WEBVTT - Ban on Noncompetes Tossed & Transgender Student Protections

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law, with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>A Texas judge struck down the FTC's ban on non

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<v Speaker 2>compete agreements before the ban even went into effect, blocking

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<v Speaker 2>the agency's effort to make labor markets more competitive. Non

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<v Speaker 2>Compete agreements have become increasingly common, with an estimated twenty

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<v Speaker 2>percent of workers that's about thirty million Americans subject to them.

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<v Speaker 2>Last January, President Joe Biden touted the FTC's overhaul of

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<v Speaker 2>the rules, saying non compete clauses are overused and often

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<v Speaker 2>make it unnecessarily difficult for average working Americans to get

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<v Speaker 2>better jobs.

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<v Speaker 3>That's another thing to say you're working for a subway

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<v Speaker 3>and you can't walk across the street and go to

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<v Speaker 3>Jimmy Johns and get a twenty cent raise. What tells

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<v Speaker 3>that all about others and keeping wages down?

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<v Speaker 2>But Texas Judge Ada Brown, a Trump appointee, said the

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<v Speaker 2>FTC lacked the authority to enact the non compete ban

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<v Speaker 2>and tossed it out. Joining me is William Kavasik, a

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<v Speaker 2>professor at GW Law School and the former chair of

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<v Speaker 2>the FTC.

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<v Speaker 4>The judge said.

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<v Speaker 2>In her twenty seven page ruling that the FTC's proposed

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<v Speaker 2>rule was arbitrary and capricious and would cause irreparable harm.

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<v Speaker 4>Can you tell us more about her decision?

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<v Speaker 1>Judge Brown had two grounds for suspending the implementation of

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<v Speaker 1>the rule vacating it. The first is the one you mentioned,

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<v Speaker 1>which is that the FDC lacked an adequate basis to

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<v Speaker 1>support the scope and the complete reach of the rule.

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<v Speaker 1>That is, the rule applies to a very broad range

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<v Speaker 1>of employment contracts. There are a couple of carbouts, but

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<v Speaker 1>the judge concluded that you lacked a sufficient evidentiary basis

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<v Speaker 1>to implement that rule, and therefore the rule itself as

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<v Speaker 1>arbitrary and caprecious. The second basis for rejecting the rule

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<v Speaker 1>is her conclusion that the FDC lacks the legal authority

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<v Speaker 1>to adopt rules involving competition policy. That is, substantive competition

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<v Speaker 1>rules are beyond the FDC's remit. This involved a fairly

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<v Speaker 1>elaborate and technical analysis the FDC's authority going back to

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen fourteen when Congress established the FDC Act and coming forward,

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<v Speaker 1>but her review of the original framework and its subsequent

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<v Speaker 1>evolution to the FTC simply lacks legal authority to adopt

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<v Speaker 1>and apply such a rule, so that on that basis

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<v Speaker 1>as well, the rule was suspended.

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<v Speaker 4>Do you agree with her reasoning.

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<v Speaker 1>On the second point. I do. It's always difficult to

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<v Speaker 1>decide when you have a good fit between the substantive

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<v Speaker 1>rule and the underlying basis. I think what's a matter

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<v Speaker 1>of concern is that, first, it's an extraordinarily broad rule

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<v Speaker 1>and unashamably it applies to the laws that have forty

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<v Speaker 1>eight states that currently allowed various forms of noncompete. It involves,

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<v Speaker 1>as the FTC emphasized, hundreds of billions of dollars of wages.

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<v Speaker 1>There are tremendous economic stakes here. This is very clearly

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<v Speaker 1>a major extension of the FDC's oversight role in labor

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<v Speaker 1>related agreements. You would think that for a measure of

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<v Speaker 1>that art you would have to have a fairly extensive

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<v Speaker 1>and careful review of the existing literature pro and con.

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<v Speaker 1>I would say, in many ways, the SEC took shortcuts

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<v Speaker 1>on that and tended to brush aside views that it

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<v Speaker 1>found to be incompatible with its policy preferences. And I

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<v Speaker 1>think that did create a real vulnerability with respect to

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<v Speaker 1>the arbitrary and capricious issue you argue about the FDC's

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<v Speaker 1>authority is ambiguous. There are certainly plausible arguments that the

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<v Speaker 1>FDC has the authority. My intuition is that given the

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<v Speaker 1>current direction of Supreme Court jurisprudence involving the grant of

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<v Speaker 1>authority to administrative agencies and the effort that administrative agencies

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<v Speaker 1>regulators to interpret their authority in a way to meet

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<v Speaker 1>new conditions and to stretch in some sense the application

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<v Speaker 1>of their authority, the current Supreme Court is skeptical about that.

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<v Speaker 1>The current Supreme Court says, if you want to do

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<v Speaker 1>bold thing and to apply the law in a broad way,

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<v Speaker 1>we want you to anchor that in a clear statement

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<v Speaker 1>of congressional purpose. That Congress to allow you to do

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<v Speaker 1>bold things has to say so. Clearly, the direction of

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<v Speaker 1>travel of this doctrine runs against the philosophy the interpretation

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<v Speaker 1>approach that the FDC is relying on. Here. Goodness knows

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<v Speaker 1>how the Supreme Court would ultimately evaluate the rule. I

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<v Speaker 1>haven't talked to them today, so I don't know exactly

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<v Speaker 1>what they'll do. But my inference from the current direction

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<v Speaker 1>of their jurisprudence and the attitude that's embedded in that

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<v Speaker 1>jurisprudence is that this rule would have a very difficult

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<v Speaker 1>time surviving review as it goes up to the court,

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<v Speaker 1>and that Judge Brown's ruling here is quite likely to

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<v Speaker 1>be sustained.

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<v Speaker 2>If the rule had been narrower, let's say it just

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<v Speaker 2>applied to low and middle income workers, I think that

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<v Speaker 2>it would have passed.

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<v Speaker 1>Mustard, I think June if it had been limited in

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<v Speaker 1>that way. If it had been limited to say, low

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<v Speaker 1>income workers who were engaged in applying skills that arguably

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<v Speaker 1>don't involve the special training and conveying of know how

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<v Speaker 1>that might take place in other settings. If it had

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<v Speaker 1>been tailored to that specific concern, I think the rule

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<v Speaker 1>would have had a better chance of sidestepping the arbitrarrian

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<v Speaker 1>capricious ruling that Judge Brown found here. It would still

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps run into the concern about whether the FDC has

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<v Speaker 1>the authority in the first place. That is, Judge Brown's

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<v Speaker 1>conclusion that the FDC lacks authority would mean that even

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<v Speaker 1>a narrower rule would not be permissible unless Congress would

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<v Speaker 1>have come back and clearly give the authority to do it.

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<v Speaker 1>But I think a narrower rule would have had a

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<v Speaker 1>stronger chance of surviving review in two respects. One is

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<v Speaker 1>that it would be less likely to be found arbitrary

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<v Speaker 1>and capricious, and the other is that there's another issue

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<v Speaker 1>looking in the background, where the Supreme Court recently has said,

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<v Speaker 1>if you purport to do path breaking economically significant things

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<v Speaker 1>by rule making, you have to point to specific grant

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<v Speaker 1>of legislative authority to do that. In other words, as

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<v Speaker 1>the Court is said, where your initiative raises major questions

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<v Speaker 1>about the operation of the economy, for example, you have

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<v Speaker 1>to be able to show more precisely that Congress intended

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<v Speaker 1>for you to address those major questions and to adopt

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<v Speaker 1>rules to treat them. That is the basis on which

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<v Speaker 1>yet another court in Florida, Federal Court in Florida issued

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<v Speaker 1>a preliminary injunction concerning the application of the rule. So

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<v Speaker 1>when we take all of these, I would say, skeptical

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<v Speaker 1>streams of jurisprudence, the FTC is traveling into a very

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<v Speaker 1>difficult storm, and that a narrower rule would have helped

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<v Speaker 1>avoid the arbitrary and capricious ruling. A narrower rule would

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<v Speaker 1>be less likely to raise concerns under the major question doctrine,

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<v Speaker 1>but even a narrower rule would run into the concern

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<v Speaker 1>that Judge Brown showed that the Commission just doesn't have

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<v Speaker 1>authority to issue any rules involving competition.

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<v Speaker 2>How about another agency doing this? The National Labor Relations

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<v Speaker 2>Board's top lawyer is moving ahead with an enforcement strategy

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<v Speaker 2>to make restrictive covenants illegal. General Counsel Jennifer Brusso says

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<v Speaker 2>such packs deny workers the ability to quit or change jobs,

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<v Speaker 2>which in turn interferes with exercising their organizing rights in

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<v Speaker 2>their current positions for fear of being fired and not

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<v Speaker 2>being able to obtain new employment. Do you think of

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<v Speaker 2>rule by the NLRB would survive.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm less familiar tune with the specific grant of authority

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<v Speaker 1>that the NLRB would be relying upon, certainly in the

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<v Speaker 1>application of its adjudication function, that is, in the prosecution

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<v Speaker 1>of individual cases, it would be less likely to run

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<v Speaker 1>into the question whether it has rule making authority, which

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<v Speaker 1>is the issue in the FTC proceeding. The question for

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<v Speaker 1>the NLRB would be in its law enforcement capacity. Has

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<v Speaker 1>it appropriately interpreted the mandate the Congress gave it, and

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<v Speaker 1>would reviewing courts conclude that its interpretation of its The

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<v Speaker 1>law enforcement mission encompasses the concerns that the NLRB Solicitor

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<v Speaker 1>General has raised about noncompete. So the NLRB might be

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<v Speaker 1>in a position to challenge these I don't know if

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<v Speaker 1>they mean to do it by rulemaking. And I would

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<v Speaker 1>add that the FDC does have authority to challenge individual

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<v Speaker 1>non compete agreements using its law enforcement mandate. It has

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<v Speaker 1>a law enforcement mandate to prohibit unfair deceptive acts or

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<v Speaker 1>practices or unfair methods of competition that involves case by

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<v Speaker 1>case adjudication to challenge specific arrangements. That authority is not

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<v Speaker 1>endangered in the challenges that are present in the federal

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<v Speaker 1>courts now, the FDC can continue to do that. That

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<v Speaker 1>has the disadvantage that you go step by step and

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<v Speaker 1>you don't have the capacity necessarily to adopt a broad

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<v Speaker 1>based prohibition that applies across the country and condemns all

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<v Speaker 1>of the arrangements. It's a more laborious way to get

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<v Speaker 1>to the final destination that you wish to achieve. That

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<v Speaker 1>task is still open to the FDC. That kind of

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<v Speaker 1>litigation I assume is open to the NRB. That case

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<v Speaker 1>by case litigation approach is available. The district judge decision,

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<v Speaker 1>and the FDC case deals with the effort in a

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<v Speaker 1>single rule to achieve what otherwise be attained through a

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<v Speaker 1>collection of cases over time.

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<v Speaker 4>How big a.

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<v Speaker 2>Blow do you think this is to the FTC.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's a significant blow. And when I look

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<v Speaker 1>at the whole span of the FTC's program since the

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<v Speaker 1>Biden administration began in twenty twenty one, I would characterize

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<v Speaker 1>this as the most significant initiative that they pursued. Most

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<v Speaker 1>significant measured by its purported economic impact, it's anticipated economic impact,

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<v Speaker 1>which is self described as being very broad, most significant

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<v Speaker 1>in terms of it's effort to move the doctrinal framework

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<v Speaker 1>of intervention outwards, the game acceptance through the idea that

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<v Speaker 1>the FTC has power to issue these competition rules and

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<v Speaker 1>include powerful prohibitions in them. And Third, symbolically, it is

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<v Speaker 1>held out as an example of the Biden FTC is

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<v Speaker 1>willing to take more risks, to be far more ambitious

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<v Speaker 1>than its predecessors are, and as such to bring a

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<v Speaker 1>new attitude toward the application of federal power to control commerce.

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<v Speaker 1>In all of these respects, I would say, in the

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<v Speaker 1>entire fleet of FDC initiatives, this is the flagship, and

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<v Speaker 1>if you are running a navy, you don't want your

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<v Speaker 1>flagship to be sunk.

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<v Speaker 2>In a statement, FTC spokesperson Victoria Graham said the agency

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<v Speaker 2>is seriously considering a potential appeal. Do you think they

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<v Speaker 2>should appeal this because it's going to the Fifth Circuit,

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<v Speaker 2>which is ultra conservative as a reputation for overturning Biden

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<v Speaker 2>administration rules, and then likely to the Supreme Court, where

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<v Speaker 2>you know, as you mentioned, I don't think they'll find

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<v Speaker 2>a receptive court.

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<v Speaker 1>I think they should. If I was guiding the strategy,

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<v Speaker 1>I would do it. One reason is that the FDC

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<v Speaker 1>has had some surprising success over the past year in

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<v Speaker 1>front of that very court. It was in the context

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<v Speaker 1>of a merger challenge to an acquisition by a Lumina

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<v Speaker 1>of the Grail Company. It was an appeal from an

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<v Speaker 1>FDC administrative decision, a law enforcement measure. The parties opposing

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<v Speaker 1>the FDC roise four distinct constitutional and administrative law challenges

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<v Speaker 1>to the FDC's authority in addition to challenging the FDC's

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<v Speaker 1>decision on the merits. I think that they thought that

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<v Speaker 1>had gone to exactly the forum that would be favorable

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<v Speaker 1>to them. They didn't quite get the panel that they

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<v Speaker 1>hoped for, but the panel they did get basically brushed

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<v Speaker 1>the side all of the administrative law and constitutional law challenges.

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<v Speaker 1>It upheld the FDC's decision, and in a sense, it

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<v Speaker 1>showed that EVE been in a very difficult litigation environment,

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<v Speaker 1>you can prevail, so it's not a hopeless pursuit. And

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<v Speaker 1>another reason I'd bring the case is it I think

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<v Speaker 1>it would demonstrate the conviction of the agency to take

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<v Speaker 1>on hard, difficult matters notwithstanding the possibility of failure in

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<v Speaker 1>the court. You're ultimately going to have to face a judiciary,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps ultimately the Supreme Court, that has raised issues with

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<v Speaker 1>this form of approach. My suggestion was have it out now,

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<v Speaker 1>get the appellate decision, take it up to the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court and say we need a basic decision about the

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<v Speaker 1>framework of FDC authority generally and about its application of

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<v Speaker 1>its abserdive authority in this instance. Let's not wait for

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<v Speaker 1>another case or another time. Let's bring it to a

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<v Speaker 1>head now, and if the result is adverse, we go

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<v Speaker 1>back to Congress and say, if you want us to

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<v Speaker 1>be active in this area, give us a clearer mandate

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<v Speaker 1>to do, so.

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<v Speaker 2>There are noncompetes. At state level. Four states have banned

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<v Speaker 2>nearly all non competes, and at least eleven more have

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<v Speaker 2>thresholds protecting lower income, middle income, hourly workers, etc. Do

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<v Speaker 2>you think we'll see more states trying to pass laws

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<v Speaker 2>about non competes.

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<v Speaker 1>I think we'll see an amendment of the legal framework.

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<v Speaker 1>And this is a respect in which the FDC's initiative,

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<v Speaker 1>despite the risks that I've been describing in the Sensus,

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<v Speaker 1>achieved real success. It has drawn broad attention within the

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<v Speaker 1>United States. So the issue of non compete it's catalyzed

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<v Speaker 1>reconsideration of the existing legal framework, which, with the exception

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<v Speaker 1>of a handful of states such as California, does not

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<v Speaker 1>prohibit these agreements or render them unenforceable. Most states allow

0:13:44.960 --> 0:13:48.200
<v Speaker 1>them to be evaluated by a reasonableness standard. The FDC's

0:13:48.240 --> 0:13:52.200
<v Speaker 1>initiative has inspired a new debate about whether or not

0:13:52.280 --> 0:13:55.520
<v Speaker 1>these kinds of restrictions are appropriate. So I think we're

0:13:55.559 --> 0:13:58.800
<v Speaker 1>going to see a rethink in many states that allow

0:13:58.920 --> 0:14:03.040
<v Speaker 1>these arrangements or a reasonableness standard, to rethink that approach,

0:14:03.440 --> 0:14:07.560
<v Speaker 1>perhaps to create presumptions against them, to apply prohibitions that

0:14:07.679 --> 0:14:11.880
<v Speaker 1>exist now on certain noncompete more broadly, so we could

0:14:11.880 --> 0:14:17.360
<v Speaker 1>see in the States a restoration of bolder enforcement and

0:14:17.440 --> 0:14:22.160
<v Speaker 1>scrutiny regarding noncompete, notwithstanding the result that comes from the

0:14:22.200 --> 0:14:25.800
<v Speaker 1>federal litigation itself. And I think you point to a

0:14:25.920 --> 0:14:29.600
<v Speaker 1>result that the FDC probably had in mind in taking

0:14:29.600 --> 0:14:32.360
<v Speaker 1>a very bold approach here, which was to change the

0:14:32.400 --> 0:14:36.160
<v Speaker 1>policy debate to bring about indirect effects, including in the

0:14:36.160 --> 0:14:39.560
<v Speaker 1>state government. And I suspect if we were to give

0:14:39.640 --> 0:14:43.080
<v Speaker 1>truth theorem to the leadership team at the FTC, the

0:14:43.120 --> 0:14:45.760
<v Speaker 1>FDC might stay. That is an important measure of success

0:14:45.800 --> 0:14:50.080
<v Speaker 1>by itself, and that made the entire effort worthwhile, even

0:14:50.120 --> 0:14:53.080
<v Speaker 1>if our own specific initiative is not successful.

0:14:53.560 --> 0:14:57.480
<v Speaker 2>I've been reading and you know some articles say management

0:14:57.600 --> 0:15:00.520
<v Speaker 2>is back in control. Now you know, this is a

0:15:00.640 --> 0:15:02.120
<v Speaker 2>huge win from management.

0:15:02.160 --> 0:15:03.440
<v Speaker 4>Do you agree with that.

0:15:03.880 --> 0:15:06.000
<v Speaker 1>I'm afraid that's a bit like saying that the match

0:15:06.080 --> 0:15:08.640
<v Speaker 1>is over when there are still many minutes left on

0:15:08.720 --> 0:15:13.680
<v Speaker 1>the clock. So there's a temporary reprieve, but there are still,

0:15:14.040 --> 0:15:17.640
<v Speaker 1>as Jimmy Cliff would say, many rivers to cross before

0:15:17.680 --> 0:15:20.720
<v Speaker 1>you get confidence that the status quo which allows many

0:15:20.760 --> 0:15:23.400
<v Speaker 1>of these arrangements stays in place. So it's way too

0:15:23.480 --> 0:15:27.680
<v Speaker 1>early to speak so confidently about things, especially because of

0:15:27.720 --> 0:15:31.400
<v Speaker 1>the point that we just mentioned. There are some limitations

0:15:31.440 --> 0:15:34.040
<v Speaker 1>on these agreements at the state level, and I think

0:15:34.080 --> 0:15:37.760
<v Speaker 1>the FTC initiative, even if it fails in the court,

0:15:38.360 --> 0:15:42.200
<v Speaker 1>it's set in motion a policy rethink that's going to

0:15:42.240 --> 0:15:45.600
<v Speaker 1>spill over through a number of jurisdictions. So I wouldn't

0:15:45.640 --> 0:15:49.800
<v Speaker 1>be comfortable in simply sitting back and the storm has passed,

0:15:50.000 --> 0:15:53.160
<v Speaker 1>the status quo prevails. I think that is not a

0:15:53.520 --> 0:15:56.720
<v Speaker 1>completely thoughtful understanding of what's taking place now.

0:15:57.040 --> 0:15:59.360
<v Speaker 2>As you say, a lot more to come. Thanks so much, Bill,

0:15:59.400 --> 0:16:03.160
<v Speaker 2>I really appreciate your insights. That's Professor William Kavasik of

0:16:03.280 --> 0:16:07.720
<v Speaker 2>GW Law School. A divided Supreme Court refused to bolster

0:16:07.800 --> 0:16:12.720
<v Speaker 2>the Biden administration's ability to extend protections against discrimination in

0:16:12.800 --> 0:16:17.760
<v Speaker 2>schools to transgender students nationwide in an unsigned order. The

0:16:18.000 --> 0:16:21.120
<v Speaker 2>Justice has left enforced two lower court orders that are

0:16:21.200 --> 0:16:25.840
<v Speaker 2>temporarily blocking a new Education Department rule in ten states.

0:16:26.320 --> 0:16:30.560
<v Speaker 2>Joining me is Chase Stradio, Deputy director for Transgender Justice

0:16:30.600 --> 0:16:34.360
<v Speaker 2>at the American Civil Liberties Union, tell us first about

0:16:34.400 --> 0:16:37.360
<v Speaker 2>the Education Department rule that's at issue here.

0:16:38.280 --> 0:16:44.960
<v Speaker 5>The federal law that prohibits tex discrimination in educational programs

0:16:44.960 --> 0:16:50.040
<v Speaker 5>that receive federal funding, and Title nine has regulations that

0:16:50.120 --> 0:16:53.920
<v Speaker 5>the Department of Education has promulgated over the years, and

0:16:53.960 --> 0:16:56.840
<v Speaker 5>the Biden administration, over the course of the last several years,

0:16:56.840 --> 0:17:01.480
<v Speaker 5>has been working on an extensive rule implementing provisions of

0:17:01.840 --> 0:17:05.280
<v Speaker 5>Title nine that were subject to notice in common and

0:17:05.800 --> 0:17:09.119
<v Speaker 5>we're set to go into effect on August first, and

0:17:09.480 --> 0:17:13.560
<v Speaker 5>we're talking about fifteen hundred pages that cover a lot

0:17:13.560 --> 0:17:17.359
<v Speaker 5>of different areas of issues related to sex discrimination. The

0:17:17.520 --> 0:17:19.679
<v Speaker 5>subject that has received the most attention that's been the

0:17:19.720 --> 0:17:25.240
<v Speaker 5>centerpiece of litigation over these regulations concerns transgender students and

0:17:25.520 --> 0:17:29.399
<v Speaker 5>protections for transgender students and educational settings. First at the

0:17:29.520 --> 0:17:32.400
<v Speaker 5>sort of definitional threshold level, whether or not Title nine

0:17:32.440 --> 0:17:37.639
<v Speaker 5>itself includes discrimination against people who are LGBTQ. And then specifically,

0:17:37.880 --> 0:17:40.199
<v Speaker 5>there are sort of two central provisions that have been

0:17:40.200 --> 0:17:46.040
<v Speaker 5>the subject of litigation. One concerns the inclusion of transgender

0:17:46.080 --> 0:17:51.040
<v Speaker 5>students in sex segregated spaces in most specifically restrooms, and

0:17:51.080 --> 0:17:56.000
<v Speaker 5>then the other concerns the interpretation of basically what is

0:17:56.040 --> 0:18:00.320
<v Speaker 5>a hostile environment harassment under titlemind and in particular, the

0:18:00.400 --> 0:18:03.280
<v Speaker 5>context has been the subject of most of this conversation

0:18:03.359 --> 0:18:06.239
<v Speaker 5>has to do with pronouns for trench under students. So

0:18:06.720 --> 0:18:09.960
<v Speaker 5>those are two, you know, very discrete areas that have

0:18:10.040 --> 0:18:13.400
<v Speaker 5>been the subject of litigation in a rule that covers,

0:18:13.480 --> 0:18:18.600
<v Speaker 5>you know, extensive areas of federal educational programming, including protections

0:18:18.600 --> 0:18:23.760
<v Speaker 5>for pregnant and receiving students, and other areas of interpretation

0:18:23.880 --> 0:18:27.040
<v Speaker 5>under Title nine. So that is the overall context that

0:18:27.200 --> 0:18:30.359
<v Speaker 5>we're dealing with when we're talking about the recents that

0:18:30.640 --> 0:18:33.359
<v Speaker 5>of cases that ultimately made their way up to the

0:18:33.400 --> 0:18:34.679
<v Speaker 5>Supreme Court shadow docket.

0:18:35.000 --> 0:18:40.480
<v Speaker 2>Federal trial judges in Kentucky and Louisiana issued orders temporary

0:18:40.600 --> 0:18:42.280
<v Speaker 2>blocking the rule in tense states.

0:18:42.280 --> 0:18:43.920
<v Speaker 4>So did they block the entire rule?

0:18:44.359 --> 0:18:48.000
<v Speaker 5>Yes, So there has been a number of different cases

0:18:48.040 --> 0:18:51.439
<v Speaker 5>proceeding through the federal courts and the appeal of courts

0:18:51.480 --> 0:18:54.600
<v Speaker 5>and the district courts. Coming out of three cases, one

0:18:54.640 --> 0:19:00.000
<v Speaker 5>in Kentucky and two consolidated in Louisiana enjoined the entire

0:19:00.040 --> 0:19:04.600
<v Speaker 5>higher Rule, not just the provisions related to the sex

0:19:04.640 --> 0:19:09.160
<v Speaker 5>separated spaces and the hostile environment harassment language that were

0:19:09.200 --> 0:19:13.200
<v Speaker 5>the actual subject of the litigation that was brought by

0:19:13.240 --> 0:19:16.200
<v Speaker 5>the various states and in some instances localities.

0:19:16.720 --> 0:19:19.880
<v Speaker 2>Was the reasoning of the two courts the same or similar?

0:19:20.000 --> 0:19:22.800
<v Speaker 2>Why did they issue this temporary injunction?

0:19:23.200 --> 0:19:25.479
<v Speaker 5>I think there's sort of two sets of questions about,

0:19:25.720 --> 0:19:28.280
<v Speaker 5>you know, why did they issue the induction? The first

0:19:28.320 --> 0:19:31.560
<v Speaker 5>is sort of on the merits. The argument as to

0:19:31.800 --> 0:19:35.480
<v Speaker 5>the provisions that the litigations focused on were that the

0:19:35.520 --> 0:19:40.199
<v Speaker 5>interpretation of the rules exceeded that the administration statutory authority

0:19:40.600 --> 0:19:44.359
<v Speaker 5>under Title nine, and that was the main substantive merits argument.

0:19:44.440 --> 0:19:50.159
<v Speaker 5>In essence, the protections that the statute affords from discrimination

0:19:50.280 --> 0:19:54.479
<v Speaker 5>based on sets did not include discrimination against transgender people,

0:19:54.800 --> 0:19:58.480
<v Speaker 5>and in particular not in these discrete ways. So those

0:19:58.480 --> 0:20:01.360
<v Speaker 5>were the merits questions, and courts held that they were

0:20:01.480 --> 0:20:05.159
<v Speaker 5>likely to succeed that the administration exceeded its authority in

0:20:05.200 --> 0:20:09.119
<v Speaker 5>promulgating these rules. Now, as to why the injunctions threat

0:20:09.280 --> 0:20:13.320
<v Speaker 5>so broadly, the argument there, I know it wasn't even

0:20:13.359 --> 0:20:17.720
<v Speaker 5>really advanced by the states themselves in litigating these claims,

0:20:17.800 --> 0:20:21.280
<v Speaker 5>was that the rest of the rule could not be

0:20:21.320 --> 0:20:25.600
<v Speaker 5>severed from the injury that they complained of with respect

0:20:25.640 --> 0:20:29.720
<v Speaker 5>to the provisions related to transtudents. That is the argument,

0:20:29.800 --> 0:20:33.199
<v Speaker 5>and that is the basis for the sweeping injunctions that

0:20:33.280 --> 0:20:37.120
<v Speaker 5>reach across all of the areas in which this Title

0:20:37.200 --> 0:20:41.280
<v Speaker 5>nine regulation covered, and like I said, including related to

0:20:41.920 --> 0:20:46.119
<v Speaker 5>general protections from discrimination for pregnant and breastleading students. And

0:20:46.160 --> 0:20:47.800
<v Speaker 5>so the vision from the court was that what they

0:20:47.800 --> 0:20:50.720
<v Speaker 5>couldn't sever the various provisions, and.

0:20:50.720 --> 0:20:54.600
<v Speaker 2>The Solicitor General had only asked the Court to allow

0:20:54.640 --> 0:20:58.879
<v Speaker 2>the other provisions to be enforced while the legal fight

0:20:59.280 --> 0:20:59.679
<v Speaker 2>goes on.

0:21:00.240 --> 0:21:01.119
<v Speaker 1>Yes, that's correct.

0:21:01.160 --> 0:21:05.199
<v Speaker 5>So there had been a motion for partial stay that

0:21:05.280 --> 0:21:09.160
<v Speaker 5>had been filed in the appeals courts in the sixth

0:21:09.280 --> 0:21:13.120
<v Speaker 5>and fifth Circuits, and the motion for the partial stay

0:21:13.560 --> 0:21:18.560
<v Speaker 5>was only seeking to stay the injunction with respect to

0:21:19.280 --> 0:21:25.280
<v Speaker 5>the provisions that did not concern the single sex facilities

0:21:25.320 --> 0:21:28.760
<v Speaker 5>in the hostile environment harassment, So in essence saying their

0:21:28.840 --> 0:21:32.720
<v Speaker 5>complaining of injuries with respect to these two discreete things,

0:21:33.119 --> 0:21:36.600
<v Speaker 5>we're not seeking to block the injunction with respect to those,

0:21:36.960 --> 0:21:40.560
<v Speaker 5>but it sleeps too broadly, and we are seeking relief

0:21:40.880 --> 0:21:47.399
<v Speaker 5>from this incredibly broad injunction that prevents us from implement

0:21:47.600 --> 0:21:51.560
<v Speaker 5>mening this critical rule protecting students and staff from sex

0:21:51.560 --> 0:21:55.119
<v Speaker 5>discrimination and education. So that was the stay they thought

0:21:55.119 --> 0:21:58.639
<v Speaker 5>from the lower federal appeals courts. Those were denied at

0:21:58.680 --> 0:22:01.520
<v Speaker 5>the appeals level, and then ultimately they went to the

0:22:01.560 --> 0:22:07.520
<v Speaker 5>Supreme Court seeking the same stay with respect to the

0:22:07.560 --> 0:22:10.959
<v Speaker 5>rest of the rule and not challenging the stay with

0:22:11.000 --> 0:22:14.080
<v Speaker 5>respect to the to the two provisions that I was mentioning,

0:22:14.080 --> 0:22:18.600
<v Speaker 5>the hostile environment and the single sex facilities. Now there

0:22:18.640 --> 0:22:21.200
<v Speaker 5>is some complicated piece to all this, which is that

0:22:21.400 --> 0:22:23.800
<v Speaker 5>it is in part complicated because of how the Supreme

0:22:23.800 --> 0:22:27.600
<v Speaker 5>Court ultimately does it. But there's a definitional provision at

0:22:27.640 --> 0:22:30.720
<v Speaker 5>the center of all this as well, and the SU's

0:22:30.800 --> 0:22:34.840
<v Speaker 5>office also thought a stay of the injunction with respect

0:22:34.880 --> 0:22:38.159
<v Speaker 5>to the definitional provision, and that definitional provision, you know,

0:22:38.440 --> 0:22:42.119
<v Speaker 5>in essence, the piece of the rule that defines what

0:22:42.359 --> 0:22:46.280
<v Speaker 5>is sex discrimination for purposes of Title nine and explains

0:22:46.320 --> 0:22:52.280
<v Speaker 5>that sex includes cender identity, sex, stereotyping, pregnancy status, and

0:22:52.320 --> 0:22:56.600
<v Speaker 5>this broad understanding of what it means to discriminate because

0:22:56.640 --> 0:22:59.720
<v Speaker 5>of sex Undercidle nine. So this definitional provision was also

0:22:59.760 --> 0:23:03.560
<v Speaker 5>at the center of the litigation. Even though the states

0:23:03.600 --> 0:23:06.040
<v Speaker 5>that brought the initial lawsuit never complained that they were

0:23:06.080 --> 0:23:09.040
<v Speaker 5>injured by the definitional provision, and if you think about

0:23:09.080 --> 0:23:13.199
<v Speaker 5>what that means in essence, the idea here would be well,

0:23:13.480 --> 0:23:17.719
<v Speaker 5>certainly after Boss Stock, which held that under Title seven,

0:23:18.000 --> 0:23:22.560
<v Speaker 5>sex discrimination includes a prohibsion on discrimination against LGBT people

0:23:23.160 --> 0:23:27.800
<v Speaker 5>in educational settings, a school couldn't say deny someone the

0:23:27.880 --> 0:23:31.640
<v Speaker 5>ability to be a graduation speaker simply because they're transgender.

0:23:31.800 --> 0:23:37.600
<v Speaker 5>There's general educational protections against discrimination for the community, and

0:23:38.000 --> 0:23:42.040
<v Speaker 5>that is distinct from the injuries being complained of with

0:23:42.119 --> 0:23:45.640
<v Speaker 5>respect to you know, in particular bathrooms and pronouns. And

0:23:45.760 --> 0:23:47.680
<v Speaker 5>so they did speak a stay with respect of the

0:23:47.720 --> 0:23:52.119
<v Speaker 5>definitional provision, but again that was denied at the Intermediate

0:23:52.200 --> 0:23:55.800
<v Speaker 5>appeals Court and then at the Supreme Court they thought

0:23:55.920 --> 0:23:59.640
<v Speaker 5>the partial stay of the sweeping injunction with the exception

0:23:59.760 --> 0:24:02.159
<v Speaker 5>of the two provisions that they did not seek of.

0:24:02.200 --> 0:24:05.600
<v Speaker 2>Stay coming up next. So what split the court five

0:24:05.680 --> 0:24:08.960
<v Speaker 2>to four? This is Bloomberg. So it was five to

0:24:09.000 --> 0:24:12.200
<v Speaker 2>four decision, but all nine members of the court agreed

0:24:12.280 --> 0:24:16.000
<v Speaker 2>that the parts of the rules that include the protections

0:24:16.040 --> 0:24:19.880
<v Speaker 2>for transgender students, you know, the definition of sex discrimination

0:24:20.000 --> 0:24:24.840
<v Speaker 2>including gender identity, and the restrictions on same sex spaces

0:24:25.160 --> 0:24:28.520
<v Speaker 2>shouldn't go into effect until the legal challenges are resolved.

0:24:28.880 --> 0:24:31.240
<v Speaker 2>But tell us why the majority the five in a

0:24:31.359 --> 0:24:34.800
<v Speaker 2>very very short opinion agreed with the lower courts.

0:24:35.359 --> 0:24:38.719
<v Speaker 5>So this is where things get complicated and pretty unfortunate.

0:24:38.800 --> 0:24:41.880
<v Speaker 5>And that is you know, again, this is all happening

0:24:42.119 --> 0:24:45.600
<v Speaker 5>on the shadow docket and the context of emergency relief,

0:24:45.680 --> 0:24:48.440
<v Speaker 5>without the benefit of full briefing and without the benefit

0:24:48.520 --> 0:24:52.240
<v Speaker 5>of oral argument in a procureum order that is, as

0:24:52.280 --> 0:24:54.280
<v Speaker 5>you know, two and a half pages and two and

0:24:54.320 --> 0:24:59.920
<v Speaker 5>a half pages addressing legal issues that are underlying hosts

0:25:00.119 --> 0:25:02.879
<v Speaker 5>of cases in the lower courts over many years, and

0:25:02.920 --> 0:25:06.720
<v Speaker 5>then a fifteen hundred page rule, and this cursory treatment

0:25:06.840 --> 0:25:09.720
<v Speaker 5>just shows that the hazards of the shadow docket and

0:25:10.160 --> 0:25:15.359
<v Speaker 5>how unfortunately imprecise it is. And then what happens with

0:25:15.680 --> 0:25:19.840
<v Speaker 5>critical pieces of federal administrative action, and then of course

0:25:19.840 --> 0:25:23.280
<v Speaker 5>the rights and responsibilities of individuals across the country, because

0:25:23.280 --> 0:25:24.920
<v Speaker 5>you have this two and a half page order which

0:25:24.960 --> 0:25:29.879
<v Speaker 5>in essence doesn't really say anything and in fact misconstrues

0:25:30.320 --> 0:25:36.080
<v Speaker 5>the United States's day application, in essence suggesting that they

0:25:36.240 --> 0:25:41.880
<v Speaker 5>have not sought relief from the injunction against the definitional provision,

0:25:41.920 --> 0:25:45.080
<v Speaker 5>and so they sort of just ignore that. And then

0:25:45.119 --> 0:25:47.800
<v Speaker 5>I think this is really important, and it is also unclear,

0:25:47.840 --> 0:25:50.520
<v Speaker 5>but that's how I'm interpreting it. And then the question is,

0:25:50.600 --> 0:25:54.080
<v Speaker 5>in essence, are they likely to succeed on the merits

0:25:54.119 --> 0:25:56.399
<v Speaker 5>meaning day of the United States, on the merits of

0:25:56.440 --> 0:26:03.080
<v Speaker 5>the claim that you can set the provisions that this

0:26:03.440 --> 0:26:05.760
<v Speaker 5>alleged injuries flow from from the rest of the rule,

0:26:05.920 --> 0:26:10.080
<v Speaker 5>And in essence, the procureum order says, no, they are

0:26:10.119 --> 0:26:12.639
<v Speaker 5>not likely to succeed on that claim, in essence that

0:26:12.680 --> 0:26:18.800
<v Speaker 5>they're all interconnected, in part because this definitional provision is

0:26:18.840 --> 0:26:21.120
<v Speaker 5>sort of at this center. But they don't in any

0:26:21.200 --> 0:26:25.359
<v Speaker 5>way contend with several of the arguments that the United

0:26:25.400 --> 0:26:29.399
<v Speaker 5>States has raised, and you know, somewhat curiously, and I

0:26:29.400 --> 0:26:33.960
<v Speaker 5>would say disingenuously, they suggest that the United States has

0:26:34.000 --> 0:26:37.080
<v Speaker 5>not explained how you can sever those things, even though

0:26:37.160 --> 0:26:40.240
<v Speaker 5>in their briefing they say, you know, so quite clearly

0:26:40.359 --> 0:26:44.480
<v Speaker 5>that an injury related to trans people using the bathroom

0:26:44.560 --> 0:26:48.640
<v Speaker 5>has no impact on the rest of the rule concerning

0:26:48.960 --> 0:26:52.560
<v Speaker 5>whether or not you could, for example, kick a breastfeeding

0:26:52.600 --> 0:26:56.280
<v Speaker 5>student out of school. And I think intuitively, any person

0:26:56.600 --> 0:27:00.919
<v Speaker 5>understands these to be discreet things, even when it comes to,

0:27:01.560 --> 0:27:06.119
<v Speaker 5>you know, the overall authority of the government to promulgate

0:27:06.160 --> 0:27:08.320
<v Speaker 5>these rules with respect to the meaning of Title nine.

0:27:08.640 --> 0:27:10.200
<v Speaker 5>So the majority of two and a half page order,

0:27:10.240 --> 0:27:13.840
<v Speaker 5>as far as I can tell, doesn't really take the

0:27:14.040 --> 0:27:17.720
<v Speaker 5>United States arguments at base value. It doesn't even seem

0:27:17.760 --> 0:27:20.840
<v Speaker 5>to contend with them as they were presented, and an

0:27:20.920 --> 0:27:24.240
<v Speaker 5>essence just suggests that these provisions rise and fall together.

0:27:24.520 --> 0:27:27.520
<v Speaker 2>Let's talk about the four in the minority or dissent,

0:27:27.760 --> 0:27:31.600
<v Speaker 2>which was the three Liberals and Justice Gorsuch. And they

0:27:31.640 --> 0:27:34.760
<v Speaker 2>at least wrote nine pages. What was their descent about?

0:27:35.520 --> 0:27:37.360
<v Speaker 5>Well, I mean, that's a great question. What was their

0:27:37.400 --> 0:27:41.199
<v Speaker 5>dis about? They wrote more, you know, in terms of

0:27:41.240 --> 0:27:46.480
<v Speaker 5>the number of pages, not much more, And they don't challenge,

0:27:46.840 --> 0:27:49.879
<v Speaker 5>first and foremost, they don't challenge the majorities in misrepresentation

0:27:50.000 --> 0:27:52.560
<v Speaker 5>of the United States position. So, in essence, we end

0:27:52.640 --> 0:27:57.119
<v Speaker 5>up with this very hard to follow, very cursory, you know,

0:27:57.320 --> 0:28:00.919
<v Speaker 5>order and dissent that does not to be responding to

0:28:01.000 --> 0:28:04.440
<v Speaker 5>what is actually presented before them. And so the descent

0:28:04.880 --> 0:28:09.679
<v Speaker 5>leaves unchallenged this idea that the United States has an

0:28:09.760 --> 0:28:14.840
<v Speaker 5>essence conceded to leave the definitional provision in place. So

0:28:14.880 --> 0:28:18.560
<v Speaker 5>that's a big problem because it sort of does not

0:28:18.800 --> 0:28:23.080
<v Speaker 5>get at sort of the fundamental question of their stay application,

0:28:23.400 --> 0:28:26.760
<v Speaker 5>which is that, you know, there's a huge amount of

0:28:26.760 --> 0:28:29.679
<v Speaker 5>harm flowing from this, and in fact, these provisions can

0:28:29.720 --> 0:28:32.880
<v Speaker 5>be severed from from one another, and here's how and

0:28:32.920 --> 0:28:36.600
<v Speaker 5>why not to mention, there is within the United States

0:28:36.760 --> 0:28:41.840
<v Speaker 5>stay application argument that the definitional provision is compelled by

0:28:41.960 --> 0:28:45.360
<v Speaker 5>boss stock. In other words, the Supreme Court has already

0:28:45.480 --> 0:28:49.560
<v Speaker 5>held that, you know, at least in Title seven, which

0:28:49.640 --> 0:28:52.920
<v Speaker 5>usually is interpreted to be the same with respect to

0:28:53.640 --> 0:28:56.800
<v Speaker 5>whether or not something is because of or based on sex,

0:28:57.320 --> 0:29:00.640
<v Speaker 5>has held that it is because of sex to discriminate

0:29:00.680 --> 0:29:05.040
<v Speaker 5>against someone because they are transgender. This seemingly obviously flows

0:29:05.080 --> 0:29:08.640
<v Speaker 5>from that. But there's a lot of confusion here because

0:29:08.680 --> 0:29:12.560
<v Speaker 5>it is not clear when the dissent says all nine

0:29:12.600 --> 0:29:17.840
<v Speaker 5>members of the Court agree that the respondents were entitled

0:29:17.880 --> 0:29:22.880
<v Speaker 5>to the underlying relief, what that refers to, and if

0:29:22.920 --> 0:29:26.440
<v Speaker 5>in fact all nine members of the Court agree on anything,

0:29:26.880 --> 0:29:30.600
<v Speaker 5>especially given the misrepresentation by the Perterium Order of what

0:29:30.640 --> 0:29:34.400
<v Speaker 5>the United States position actually was. And so I hesitate

0:29:34.760 --> 0:29:39.600
<v Speaker 5>to say what this means or or says, because it

0:29:39.680 --> 0:29:45.400
<v Speaker 5>seems unlikely that they meant the states were entitled to

0:29:46.320 --> 0:29:51.760
<v Speaker 5>relief on the merits that somehow, you know, Title nines

0:29:52.520 --> 0:29:57.120
<v Speaker 5>protections can't be interpreted into aclude LGBTQ students. I find

0:29:57.160 --> 0:30:02.680
<v Speaker 5>that to be very unlikely interpretation of what this very

0:30:02.720 --> 0:30:06.240
<v Speaker 5>curious sentence in is referring to. That said, it is

0:30:06.320 --> 0:30:10.719
<v Speaker 5>unclear and it is causing obviously a lot of confusion

0:30:11.200 --> 0:30:16.720
<v Speaker 5>among people who are trying to decipher this short but

0:30:17.000 --> 0:30:23.000
<v Speaker 5>impactful order. You know, my interpretation of it is in

0:30:23.120 --> 0:30:26.600
<v Speaker 5>essence that you know, as to the provisions first that

0:30:27.040 --> 0:30:31.360
<v Speaker 5>everyone has either agreed or has misrepresented that are not

0:30:31.800 --> 0:30:34.720
<v Speaker 5>being challenged with respect to a stay. So, in other words,

0:30:34.760 --> 0:30:39.080
<v Speaker 5>the provisions that the court has said, nobody is seeking

0:30:39.120 --> 0:30:42.360
<v Speaker 5>a stay of the injunction. As to those, my read

0:30:42.840 --> 0:30:47.560
<v Speaker 5>is they're saying, everyone agrees that the alleged injuries allow

0:30:47.680 --> 0:30:52.320
<v Speaker 5>them to receive injunctive relief as to those provisions, in

0:30:52.360 --> 0:30:56.640
<v Speaker 5>other words, that was a proper scope of remedy, not

0:30:56.720 --> 0:30:59.920
<v Speaker 5>necessarily that they were entitled to relief on the merrit.

0:31:00.960 --> 0:31:03.960
<v Speaker 2>Justice Corsetch wrote the boss Stock opinion, as you know,

0:31:04.480 --> 0:31:07.520
<v Speaker 2>and he sided with the liberals here, is it surprising

0:31:07.600 --> 0:31:10.800
<v Speaker 2>to you that the Chief Justice who joined in the

0:31:10.840 --> 0:31:15.000
<v Speaker 2>boss Stock majority opinion sided with the other conservatives here,

0:31:15.480 --> 0:31:16.960
<v Speaker 2>I mean, do you read anything into that?

0:31:17.680 --> 0:31:21.640
<v Speaker 5>Well, so again, I mean I'm not exactly sure, and

0:31:21.680 --> 0:31:26.360
<v Speaker 5>I hesitate to guess what any of them are suggesting

0:31:26.440 --> 0:31:29.080
<v Speaker 5>as to the underlying Merit's question, that is to say,

0:31:29.600 --> 0:31:34.880
<v Speaker 5>you know, whether or not Title nine can or must

0:31:34.960 --> 0:31:38.160
<v Speaker 5>be interpreted in such a way that includes prohibitions on

0:31:38.200 --> 0:31:42.840
<v Speaker 5>discrimination against LGBTQ people, because I think, and again coming

0:31:42.880 --> 0:31:46.720
<v Speaker 5>back to the extraordinary hazards of the shadow docket and

0:31:46.880 --> 0:31:50.800
<v Speaker 5>these emergency orders, it's very possible that everyone is just

0:31:50.880 --> 0:31:54.480
<v Speaker 5>laying in to one degree another on what is the appropriate,

0:31:54.720 --> 0:31:59.440
<v Speaker 5>you know, scope of the injunction visa the claimed injuries

0:31:59.640 --> 0:32:04.160
<v Speaker 5>that the States alleged in their initial filing. I recognize

0:32:04.160 --> 0:32:08.000
<v Speaker 5>that that is somewhat difficult to square with some aspects

0:32:08.040 --> 0:32:11.680
<v Speaker 5>of the order and the descent, but I also don't

0:32:11.680 --> 0:32:15.959
<v Speaker 5>think it's clear what everyone is referring to at various points.

0:32:16.000 --> 0:32:19.160
<v Speaker 5>So you know, in some sense, it is possible to

0:32:19.200 --> 0:32:22.520
<v Speaker 5>me that you have a procureum order that reflects a

0:32:22.600 --> 0:32:27.200
<v Speaker 5>subset of the justices saying two circuits have said these things,

0:32:27.360 --> 0:32:30.400
<v Speaker 5>multiple district courts have enjoined it. We are, in this

0:32:30.480 --> 0:32:33.160
<v Speaker 5>emergency posture going to let it stand. Do I think

0:32:33.160 --> 0:32:36.400
<v Speaker 5>that's a consistent position with what they've done in other cases? No,

0:32:37.040 --> 0:32:40.160
<v Speaker 5>But could that be what's happening here in a Friday

0:32:40.240 --> 0:32:43.440
<v Speaker 5>night order in August with very little reasoning. Maybe so,

0:32:43.720 --> 0:32:46.160
<v Speaker 5>I would say in terms of whether or not it

0:32:46.320 --> 0:32:49.040
<v Speaker 5>means that the Chief, you know, sort of has a

0:32:49.120 --> 0:32:54.040
<v Speaker 5>limited interpretation of Bostock's reach with respect to other statutory

0:32:54.080 --> 0:32:57.640
<v Speaker 5>and constitutional protections for trans people, I'm not willing to

0:32:57.880 --> 0:33:00.680
<v Speaker 5>sort of hazard a guess on that justice yet, but

0:33:00.920 --> 0:33:04.000
<v Speaker 5>I don't think either of these, the order or the descent,

0:33:04.280 --> 0:33:08.840
<v Speaker 5>are particularly encouraging endorsements of this Title nine rule. I

0:33:08.880 --> 0:33:12.320
<v Speaker 5>think it is deeply upsetting in terms of what it

0:33:12.400 --> 0:33:15.520
<v Speaker 5>means for people across the country, because we now have

0:33:15.680 --> 0:33:19.040
<v Speaker 5>a regulation that is in effect in some parts of

0:33:19.080 --> 0:33:23.280
<v Speaker 5>the country and not others, with some provisions you know,

0:33:23.800 --> 0:33:29.320
<v Speaker 5>enjoined to varying degrees depending on the circuit, and obviously

0:33:29.360 --> 0:33:33.719
<v Speaker 5>as an enforceability administrability matter, that is horrible for the

0:33:33.720 --> 0:33:37.080
<v Speaker 5>federal government, but it's also horrible for the individuals who

0:33:37.120 --> 0:33:40.479
<v Speaker 5>are trying to protect their rights Title Mine, and it's

0:33:40.520 --> 0:33:44.480
<v Speaker 5>also horrible for the entities that are, you know, trying

0:33:44.520 --> 0:33:46.960
<v Speaker 5>to comply with their obligations under Title.

0:33:46.800 --> 0:33:49.760
<v Speaker 2>Nind next term, the Supreme Court is going to take

0:33:49.840 --> 0:33:54.240
<v Speaker 2>up the issue of gender transition care in a Tennessee case.

0:33:54.640 --> 0:33:57.000
<v Speaker 4>Do you think that in that case.

0:33:56.760 --> 0:34:01.120
<v Speaker 2>The Court will actually decide the issue?

0:34:01.560 --> 0:34:04.800
<v Speaker 5>Well, so in scrimmati, which is the case that the

0:34:04.960 --> 0:34:07.440
<v Speaker 5>Court is going to be hearing this term, which which

0:34:07.480 --> 0:34:10.600
<v Speaker 5>comes from the United States petitions out of the prohibition

0:34:10.680 --> 0:34:14.319
<v Speaker 5>on medical care for transgender adolescence in Tennessee. You know,

0:34:14.360 --> 0:34:18.120
<v Speaker 5>the question is whether or not these laws that categorically

0:34:18.120 --> 0:34:22.719
<v Speaker 5>prohibit medical care for transgender minors violate the Constitution, And

0:34:22.800 --> 0:34:25.759
<v Speaker 5>so they will be answering, you know, sort of one

0:34:25.760 --> 0:34:28.960
<v Speaker 5>set of questions with respect to the ways in which

0:34:29.000 --> 0:34:33.280
<v Speaker 5>transgender people and particularly transgender youth have had their rights

0:34:33.320 --> 0:34:36.560
<v Speaker 5>attacked by state legislatures. And the question there is really

0:34:37.000 --> 0:34:40.680
<v Speaker 5>is it sex discrimination? Is it trans status discrimination? When

0:34:40.680 --> 0:34:44.440
<v Speaker 5>the government draws these lines based on gender transition and

0:34:44.480 --> 0:34:48.280
<v Speaker 5>categorically prohibits this medical treatment, this is a constitutional case.

0:34:48.320 --> 0:34:50.440
<v Speaker 5>I think the main question is really what level of

0:34:50.480 --> 0:34:54.480
<v Speaker 5>scrutiny is going to apply? And whether they resolve it

0:34:54.520 --> 0:34:57.160
<v Speaker 5>in such a way that answers other questions, whether they don't,

0:34:57.200 --> 0:34:59.879
<v Speaker 5>I think that is still very much up in the air.

0:35:00.120 --> 0:35:02.880
<v Speaker 5>I think whatever happens in Scrimmati, they're going to separately

0:35:02.920 --> 0:35:06.120
<v Speaker 5>have to contend with the Title nine regulations, because at

0:35:06.120 --> 0:35:08.920
<v Speaker 5>this point it seems that this is going to be

0:35:09.160 --> 0:35:12.440
<v Speaker 5>percolating in the lower courts and likely to end up

0:35:12.520 --> 0:35:15.240
<v Speaker 5>the Supreme Court. Of course, all of that is dependent

0:35:15.280 --> 0:35:18.960
<v Speaker 5>on what happens in the election, because these are rules

0:35:19.000 --> 0:35:22.960
<v Speaker 5>that are promulgated by the Biden administration's Department of Education.

0:35:23.120 --> 0:35:27.560
<v Speaker 5>If Trump wins the presidency, those rules will be rescinded

0:35:27.680 --> 0:35:29.839
<v Speaker 5>or they will no longer enforce them, and then they

0:35:29.840 --> 0:35:33.480
<v Speaker 5>will seek to promulgate new rules and probably have some

0:35:33.480 --> 0:35:36.279
<v Speaker 5>sort of temporary rule of rescinding the old ones. So

0:35:36.320 --> 0:35:38.560
<v Speaker 5>some of this all depends on what happens in the election.

0:35:39.160 --> 0:35:41.600
<v Speaker 5>And then with respect to the constitutional challenges to the

0:35:41.680 --> 0:35:45.239
<v Speaker 5>gender firming medical care bands for adolescents, the Supreme Court

0:35:45.280 --> 0:35:47.759
<v Speaker 5>is going to consider those. They are going to have

0:35:47.840 --> 0:35:52.160
<v Speaker 5>to contend with what is the nature of discrimination against

0:35:52.160 --> 0:35:55.319
<v Speaker 5>trans people and what is the reach of Bostock. And

0:35:55.360 --> 0:35:59.360
<v Speaker 5>then also because the states have argued that these cases

0:35:59.440 --> 0:36:04.240
<v Speaker 5>are governed by dobs. Also, what is the reach of dobs.

0:36:04.280 --> 0:36:08.320
<v Speaker 5>So there's a lot that's already up at the court imminently,

0:36:08.400 --> 0:36:11.680
<v Speaker 5>and I expect there will be more. And obviously trans

0:36:11.680 --> 0:36:15.239
<v Speaker 5>people and their families are are just trying to live

0:36:15.239 --> 0:36:15.880
<v Speaker 5>their lives.

0:36:16.440 --> 0:36:20.560
<v Speaker 2>Conservative states have passed a slew of laws aimed at

0:36:20.719 --> 0:36:26.800
<v Speaker 2>transgender youth, including restricting treatments like puberty blocking drugs, hormone therapy,

0:36:27.120 --> 0:36:33.040
<v Speaker 2>or surgeries for miners experiencing gender dysphoria, laws regulating bathroom use,

0:36:33.160 --> 0:36:38.320
<v Speaker 2>and pronouns. Which laws affecting transgender youths are the most

0:36:38.360 --> 0:36:40.560
<v Speaker 2>common in these states.

0:36:41.360 --> 0:36:44.680
<v Speaker 5>Just to give sort of temporal framework here, in twenty twenty,

0:36:45.120 --> 0:36:48.920
<v Speaker 5>no states had any of these laws, and now we're

0:36:49.040 --> 0:36:53.720
<v Speaker 5>in a situation where half the country, so about twenty

0:36:53.800 --> 0:36:58.200
<v Speaker 5>four states bans both medical care for transcender adolescents related

0:36:58.200 --> 0:37:01.320
<v Speaker 5>to gender transitions, as well as the inclusion of trans

0:37:01.360 --> 0:37:02.240
<v Speaker 5>girls and sports.

0:37:02.320 --> 0:37:03.480
<v Speaker 1>Those are the main.

0:37:03.480 --> 0:37:06.760
<v Speaker 5>Central pieces of legislation that have been passed in the

0:37:06.800 --> 0:37:10.560
<v Speaker 5>most Then, the bills that ban trans students from the

0:37:10.600 --> 0:37:13.880
<v Speaker 5>bathroom are you know, increasing in number, and there's you know,

0:37:14.080 --> 0:37:17.719
<v Speaker 5>sort of about ten or so states that ban or

0:37:17.760 --> 0:37:20.480
<v Speaker 5>restrict the ability of trans students to use the restroom

0:37:21.080 --> 0:37:24.480
<v Speaker 5>that aligns with who they are. Then there's you know,

0:37:24.520 --> 0:37:27.600
<v Speaker 5>a number of leather laws that aren't you know, increasing

0:37:27.719 --> 0:37:30.479
<v Speaker 5>that we're seeing, including you know, sort of the don't

0:37:30.480 --> 0:37:34.560
<v Speaker 5>say gay style laws, so restrictions on discussions of LGBTQ

0:37:34.719 --> 0:37:40.000
<v Speaker 5>people and content in schools. There's restrictions on the ability

0:37:40.239 --> 0:37:44.360
<v Speaker 5>of students and school staff to use pronouns that accord

0:37:44.400 --> 0:37:47.640
<v Speaker 5>with their gender identities. So those are sort of percolating

0:37:47.680 --> 0:37:51.560
<v Speaker 5>and expanding. But I would say the primary legal frameworks

0:37:51.640 --> 0:37:54.879
<v Speaker 5>or emphasism and states across the country over the last

0:37:54.880 --> 0:37:59.080
<v Speaker 5>three years has been banning medical care and inclusion in sports.

0:37:59.160 --> 0:38:04.480
<v Speaker 2>Unbelievable number of laws in just about three years. Thanks

0:38:04.520 --> 0:38:07.680
<v Speaker 2>so much for joining me today, Chase. That's Chase Strangio,

0:38:07.800 --> 0:38:12.000
<v Speaker 2>Deputy director for Transgender Justice at the ACLU. And that's

0:38:12.000 --> 0:38:14.960
<v Speaker 2>it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Podcast. Remember

0:38:15.000 --> 0:38:17.719
<v Speaker 2>you can always get the latest legal news by subscribing

0:38:17.760 --> 0:38:21.200
<v Speaker 2>and listening to the show on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and

0:38:21.320 --> 0:38:24.480
<v Speaker 2>at Bloomberg dot com slash podcast Slash Law.

0:38:24.800 --> 0:38:27.480
<v Speaker 4>I'm June Grosso and this is Bloomberg