation

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<v Speaker 1>being issued as to the sentencing in the Rider Stone case.

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<v Speaker 1>There's an appearance of outside influence here, and that goes

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<v Speaker 1>to the very heart of what people believe should be

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<v Speaker 1>the impartial administration of justice without any political outside influence.

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<v Speaker 1>You have to remember that the Stone case was one

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<v Speaker 1>of the most high profile criminal prosecutions arising from the

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<v Speaker 1>nearly two year investigation of Russian interference in the election

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<v Speaker 1>by the Special Counsel Robert Mueller. This was a case

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<v Speaker 1>that was politically charged from the very beginning. Mr Stone

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<v Speaker 1>was a longtime friend of Mr Trump and was convicted

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<v Speaker 1>last November for obstructing an inquiry by the House Intelligence

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<v Speaker 1>Committee into Russian interference in the twenty sixteen election. He

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<v Speaker 1>was convicted for lying to investigators under oats and for

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<v Speaker 1>trying to block the testimony of the witness who would

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<v Speaker 1>have exposed his lies. So this case always had a

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<v Speaker 1>political overlay, and to inject more politics into it right

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<v Speaker 1>in the eve of sentencing is something that has many

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<v Speaker 1>people very concerned. As a former prosecutor, how does a

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<v Speaker 1>sentencing recommendation work in a high profile case like this?

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<v Speaker 1>Would the line prosecutors have consulted senior officials in d

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<v Speaker 1>o J before making their initial recommendation of seven to

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<v Speaker 1>nine years. Yeah, and that's a great question because people

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<v Speaker 1>on the outside don't necessarily understand how these decisions are made.

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<v Speaker 1>So what happens here in most cases, and what happened

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<v Speaker 1>in this case, is that the line prosecutors, the prosecutors

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<v Speaker 1>who lived with the case night and day and know

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<v Speaker 1>actually prosecute the case through trial, make a recommendation as

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<v Speaker 1>to what they think is an appropriate sentence that has

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<v Speaker 1>to be approved up to the ranks of the U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney's office, and in this case, the U. S Attorney

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<v Speaker 1>in the District of Washington, d C approved the recommendation.

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<v Speaker 1>But in a very high profile case like this, it's

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<v Speaker 1>not at all uncommon for sentencing recommendations to be reviewed

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<v Speaker 1>by senior officials in main justice in Washington, d C. Here,

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<v Speaker 1>apparently there was no clear agreement between the line prosecutors

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<v Speaker 1>and those higher up the chain in Washington before this

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<v Speaker 1>initial sentencing memorandum was released. The line prosecutors clearly had

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<v Speaker 1>the approval of the U. S. Attorney, which is usually

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<v Speaker 1>the only approval you need for a final sentencing memorandum.

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<v Speaker 1>There was some consultation with Main Justice. Where exactly that

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<v Speaker 1>went off the rails, It's impossible to say at this point,

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<v Speaker 1>but the fact is that that sentencing memorandum was delivered

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<v Speaker 1>to the court, it was backed up by law and

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<v Speaker 1>facts and recommended a particular guideline sentence, and now the

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<v Speaker 1>Department Justice is walking it back in a way that

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<v Speaker 1>gives the appearance that there was outside political influence that

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<v Speaker 1>effected the decision. Now would the walk back have required

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<v Speaker 1>approval from a g bar, Well, it's hard to say.

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<v Speaker 1>You have to assume in a case like this that

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<v Speaker 1>the Attorney General would be paying close attention, particularly to

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<v Speaker 1>walk back a sentencing memorandum, in a case that is

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<v Speaker 1>as visible on high profile as this. We don't really

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<v Speaker 1>know what went on behind the scenes here, but the

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<v Speaker 1>key to this case really focused on the steps that

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<v Speaker 1>Roger Stone took during and after the trial. What prosecutors

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<v Speaker 1>believe was an attempt by Stone to interfere in the

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<v Speaker 1>administration of justice, and a lot of that had to

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<v Speaker 1>do with texts and emails that he was sending to

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<v Speaker 1>a critical witness where he made a death threat to

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<v Speaker 1>that witness. Now, what makes this case interesting is that

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<v Speaker 1>that witness Randy Cretico, actually submitted a letter to the

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<v Speaker 1>court saying he never believed that Roger Stone was threatening

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<v Speaker 1>him and he did not feel in danger, and in fact,

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<v Speaker 1>at the end of the day, he did testify against Stone.

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<v Speaker 1>And so there's a little ambiguity here as to whether

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<v Speaker 1>this threat really should have been treated as seriously as

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<v Speaker 1>prosecutors recommended. But that's a decision that really is hashed

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<v Speaker 1>out internally within the Department of Justice. And historically, when

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<v Speaker 1>a witness tries to interfere with a trial, threatens witnesses.

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<v Speaker 1>In this case, there was even an attempt to threaten

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<v Speaker 1>the judge through a social media posting. That type of

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<v Speaker 1>activity is usually treated very seriously and it's not unusual

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<v Speaker 1>to see a sentence get enhanced substantially for that kind

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<v Speaker 1>of conduct. The four prosecutors in their initial sentencing recommendation

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<v Speaker 1>cited some of the aggravating factors that you just mentioned,

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<v Speaker 1>also Stone disobeying the judges orders. So is the sentence

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<v Speaker 1>recommended of seven to nine years Is that a little aggressive? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>it's a judgment call if you view those threats as

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<v Speaker 1>actually impeding the trial, having threatened to witness, if you

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<v Speaker 1>believe that the social media postings in any way interfered

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<v Speaker 1>with the trial itself, and I think you have to

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<v Speaker 1>take that conduct very seriously. Obviously, the defense lawyers took

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<v Speaker 1>the opposite view, and they characterized the prosecution's arguments as overblown,

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<v Speaker 1>and they noted that while the witness, Mr. Cretico, who

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<v Speaker 1>was a New York radio host, refused to testify before

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<v Speaker 1>the House Intelligence Committee, he was later repeatedly interviewed by

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<v Speaker 1>the FBI and appeared before the grand jury and testified

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<v Speaker 1>against Mr Stone during the trial. So there are two

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<v Speaker 1>sides to the story as to whether or not these

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<v Speaker 1>threats were real, whether they actually impeded justice. But prosecutors

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<v Speaker 1>ultimately made a decision which was supported by the facts

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<v Speaker 1>and supported by the guidelines, that the seven to nine

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<v Speaker 1>years was a reasonable recommendation. The defense disagrees, and ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>will be up to the court to decide what sentences

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<v Speaker 1>handed down here. The government's the government's second memo on

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<v Speaker 1>sentencing is called the Supplemental and Amending Sentencing Memorandum, and

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<v Speaker 1>it says the prior filing quote does not accurately reflect

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice's position on what would be a

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<v Speaker 1>reasonable sentence in this matter. So how will the judge,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, determine which of these memos to follow, if any. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>it's important to realize that, first of all, the federal

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<v Speaker 1>sentencing guidelines, which give some general idea as to what

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<v Speaker 1>is sentencing range should be, are not mandatory and are

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<v Speaker 1>not binding on the court. Secondly, even what prosecutors recommend

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<v Speaker 1>is not something that is binding on the court. It's

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<v Speaker 1>just something that a judge will consider carefully in sentencing.

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<v Speaker 1>And the way that against obviously the defense position where

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<v Speaker 1>they will be arguing for a much lighter sentence in

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<v Speaker 1>this case, they're asking for for probation. At the end

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<v Speaker 1>of the day, it's up to the court. The court

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<v Speaker 1>will often sentence the defendant to less than what prosecutors

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<v Speaker 1>are asking for and more than the defense is seeking.

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<v Speaker 1>So in this case, Judge Amy Burman Jackson, who sat

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<v Speaker 1>through the entire trial and who observed Mr Stone and

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<v Speaker 1>is well aware of all of his conduct and all

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<v Speaker 1>of his attempts to arguably influence the trial through impermissible

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<v Speaker 1>ways through social media posting and through texts and emails

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<v Speaker 1>to this witness, she I believe has a very firm

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<v Speaker 1>understanding and in her own mind a belief as to

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<v Speaker 1>whether or not that conduct should be treated as harshly

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<v Speaker 1>as prosecutors initially recommended. So at the end of the day,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm not sure that any of this will really make

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<v Speaker 1>a difference as to what sentence will be handed down here.

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<v Speaker 1>I believe Judge Berman will make the decision based upon

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<v Speaker 1>the facts as she knows them, and she will ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>decide what she believed is a fair sentence under these circumstances.

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<v Speaker 1>You were talking about the optics of the situation, and

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<v Speaker 1>talking about optics, let's talk about former National Security Advisor

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<v Speaker 1>Michael Flynn, because prosecutors sought six months in prison, and

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<v Speaker 1>then a few weeks ago they backtracked on that and

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<v Speaker 1>said they would not oppose probation instead of prison time.

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<v Speaker 1>So putting that Mueller case together with the Stone Muller case,

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<v Speaker 1>what are the optics. Well, that's part of the problem

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<v Speaker 1>here is that the Stone case is not a standalone issue.

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<v Speaker 1>You've got the case of Flynn, where as you say,

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<v Speaker 1>they stepped back their position there as well, not as

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<v Speaker 1>dramatically as is being done here with Riser Stone. But

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<v Speaker 1>it's another example of how people on the outside may

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<v Speaker 1>look at this and believe that there's some political influence

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<v Speaker 1>that's going into these decisions that are being made by

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice. There's a lot of judgment that

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<v Speaker 1>goes into these decisions. It's wrong to think that these

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<v Speaker 1>are black and white decisions that you simply have to

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<v Speaker 1>take these facts and apply them to the federal sentencing

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<v Speaker 1>guidelines and you automatically add up to a sentence that

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<v Speaker 1>is clear and undisputed. That's really not the way it works.

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<v Speaker 1>There's a good amount of judgment that goes into applying

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<v Speaker 1>these sentencing guidelines to the facts of the case. And

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<v Speaker 1>at the end of the day, the guidelines are only advisory,

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<v Speaker 1>so it's ultimately up to the judge to decide what

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<v Speaker 1>to do. But what's important is that the decision, however

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<v Speaker 1>it is achieved, is one that is made for the

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<v Speaker 1>right reasons, particularly that it's not being made based upon

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<v Speaker 1>any outside political influence. The Justice Department is supposed to

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<v Speaker 1>operate independently of the White House in criminal investigations and

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<v Speaker 1>in prosecutions, but is that observed strictly in every presidential administration.

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<v Speaker 1>Former Attorney General Eric Holder faced complaints from Republicans that

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<v Speaker 1>he was too close to President Barack Obama. So how

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<v Speaker 1>strictly is that observed well, And that's exactly the tension

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<v Speaker 1>that you always see in the Department of Justice. The

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney General is obviously a political appointment. It's typically somebody

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<v Speaker 1>who is trusted by the president, and so there's always

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<v Speaker 1>a concern that not only the Attorney General, but those

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<v Speaker 1>that are surrounding the attorney general are political appointees and

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<v Speaker 1>could in some way influence the decisions made by the

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<v Speaker 1>Department of Justice. Most of the men and women who

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<v Speaker 1>serve in the Department of Justice are career prosecutors who

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<v Speaker 1>are not politically active, who don't involve themselves in politics

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<v Speaker 1>in any significant way. In fact, they're barred under the

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<v Speaker 1>law from doing so, and those are the ones who

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<v Speaker 1>make most of the decisions. But when you get these

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<v Speaker 1>very high profile cases, highly politically charged cases, those are

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<v Speaker 1>the types of cases that will ultimately make their way

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<v Speaker 1>up to the highest levels of the Department of Justice.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's when you have to be concerned that outside

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<v Speaker 1>political influences may infect decisions that are being made that

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<v Speaker 1>should be purely an impartial decision based upon the fair

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<v Speaker 1>administration of justice. Thanks Bob that's Robert Man's a partner.

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<v Speaker 1>McCarter in English.