WEBVTT - The Case for Quotas

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<v Speaker 1>Hi, I'm Carol Masser and I've Jason Kelly. It's time

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<v Speaker 1>for this week's cover story. Well, Carol, the whiteness of

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<v Speaker 1>America's C suites has always been glaring. That's right, Jason.

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<v Speaker 1>There have been just seventeen black CEOs in the Fortune

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<v Speaker 1>five hundred over the last two decades. Right now there

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<v Speaker 1>are just four. And as for boards, while they are

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<v Speaker 1>just about as white as they are male, as of

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<v Speaker 1>thirty seven percent don't have a single black director. The

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<v Speaker 1>word quote is well, it immediately raises eyebrows and some hackles.

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<v Speaker 1>But is it finally time for corporate America to consider

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<v Speaker 1>a more coercive power? After all, a recent law in

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<v Speaker 1>California that mandates female representation on boards of public companies

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<v Speaker 1>has resulted in meaningful gains, and as Rebecca Greenfield rights

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<v Speaker 1>in remarks, quota as well, they won't solve racism, and

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<v Speaker 1>they definitely invite lawsuits, as they have in California. But maybe,

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<v Speaker 1>as she writes, this is a debate worth having if

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<v Speaker 1>it helps force corporate diversity programs to shape up. The

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<v Speaker 1>case for quote is they've helped women. Can quotas help

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<v Speaker 1>change the racial makeup of C suites? And management by

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<v Speaker 1>Rebecca Greenfield. At a virtual panel moderated by Goldman Sachs

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<v Speaker 1>Chief executive officer David Solomon on the evening of June nine,

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<v Speaker 1>g Day's Island made a simple but pointed comment. We

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<v Speaker 1>better have more than four black CEOs of Fortune five companies,

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<v Speaker 1>said the boss of Tapestry, which owns coach Kate Spade

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<v Speaker 1>and Stuart Weitzman. And not in ten years, not in

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<v Speaker 1>fifteen years, but in the next year or two or three.

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<v Speaker 1>The whiteness of America's C suites has always been glaring,

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<v Speaker 1>but this call by Zeitland, one of the four current

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<v Speaker 1>African American corporate leaders and just seventeen over the last

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<v Speaker 1>two decades, is even more urgent against the backdrop of

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<v Speaker 1>massive protests over police brutality and entrenched racism. His plea

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<v Speaker 1>isn't likely to be heated, however, unless companies decide to

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<v Speaker 1>radically revamp their diversity playbooks. Over the past decade, organizations

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<v Speaker 1>of all stripes have spent billions of dollars trying to

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<v Speaker 1>get more members of underrepresented groups to the top highest

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<v Speaker 1>paying jobs. They have poured resources into hiring, retaining, and

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<v Speaker 1>promoting minorities and women, but for African Americans in particular,

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<v Speaker 1>these efforts have been feudal. There are fewer black CEOs

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<v Speaker 1>than five years ago, fewer black executives at some of

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<v Speaker 1>the biggest banks, and even fewer black coaches in the NFL.

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<v Speaker 1>The racial disparities are starkest at the top, but it

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't get much better further down the hierarchy. The organizational

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<v Speaker 1>chart at most mainstream organizations looks very similar to the

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<v Speaker 1>organizational charts of plantations, says Victor Ray, a sociologist of

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<v Speaker 1>race theory at the University of Iowa. Black folks are

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<v Speaker 1>at the bottom. It takes an almost utopian commitment to

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<v Speaker 1>achieve fair representation. The c suite and top management must

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<v Speaker 1>be dedicated to the issue, and it helps if many

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<v Speaker 1>of those people are already non white. Most companies are

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<v Speaker 1>nowhere near that. What's the next best thing? How about coercion, or,

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<v Speaker 1>to be more specific, quotas. The word immediately raises eyebrows

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<v Speaker 1>and hackles for some. It evokes a time when quotas

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<v Speaker 1>were used to limit non white and Jewish employment. Business

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<v Speaker 1>leaders who thrive on metrics to measure success become allergic

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<v Speaker 1>to them once they involve race. But it's worth bringing up.

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<v Speaker 1>As the Black Lives Matter protests get companies to reframe

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<v Speaker 1>their thinking. Almost every major company has put out a

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<v Speaker 1>statement condemning racism or racial inequality. Some have even made

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<v Speaker 1>policy changes. Cephoras signed a pledge to dedicate fifteen percent

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<v Speaker 1>of its shelf space to products from black owned businesses.

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<v Speaker 1>On June ninth, Adidas announced at least thirty percent of

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<v Speaker 1>new hires would be black or Latino. A good faith target,

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<v Speaker 1>not a quota, but that thinking needs to permeate entire

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<v Speaker 1>organizations to result in more black c e os or

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<v Speaker 1>even more black managers, says Robert Lieberman, a professor of

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<v Speaker 1>political science at Johns Hopkins University. Right now, companies have

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<v Speaker 1>these pretty deeply embedded structures that are geared toward diversity,

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<v Speaker 1>says Lieberman, who studies race based discrimination and policy. If

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<v Speaker 1>a diversity program is to become an instrument of racial

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<v Speaker 1>equity rather than an instrument of creating and sustaining diversity,

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<v Speaker 1>they're going to have to do something different. So why

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<v Speaker 1>not consider the coercive powers of quotas and perhaps the

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<v Speaker 1>most successful diversity push in recent years, California, passed a

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<v Speaker 1>law in twenty eighteen, requiring all public companies based in

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<v Speaker 1>the state to have at least one female director by

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<v Speaker 1>the end of At the close of one boards with

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<v Speaker 1>five directors must have at least two women, and those

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<v Speaker 1>with six or more have at least three. Failure to

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<v Speaker 1>comply costs a hundred thousand dollars the first year and

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<v Speaker 1>three times as much after that. The move was unpopular,

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<v Speaker 1>even with women, because it suggested hiring committees would have

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<v Speaker 1>to lower their standards a year after compliance began. That's

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<v Speaker 1>not what happened. Instead, opportunities opened for overlooked executives. There

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<v Speaker 1>was a perception when the law passed that there was

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<v Speaker 1>a limited pool of qualified candidates. Ane Lisa Barrett, a

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<v Speaker 1>governance expert at KPMG's Board Leadership Center, told Bloomberg News

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<v Speaker 1>in March it doesn't seem to have been the case.

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<v Speaker 1>Women accounted for almost half of new board seats in

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<v Speaker 1>the state last year, outpacing female hires for similar positions

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<v Speaker 1>in the rest of the country. There are judicial roadblocks,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, Since the Supreme Court weighed in on its

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<v Speaker 1>first affirmative action case in nineteen seventy eight, its limited

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<v Speaker 1>government use of numerical targets. In the ruling a university

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<v Speaker 1>admissions case, the court said an institution could use race

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<v Speaker 1>as a factor in its decisions, but that quotas went

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<v Speaker 1>too far. Meanwhile, California's law has faced multiple legal challenges.

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<v Speaker 1>Judicial Watch, a conservative activist group, called the requirement unconstitutional

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<v Speaker 1>in a lawsuit filed on behalf of taxpayers and a

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<v Speaker 1>shareholder of a California based company with an all male

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<v Speaker 1>board argued in a federal complaint that it's discriminatory. The

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<v Speaker 1>first case is ongoing, the second was dismissed in April.

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<v Speaker 1>While lawyers duke it out, California companies are moving ahead

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<v Speaker 1>with meeting their quotas. Even if the law is struck down,

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<v Speaker 1>the gains women have made will be in place. Boards

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<v Speaker 1>are just about as white as they are male. As

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<v Speaker 1>of twenty nineteen, thirty seven percent don't have a single

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<v Speaker 1>black director. Still, a law similar to Californias that would

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<v Speaker 1>address racial inequities is highly unlikely and would face much

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<v Speaker 1>stronger opposition than the gender quota law, says Michael Hyder,

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<v Speaker 1>chief diversity officer at Corn Ferry. There is an apprehension

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<v Speaker 1>among companies that if they are perceived as setting a

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<v Speaker 1>target for hiring for people of color, that the focus

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<v Speaker 1>will mean hiring less qualified candidates. Hyder says it's a familiar,

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<v Speaker 1>yet unfounded fear that is hilarious on so many levels,

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<v Speaker 1>says Kimberly Reyes, who spent years working as one of

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<v Speaker 1>a few black copywriters at various companies. Even without quotas,

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<v Speaker 1>people assume you were hired because you were black, and

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<v Speaker 1>once again see Reverence, California. If legislators won't act, shareholders

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<v Speaker 1>could State Street, Black rock and activist investors already pressure

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<v Speaker 1>companies to disclose the gender diversity of their boards. Those

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<v Speaker 1>campaigns have resulted largely in gains for white women. They

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<v Speaker 1>could shift their focus to black representations, says Natasha Lamb,

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<v Speaker 1>a managing partner at our Juna Capital, which pushes banks

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<v Speaker 1>and tech companies to disclose gender and racial pay gaps.

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<v Speaker 1>People bristle at the idea of racial quotas, Lamb says,

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<v Speaker 1>but they work. There need to be interventions, She says.

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<v Speaker 1>The protests are an intervention. Shareholders exercising their voice is

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<v Speaker 1>an intervention. Without intervention, nothing is going to change. Vanguard

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<v Speaker 1>says it had already planned a twenty twenty emphasis on

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<v Speaker 1>getting boards to disclose their racial and ethnic data. Black

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<v Speaker 1>Rock says it continues to be committed to pushing for

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<v Speaker 1>board diversity. State Street says it's committed to being part

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<v Speaker 1>of the solution. The boardroom is just one of many

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<v Speaker 1>white corners of the business world up and down the

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<v Speaker 1>corporate ladder. Strictly enforced targets could legally be used to

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<v Speaker 1>fix racial imbalances, says David Obenheimer, director of the Berkeley

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<v Speaker 1>Center on Comparative Equality and Anti Discrimination Law. Quotas can't

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<v Speaker 1>be used in perpetuity, he says, but they can be

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<v Speaker 1>put in place for a short period to correct a

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<v Speaker 1>manifest imbalance in workforce makeup. It's sort of like dieting,

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<v Speaker 1>says Oppenheimer. Sometimes you have to go on a severe

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<v Speaker 1>diet to lose some weight, and then hopefully you can

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<v Speaker 1>go on a maintenance diet where you can eat a

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<v Speaker 1>little bit more. That's the theory. One hopes it works

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<v Speaker 1>better than dieting. Why aren't more companies wielding the powers

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<v Speaker 1>of this blunt but useful tool in their commitment to diversity.

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<v Speaker 1>Quotas are always a bit of an issue, says Pam Jeffords,

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<v Speaker 1>A diversity and Inclusion consultant with p WC. Our goal

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<v Speaker 1>is to inspire people versus shame them. The consulting firm

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<v Speaker 1>for is to look at hiring rates instead. The idea,

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<v Speaker 1>she says, is to make sure companies aren't hiring any

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<v Speaker 1>specific demographic at a greater rate than another. Jeffords concedes

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<v Speaker 1>that alone won't change overall representation over time. What are

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<v Speaker 1>we really looking for. We don't want the numbers to

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<v Speaker 1>go down. There's been some decreasing in hiring rates for

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<v Speaker 1>black employees. Half measures rarely move anyone forward. Take the

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<v Speaker 1>Rooney Rule, named for Dan Rooney, former chairman of the

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<v Speaker 1>Diversity Committee of the NFL, which pioneered it. The two

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<v Speaker 1>thousand and three rule, widely adopted by Corporate America, requires

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<v Speaker 1>hiring managers include a diverse slate of candidates for a

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<v Speaker 1>given role. Since two thousand three, non whites have been

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<v Speaker 1>considered for open slots in head coaching positions at professional

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<v Speaker 1>football teams. There are just as few black coaches now

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<v Speaker 1>as there were then. In May, the league's owners all

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<v Speaker 1>but admitted the failure of the program when they met

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<v Speaker 1>to consider additional incentives for teams that hire non white coaches.

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<v Speaker 1>To be sure, quotas are limited in what they can achieve.

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<v Speaker 1>In Norway, where public companies must set aside forty percent

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<v Speaker 1>of board seats for women, they hold forty two percent

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<v Speaker 1>of those positions. But even with all those women in charge,

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<v Speaker 1>men still hold most of the executive power. Only seven

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<v Speaker 1>point seven percent of those companies have female chief executives.

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<v Speaker 1>In Malaysia, government policies giving preferential treatment to the ethnic

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<v Speaker 1>Malay majority have helped them move up the social and

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<v Speaker 1>economic ladder at the expense critics say of ethnic Chinese

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<v Speaker 1>and Indians. Quotas won't solve racism, As u S Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court Justice John Roberts said in a two thousand seven ruling,

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<v Speaker 1>the way to stop discrimination on the basis of race

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<v Speaker 1>is to stop discriminating on the basis of race. Sending

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<v Speaker 1>black people into a hostile environment isn't much better than

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<v Speaker 1>not hiring them at all. If you hire a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of black people and the culture is such that their

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<v Speaker 1>jobs are at risk, they will be undermined, says Nadia Owusu,

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<v Speaker 1>who does diversity and inclusion work at Living Cities, and

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<v Speaker 1>earlier this year, wrote a column for the online magazine

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<v Speaker 1>Catapult called hiring a chief diversity officer won't fix your

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<v Speaker 1>racist company culture. Indeed, the internal dynamics of corporations often

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<v Speaker 1>end up undermining the executives in charge of diversity, many

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<v Speaker 1>of whom are women of color. OWUSU says. Quotas also

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<v Speaker 1>invite lawsuits, as they have in California. Harvard's use of

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<v Speaker 1>race as a factor in deciding on admissions has been

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<v Speaker 1>called an evil of private prejudice and discriminatory by Edward Blum,

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<v Speaker 1>a legal activist who's brought multiple suits against universities, including Harvard,

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<v Speaker 1>for what he sees as biased admissions policies. The Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court has allowed institutions to consider race in hiring and

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<v Speaker 1>admissions as long as it's in an organization's interest. Affirmative

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<v Speaker 1>action was originally meant to counteract deeply ingrained prejudices. It

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<v Speaker 1>has traveled somewhat of a distance from that idea, says

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<v Speaker 1>Johns Hopkins Lieberman. It used to be a form of

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<v Speaker 1>reparations and compensatory justice, a form of payback for inequalities

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<v Speaker 1>that exist because of the u S history of slavery.

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<v Speaker 1>It also counteracts programs like legacy admissions that work as

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<v Speaker 1>affirmative action for white people. Through the decades, However, it's

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<v Speaker 1>become part of a mushier push for diversity. Racial justice

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<v Speaker 1>has been dropped in favor of a business case for

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<v Speaker 1>diversity of thought and experiences, says Lieberman. Indeed, while research

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<v Speaker 1>has confirmed the financial benefits of diverse teams, the profit

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<v Speaker 1>motive hasn't changed the face of corporate America. Many companies

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<v Speaker 1>still look for credentials Ivy League, Fortune Five internships, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>that perpetuate the status quo. A debate about quotas may

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<v Speaker 1>just force corporate diversity programs to shape up. Maybe thinking

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<v Speaker 1>about the issue as a matter of justice, not just money,

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<v Speaker 1>will make a difference. Diversity as the reason for affirmative

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<v Speaker 1>action is incredibly ah historical, says Reyes, a Fulbright scholar

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<v Speaker 1>who's written about Affirmative act and for The Atlantic. It

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<v Speaker 1>was initially supposed to be about writing wrongs or trying

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<v Speaker 1>to balance something lopsided without quotas. How exactly do you

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<v Speaker 1>change that? With Jeff Green, Donald Moore, Kim Boston, and

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<v Speaker 1>Michael Holter. And that's this week's remarks and the cover story.

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<v Speaker 1>Check out more stories in the magazine this week. It

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<v Speaker 1>is now on newsstands. It's on the Bloomberg and online

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<v Speaker 1>at Bloomberg dot com. I'm Carol Masser and I'm Jason Kelly.

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<v Speaker 1>Check out our daily Bloomberg Business Week show on the

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<v Speaker 1>radio two pm to six pm Wall Street Time, or

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<v Speaker 1>check us out via podcast This is Bloomberg. Bloomberg invest Global.

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<v Speaker 1>June through four, the biggest names in finance and investing

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<v Speaker 1>from Asia, the Middle East, Europe, Africa and the US

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<v Speaker 1>will convene in a live streaming event over the course

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<v Speaker 1>of three days. Speakers include US Treasury Secretary Steve Venusian

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<v Speaker 1>Central Bank of Egypt Governor Tara Gammer and Chairman of

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<v Speaker 1>Goldman sac Asset Management Shilla Fatel US sponsor Investco Europe

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<v Speaker 1>sponsor CMC Institutional at Least Africa sponsor Echo Bank. Register

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<v Speaker 1>at Bloomberg Live dot com.