Speaker 1: Welcome to the Buck Saxon Show. Everybody with me now,
Speaker 1: my friend David Reeboy. He is a fellow at the
Speaker 1: Claremont Institute. He also has a great substack, Late Republic Nonsense,
Speaker 1: but you can all subscribe to and if you want
Speaker 1: to know how to get gains in the gym, he's
Speaker 1: also an expert on that one. For those of you
Speaker 1: who are only listening and not seeing. If you're watching
Speaker 1: this on YouTube, you'll see exactly why. But mister Reeboy
Speaker 1: honored to have you on the program. Sir, what is
Speaker 1: it tell me about Late Republic nonsense? That's an interesting
Speaker 1: title for a substacker. Are we the Late Republic? And
Speaker 1: what kind of nonsense is going on?
Speaker 2: We are indeed the Late Republic? Thanks for having me on.
Speaker 2: It was a name that came to me because nothing
Speaker 2: else seemed even remotely as appropriate. I think, I mean,
Speaker 2: I thought for years that we're in the kind of
Speaker 2: late Republic period, and you know, when I started saying it,
Speaker 2: people thought I was crazy. But at this point I
Speaker 2: don't think there were be all that much pushback. And
Speaker 2: the nonsense part is like, these are the things that
Speaker 2: that happen when you start talking, you know, when when
Speaker 2: it seems like the form of government and uh and
Speaker 2: and the the the things that we used to take
Speaker 2: for granted, really about about our union, and about uh,
Speaker 2: you know, comedy and civility and and and the things
Speaker 2: that we all thought we agreed on or maybe haven't
Speaker 2: in in quite a long time. I mean, at some
Speaker 2: point it's going to reach it's you know, it's at
Speaker 2: some point it's it's going to reach the end. And
Speaker 2: I think that talking about it and talking about why
Speaker 2: these problems are are you know, maybe seem insurmountable is
Speaker 2: the only way that we can really face them and
Speaker 2: and and uh and do something about it.
Speaker 1: How did we get to this point? What happened? Because
Speaker 1: I do often talk to friends of mine, my peers
Speaker 1: about how it didn't seem like maybe everyone has nostalgia
Speaker 1: for the era of their youth, but it felt like
Speaker 1: in the nineties we were arguing over things, but we
Speaker 1: were arguing over things from roughly the same side of
Speaker 1: the world viewpoint. I can't really explain it better than
Speaker 1: it felt like we used to be arguing more over,
Speaker 1: you know, the tax code and things that didn't necessarily
Speaker 1: go to the heart of the republic itself and maybe
Speaker 1: undermine it, maybe kick at the load bearing walls of civilization.
Speaker 1: What happened?
Speaker 2: Right, well, I mean, that's that's that's a question that
Speaker 2: has about a million different possible answers going back as
Speaker 2: far as as you know you'd like to go back.
Speaker 2: There are people who say that the problem is ingrained
Speaker 2: in liberalism and the enlightenment itself. You know, it's it's uh,
Speaker 2: there is a there's a propensity for this stuff. Let's say,
Speaker 2: this openness to self destruct given enough time and and
Speaker 2: and you know, the passage of enough uh, you know,
Speaker 2: enough generations. I mean, I think trying to figure out
Speaker 2: where the problem started is almost pointless because we're not
Speaker 2: going to rewind, and we're not going to go back,
Speaker 2: and there's no time machine to go back into, uh
Speaker 2: and to necessarily fix it. But what we're dealing with
Speaker 2: is the fact that we have two completely different conceptions
Speaker 2: of justice. I mean, that's the that's the kind of
Speaker 2: the basis, is that we understand justice differently between left
Speaker 2: and right, and and that kind of has its expression
Speaker 2: in every possible conceivable issue.
Speaker 1: And I don't how do we conceive of justice and
Speaker 1: how do they conceive of justice, David Well, I.
Speaker 2: Mean, they conceive of justice as as as group justice,
Speaker 2: and we see it as a kind of individual thing.
Speaker 2: You know, if you or I did something, then you
Speaker 2: or I did something. We believe in the fact that
Speaker 2: justice is blind and you're judged on the things that
Speaker 2: you do, not necessarily on the things that you are,
Speaker 2: which is how Which is the other view of justice
Speaker 2: that the left has, which is you know, you know,
Speaker 2: we we call it collectivist, but you can call it
Speaker 2: anything you want. I mean, at the end of the day,
Speaker 2: it really matters to them if a perpetrator is black,
Speaker 2: or if he's white, or if he's this, or if
Speaker 2: he's that. You know, that is the thing that defined
Speaker 2: you know, the characteristics is the thing that defines, you know,
Speaker 2: the way justice necessarily is served. And that translates too
Speaker 2: to politics, you know. I mean you see, like you know,
Speaker 2: you've got you've got juries that in Washington, d C.
Speaker 2: Or in Chicago or in you York City that would
Speaker 2: convict a republic you know, that would put a Republican
Speaker 2: to death for jaywalking. Because it's such a kind of
Speaker 2: us versus them, you know, conception when it comes to
Speaker 2: when it comes to justice and that's something that's really significant. Now,
Speaker 2: that's not just something that you that you paper over.
Speaker 2: And here we are.
Speaker 1: When you talk about collectivists their collective sense of justice,
Speaker 1: why does somebody want to be a collectivist or where
Speaker 1: does this come from? Is it rooted in a sense
Speaker 1: of one's own insufficiency, weakness and the paranoia that comes
Speaker 1: from that, and therefore the desire to achieve stability and
Speaker 1: even power through attachment to a group identity instead of
Speaker 1: an individual identity. What it just seems to me, like,
Speaker 1: why would anyone want to be a collectivist?
Speaker 2: Yeah? I mean Thomas soul has about this in in
Speaker 2: kind of a very beautiful persuasive way. In in uh,
Speaker 2: I think it's the quest for cosmic justice where he
Speaker 2: basically splits up human nature into two different types of uh,
Speaker 2: you know, or let's say two where he splits people
Speaker 2: into two different types of you know, the way they
Speaker 2: deal with human nature. You know, one is fixed and
Speaker 2: one is non fixed. So we who are who are
Speaker 2: on the right, we say human nature is fixed. You know,
Speaker 2: people are going to be people from one civilization to
Speaker 2: the next. They're going to prioritize different things, but they're
Speaker 2: going to be essentially people, They're going to be motivated
Speaker 2: by the things that always motivate people, you know, whether
Speaker 2: it's you know, religion or honor or the fact that
Speaker 2: you know, we we we have a love of one's own,
Speaker 2: which goes back, you know, to the beginning of time.
Speaker 2: The the unfixed position on the other hand, which just
Speaker 2: you know, commonly we think of as left, they say, no,
Speaker 2: you know, it's actually humanity is a blank slate which
Speaker 2: comes from Rousseau, and we think that hey, we can
Speaker 2: you know, we can socialize people out of all of
Speaker 2: these horrible, bigoted, terrible ideas by getting them to you know,
Speaker 2: by doing whatever, and you know, raising them differently, educating
Speaker 2: them differently, you know, And you see this every day,
Speaker 2: and then you see see the left going crazy, for example,
Speaker 2: in Florida, where they can no longer necessarily have access
Speaker 2: to kids to talk to kids about you know, about
Speaker 2: sexual issues. They're going crazy because they know that that's
Speaker 2: their whole game.
Speaker 1: Yeah, well, what is that? I mean, the the ferocity
Speaker 1: with which the institutional left and the activists of the
Speaker 1: progressives and these are just all different words for democrats, right,
Speaker 1: These are all different flavors of a democrat. But the
Speaker 1: anger with which they approach the issue of stopping clearly
Speaker 1: inappropriate and pornographic books from being assigned or handed to
Speaker 1: grade school children, or even this this decision or this
Speaker 1: idea that somehow allowing a you know, forty year old
Speaker 1: man with a hairy chest to put on a wig,
Speaker 1: a bunch of makeup, fishnet stockings, and shake his butt
Speaker 1: in front of a room full of in many cases
Speaker 1: parents with their children, which is also a whole other component.
Speaker 1: When you say this is bad, they don't try to
Speaker 1: persuade you, right, David. They don't say no, no, this
Speaker 1: is a good thing, because they become ferociously angry, almost
Speaker 1: like a demonic rage surges. What's that way?
Speaker 2: In a way they have to be because oh, I'm
Speaker 2: forgetting who said it, but somebody made an observation years
Speaker 2: ago that was was excellent, which is that since the
Speaker 2: Civil rights struggle in America, or let's say, since the
Speaker 2: the left was victorious in the Civil rights struggle in America,
Speaker 2: everything became a civil rights struggle. And so now every
Speaker 2: issue is framed in terms of you know, in terms
Speaker 2: of uh, you know, self expression and liberties and and
Speaker 2: uh and you know, we talked about the next frontier
Speaker 2: of groups that are you know, that are marginalized, that
Speaker 2: are finally coming out of the shadows and and and
Speaker 2: you know getting you know, getting full and equal uh
Speaker 2: you know rights. And now we've gotten to the point
Speaker 2: where we're talking about pedophiles coming out of the shadows.
Speaker 2: We're talking about all kinds of weird, deviant, you know,
Speaker 2: kind of crazy sexual stuff. I think they get angry when.
Speaker 2: I think they get angry because at the end of
Speaker 2: the day, they kind of have to be you know,
Speaker 2: they there's a part of them that is human that
Speaker 2: says this is totally wrong, and they're trying to convince
Speaker 2: themselves with their furiosity that that they're on the side
Speaker 2: of the good and the and the you know, the
Speaker 2: good and the wholesome and and you know sort of
Speaker 2: on the side of of the angels and the right. Yeah,
Speaker 2: and so that's that's that's part of it. I mean.
Speaker 2: The other thing is that a lot of people have
Speaker 2: been shocked at how how comprehensively the left has folded
Speaker 2: on the issue, for example, of of you know, minor
Speaker 2: children being gender transitioned.
Speaker 1: You know, there is not I always say about this,
Speaker 1: David not interrupt you. But there is no such thing
Speaker 1: as a gender transition. I have to remind every I know,
Speaker 1: that's the terminology we're all supposed to use. There is
Speaker 1: no gender transition. There is gender destruction. You can destroy
Speaker 1: your genitalia, you can destroy your ability to have a
Speaker 1: normal you know, endocrine function and reproductive system. I'm sure
Speaker 1: you can destroy it. You cannot change it, though that
Speaker 1: doesn't actually work.
Speaker 2: Right, Yeah, but you know they will argue that there
Speaker 2: is biology, and then there is sort of the ineffable
Speaker 2: way you feel about your gender, which is your gender identity,
Speaker 2: and your gender idem has absolutely nothing to do with,
Speaker 2: you know, with with biological reality. And to say that
Speaker 2: it does is you know, some kind of terrible, horrible thing.
Speaker 1: I think they're amazing how the argument is is completely
Speaker 1: incoherent because they say that gender, the gender reality, has
Speaker 1: nothing to do with your sexual reality. Well, then why
Speaker 1: do we have to match the sexual reality of children
Speaker 1: to their gender identity? Right? They the connection, they disassociate it.
Speaker 1: They can create these additional categories. But then they also
Speaker 1: in insists that there is a connection that has to
Speaker 1: be changed. Right, what's the why not if we're just
Speaker 1: if we're just letting people be who they are, and
Speaker 1: it's about psychological affirmation, then why do you have to
Speaker 1: do the physical stuff and the other part of it.
Speaker 1: I always talk to people about it. With this stuff too,
Speaker 1: is no one actually thinks that these are women. Everybody
Speaker 1: who goes along with this, and we're talking generally here
Speaker 1: at about men, you know, biological men or boys who
Speaker 1: try to transition to female. They're not fooling anybody. And eventually,
Speaker 1: and even if they're able to fool some people in
Speaker 1: some situations, you know, from a distance or with makeup
Speaker 1: or with AI or whatever, eventually it becomes clear this
Speaker 1: is not actually a woman. So why do we go
Speaker 1: through this? But there's really something deeply corrupt in the
Speaker 1: soul of the left and the Democrat Party these days
Speaker 1: that I think this really exposed that. David. I want
Speaker 1: to come back to this in a second. I actually
Speaker 1: want to ask you speak of party politics. I know
Speaker 1: you're you're very you have a lot of ideas about
Speaker 1: the twenty twenty four election and where things should be
Speaker 1: and where things are right now. So I want to
Speaker 1: get into this. But first coming out this Tuesday, May
Speaker 1: twenty third, in the morning, please join me online for
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Speaker 1: nineteen eighty seven stock market crash on TV and then
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Speaker 1: New York posts back in the day said he makes
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Speaker 1: That's Disruption twenty twenty three dot com. All right, David,
Speaker 1: what do we have to know about how things are
Speaker 1: looking for the GOP in this now beginning of the
Speaker 1: twenty twenty four election cycle.
Speaker 2: Well, it's I mean, the basics are unchanged really for
Speaker 2: the last several months, which is that it's a race
Speaker 2: between Donald Trump and Florida Governor Ronda Santis. It's no
Speaker 2: secret that I support the governor. I was. I was
Speaker 2: a big Trump supporter for eight years, for four years
Speaker 2: during his during his term, and in twenty nineteen, when
Speaker 2: after I moved to Florida, I was shocked and very
Speaker 2: impressed with the way my Governor Ronda Santis was handling
Speaker 2: not only COVID but other issues that were important to
Speaker 2: the right as well. And I think he's a once
Speaker 2: in a generation or more leader because at the end
Speaker 2: of the day I talk about this thing, I say,
Speaker 2: you have to know what time it is, And that's
Speaker 2: kind of shorthand for understanding the moment that we're in,
Speaker 2: understanding that the fight necessarily cannot be won by simply
Speaker 2: being a Republican of yesteryear. I think the most important
Speaker 2: characteristic that we need to find, let's say, those of
Speaker 2: us on the right need to find in a leader
Speaker 2: is someone who's willing to aggressively and competently use state
Speaker 2: power against some of the institutions on the left and
Speaker 2: to try to rebalance, to try to rebalance the power
Speaker 2: relationships and to protect the American citizens. DeSantis is the
Speaker 2: only guy out there, frankly, that recognizes that the threats
Speaker 2: are not only coming from the government. They're coming from
Speaker 2: large corporations. They're coming from academia. They're coming from you know,
Speaker 2: from big tech, They're coming from medical boards, They're coming
Speaker 2: from all of these let's say, non governmental associations that
Speaker 2: nevertheless are wielding tremendous ideological power over us, and and
Speaker 2: that balance needs to be reshifted or else we all lose.
Speaker 2: I mean, what's the point here if if if Amazon
Speaker 2: can force us or you know, another big company can
Speaker 2: force us too to feel a certain way about politics,
Speaker 2: you know, and and and take on the left view,
Speaker 2: you know, I mean, who cares. Who's sitting in the
Speaker 2: oval office?
Speaker 1: They just great note, I think your I think your
Speaker 1: cord is touching your mic a little bit because we're
Speaker 1: getting some interference. And just watch your uh, watch your
Speaker 1: ear quard of that a little bit or it might
Speaker 1: just be the connection, but just watch the cord there.
Speaker 1: And I look on on onto the the reality of
Speaker 1: institutions platforms and and leveraging leveraging power. I've been shouting
Speaker 1: to everybody who will listen that the idea of the
Speaker 1: neutral space that the right had been obsessed with the
Speaker 1: Conservatism that I became familiar with in high school, college
Speaker 1: and afterwards, that we want a marketplace of ideas, but
Speaker 1: there are also areas where we want things to be
Speaker 1: non political. I think the right has woken up to
Speaker 1: a reality. And it's not just now, it's been about
Speaker 1: the last six or seven years in the making that
Speaker 1: if the other side thinks that they don't have to
Speaker 1: respect this so called neutral space because they can run
Speaker 1: the table on you, that's what they're going to do, right,
Speaker 1: So you have to have enough power to say, hey,
Speaker 1: are we're gonna be We're gonna be fair and neutral
Speaker 1: in this area or not, and if you're not, we
Speaker 1: can do something about it. If you're just appealing to
Speaker 1: the left sense of fair play, they'll just stomp your
Speaker 1: face in the mud and laugh at you. And I
Speaker 1: think the conservatives have finally gotten the memo on that
Speaker 1: a little bit.
Speaker 2: I think maybe I think we have out in you know,
Speaker 2: out out in the public, but uh, we have not
Speaker 2: had a champion like Rohn de Santis, who was sitting
Speaker 2: in power and actually has the ability to do some
Speaker 2: to do something about these things. I mean, it's one
Speaker 2: thing for us to say, you know, yes, we need
Speaker 2: to fight back against these uh, these these institutions. But
Speaker 2: it's another thing to have someone who also understands this
Speaker 2: and has the power to do so, and the inclination
Speaker 2: and frankly, the fearlessness with which to do it. He
Speaker 2: understands that value neutrality is nonsense in this day and age,
Speaker 2: you know, you can have which is you know, exactly
Speaker 2: kind of going to your point, there's that space in
Speaker 2: society that we kind of assumed was, you know, let's say,
Speaker 2: empty of political content. But now the left has filled
Speaker 2: that space with political content. There's nowhere you can go
Speaker 2: from advertising to uh, you know, to to anywhere else where.
Speaker 2: It's where like these left ideology has not kind of
Speaker 2: seeped in. And this is moral propaganda from every possible avenue.
Speaker 2: And at the end of the day, it's like it
Speaker 2: needs to be it needs to be stopped. And Governor
Speaker 2: DeSantis understands that, and he's willing to, uh, and he's
Speaker 2: willing to He's willing to fight it. Not only that,
Speaker 2: I mean what he did, for example with a new
Speaker 2: college up in Sarasota.
Speaker 1: Can I pause you with the college in Sarasoda. I
Speaker 1: want to come back to in a second, because this
Speaker 1: is the wielding of institutional power, the understanding of how
Speaker 1: to shift and shape institutions like universities and colleges. DeSantis,
Speaker 1: I think is somebody who will David Reboy is going
Speaker 1: to tell us in a second just how he was
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Speaker 1: my name. All right, David, what happened in Sarasota? What
Speaker 1: a governor of santists do to the university there or
Speaker 1: the college there?
Speaker 2: So there was a there was there is a university there.
Speaker 2: There was a small liberal arts school that the state
Speaker 2: was paying for. And rather than close it, you know,
Speaker 2: you had kind of, let's say, the old Republican point
Speaker 2: of view was, hey, this stuff costs money, and you know,
Speaker 2: maybe there are leftists there. Let's just close it down
Speaker 2: and walk away. But Desanta's was a lot smarter than that.
Speaker 2: He realized that, hey, why can't we use it for
Speaker 2: our purposes? And it sounds like such a little thing,
Speaker 2: but it's actually a revolution in terms of the way
Speaker 2: the right sees itself, the way the right sees its
Speaker 2: ability to exert power, and and really it's the way
Speaker 2: the right sees itself as being legitimate. And Desanta said,
Speaker 2: as a matter of fact, no, we're going to keep
Speaker 2: it open, but we're going to make sure that it becomes,
Speaker 2: you know it, that it stops teaching leftist insane dogma
Speaker 2: and goes and becomes let's say, the premier state run
Speaker 2: school for liberal arts and true education in kind of
Speaker 2: the old way, as opposed to NonStop leftist propaganda. And
Speaker 2: he went and he replaced you know, he replaced the
Speaker 2: director or whoever I mean on the staff that that
Speaker 2: put up some resistance to this. And now he's getting
Speaker 2: teachers who are coming in from all over the country
Speaker 2: and kind of wanting to do something like Hillsdale College
Speaker 2: in Florida, And this is going to be a thriving,
Speaker 2: wonderful school at some point when when when it really
Speaker 2: gets off the ground and they start doing this, And
Speaker 2: of course the left is going completely bonkers about this
Speaker 2: because they you know, DeSantis knows, and they know that
Speaker 2: DeSantis knows how important not just academia is to them.
Speaker 2: But the the the fact that for up until now,
Speaker 2: nobody's even been on the field when it comes to
Speaker 2: this stuff. So they're going crazy. They're freaking out because
Speaker 2: one school is not hard left and and we kind
Speaker 2: of we need more of that. And that's just I mean,
Speaker 2: that's one, you know, little tiny example. Disney is the
Speaker 2: big one that everyone talks about, but they're really a lot.
Speaker 2: And I think here in Florida, he has redefined what
Speaker 2: it means to have conservative governance. And he has done things.
Speaker 2: He's passed laws you know, I mean in this session
Speaker 2: alone that folks on the right have been wanting for,
Speaker 2: you know, for for ages we didn't need. We wrote
Speaker 2: them off as if we would never get them. And
Speaker 2: and what that does is it attracts more people on
Speaker 2: who are on the right to move to Florida. Number one.
Speaker 2: Number two is it's created such a kind of thrilling happiness.
Speaker 2: It's very hard to describe if you don't live here,
Speaker 2: and you know, everyone that you run into is kind
Speaker 2: of is happy to be here. Couldn't couldn't be more happy,
Speaker 2: and couldn't be more happy with the governor. Of course,
Speaker 2: there are some you know, discontents, but you have that malcontents,
Speaker 2: but you have that everywhere, and hopefully the campaign kind
Speaker 2: of getting back to that. Hopefully the campaign will will
Speaker 2: show everybody Florida and will show that you know that
Speaker 2: the Republicans all around the country want a piece of this,
Speaker 2: and I think they do.
Speaker 1: I ask you in a second, David, just about the
Speaker 1: I feel like there's a I don't know if you
Speaker 1: call a war on aesthetics, beauty and aspiration in this country.
Speaker 1: But if you've seen recently, it's not just recent. I
Speaker 1: mean it's been going on for years now. All the
Speaker 1: stuff about whether it's fat shaming or now Adidas has
Speaker 1: guys with hairy chests wearing women's bathing suits to try
Speaker 1: to sell. Like just it feels like something weird is happening.
Speaker 1: Where as a society, we're no longer allowed to have
Speaker 1: anything that is aspirational and beautiful, and you know it's
Speaker 1: everything is being torn down. I just kind of I
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Speaker 1: All right, David, you know what I mean. The War
Speaker 1: on aesthetics, the elevation of the ugly, the unhealthy, and
Speaker 1: the grotesque in our society, in our culture. What's that
Speaker 1: all about.
Speaker 2: Well, it's about dispiriting us, you know, at the end
Speaker 2: of the day. And I don't I don't necessarily think
Speaker 2: that this is a that this is an organized effort,
Speaker 2: that there's somebody in the back in a control room saying,
Speaker 2: you know what, let's give these people terribly ugly things.
Speaker 2: But I think they're has been a long war on
Speaker 2: on beauty kind of traditionally understood and and it's very
Speaker 2: let's say, it's very easy to hop on board that
Speaker 2: bandwagon and uh and and go for the destruction of beauty,
Speaker 2: you know, when you are yourself not beautiful or or
Speaker 2: you know, terribly ugly. I mean, it's a horrible thing
Speaker 2: to say, but I don't think, you know, I think
Speaker 2: we've all noticed how Antipha looks when they are arrested.
Speaker 2: I think we we all have an idea of of
Speaker 2: of the types of you know, the way that the
Speaker 2: folks look who show up on lips of TikTok videos,
Speaker 2: and you know, then these these folks are not happy.
Speaker 2: So so the question is do they try to destroy
Speaker 2: beauty because they are not happy, or are they not
Speaker 2: happy because they are not beautiful and they want to
Speaker 2: destroy beauty. I mean, it's it's it's kind of chicken
Speaker 2: and an egg thing. But I think you're right to
Speaker 2: notice that it's absolutely going on. We see it kind
Speaker 2: of in in every place. I mean, from music to
Speaker 2: cinema to art to everything that that is all around us.
Speaker 2: I mean, even the way even the way you see
Speaker 2: colors you know, put together in in ads or things
Speaker 2: like that. It's not the way things you know, it's
Speaker 2: it's it's kind of meant to unsettle in a way.
Speaker 2: And and the kind of weird biolininist psycho sexual gender
Speaker 2: thing kind of you know, feeds into that. And I
Speaker 2: think most people who are normal kind of you know,
Speaker 2: turn around and they look at this and they think
Speaker 2: this is awful weird. One of the nice things is
Speaker 2: I have a I have a nephew who's who's fifteen,
Speaker 2: and he is kind of thankfully immune to a lot
Speaker 2: of the woke stuff, and he just tells me about
Speaker 2: his experiences in high school surrounded by this insanity. And
Speaker 2: his parents are not very political, and so he kind
Speaker 2: of came to realize that these things were insane on
Speaker 2: his own, which gives me a lot of hope, you know.
Speaker 2: I mean, here's a here's a young kid who just
Speaker 2: looks around and said, you know, these people are obviously insane.
Speaker 2: And I said to him, why do you think that
Speaker 2: you kind of had the antibodies to fight off this disease?
Speaker 2: And he's like, oh, it's simple because I play football,
Speaker 2: because you know, for a couple hours every day, I
Speaker 2: put the phone down and I do something real and
Speaker 2: I do something physical, and you know, and I can't
Speaker 2: talk my way out of it. I can't not show up,
Speaker 2: you know. If it's the same thing with the gym,
Speaker 2: I mean, and it's you know, folks who folks who
Speaker 2: lift are almost always right wing. Why because you know,
Speaker 2: you can't talk your way out of it. Either you
Speaker 2: did the thing or you didn't do the thing. And
Speaker 2: and that world of the real is really important. It's
Speaker 2: really important to maintain because what a lot of people
Speaker 2: want and the way things are going. If you look
Speaker 2: at you know, you look at AI, you look at
Speaker 2: social media. I think a lot of folks out there
Speaker 2: are desirous of a world that exists, you know, electronically
Speaker 2: and that's it, and we're and we're not you know,
Speaker 2: we're no longer interacting in the real world. We're just
Speaker 2: you know, we're sending messages to one another. We're no
Speaker 2: longer talking on the phone. Instead, we're just texting each
Speaker 2: other all day.
Speaker 1: The mat is feeling very real these days, right, So, so.
Speaker 2: The most important thing now is to have at least
Speaker 2: one or two or maybe more real things that you
Speaker 2: have in your life that connect you with reality.
Speaker 1: I was going to a point of optimism to close on, David,
Speaker 1: but we can leave it with that one, which is
Speaker 1: that doing real stuff and operating in the real world
Speaker 1: and setting aside time in your day every day to
Speaker 1: think about whether it's at the gym or just you know,
Speaker 1: reading good and real books and going for walks outside
Speaker 1: in the sunshine or in the snow or wherever you are.
Speaker 1: That can affect the way you view the world and
Speaker 1: also puts the as you put it, the antibody's in
Speaker 1: place to fight against the woke mind virus that is
Speaker 1: out there. David reboy, everybody go check out his substack
Speaker 1: Late Republic nonsense. David, my friend, always appreciate you hanging out.
Speaker 1: Thanks so much, it's my pleasure.
Speaker 2: See us soon.