WEBVTT - Trump Jeopardizes Union Gains & SCOTUS Flips

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>During Joe Biden's presidency, workers have racked up victories with

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<v Speaker 1>historic union contracts with the Big three automakers Hollywood Studios,

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<v Speaker 1>UPS and Boeing, and unions freshly established at Apple, Amazon, Microsoft, Chipotle,

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<v Speaker 1>and Starbucks. Biden's appointees have issued rules such as eliminating

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<v Speaker 1>non compete agreements and making more workers eligible for overtime.

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<v Speaker 1>Whatever the details, a second Trump presidency is expected to

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<v Speaker 1>negatively impact American labor and favor corporate America, flying back

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<v Speaker 1>much of the leverage that workers have gained in the

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<v Speaker 1>last four years. Witness an August twelfth interview on X

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<v Speaker 1>where Trump praised Elon Musk for threatening to fire striking workers.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, I look at what you do.

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<v Speaker 2>You want to quit?

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<v Speaker 1>They go on strike.

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<v Speaker 2>I won't mention the name of the company, but they

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<v Speaker 2>go on strike and use it.

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<v Speaker 1>That's okay.

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<v Speaker 3>You're all gone.

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<v Speaker 1>You're all gone.

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<v Speaker 3>So every one of you is gone, and you are

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<v Speaker 3>the greatest.

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<v Speaker 1>Joining me is an expert in labor law, Kate Andreas,

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<v Speaker 1>a professor at Columbia Law School. Kate, before we talk

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<v Speaker 1>about the consequences for American workers of the next Trump administration.

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<v Speaker 1>Let's talk about this case where the National Labor Relations

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<v Speaker 1>Board overturned a nearly forty year old president. It involves

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<v Speaker 1>Starbucks managers making threats to employees during a union election drive.

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<v Speaker 2>Well, Starbucks managers in this case and an others have

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<v Speaker 2>made a whole host of threats, but the one that

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<v Speaker 2>was particularly an issue in this case was a threat

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<v Speaker 2>by employers that if workers decided to organize, that would

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<v Speaker 2>change their relationship with management in a negative way. So

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<v Speaker 2>the just blow how that that statement was permissible because

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<v Speaker 2>there was an old board decision dating from the nineteen

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<v Speaker 2>eighty five, which held that as a categorical matter, when

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<v Speaker 2>employers stay to workers that union organizing it's going to

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<v Speaker 2>change the dynamic with the company, that that does not

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<v Speaker 2>count as a threat. And so the judge below was

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<v Speaker 2>applying that precedent that dated from the nineteen eighty What

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<v Speaker 2>the board said here was that that precedent should be

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<v Speaker 2>overruled because it's inconsistent with the statute's prohibition on employers

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<v Speaker 2>coercing employees and the exercise of their union rights, and

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<v Speaker 2>it's also intention with other doctrine and including Supreme Court cases,

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<v Speaker 2>would say that employers can't threaten workers who speak to

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<v Speaker 2>organize unions.

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<v Speaker 1>So it was a forty year old precedent and they

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<v Speaker 1>threw it out.

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<v Speaker 2>They overruled it. But it was a forty year old

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<v Speaker 2>president that was in considerable tension with other cases, including

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<v Speaker 2>the Supreme Court decision in an even older precedent called

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<v Speaker 2>Nlar reversus get Fell that dates from the nineteen sixties.

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<v Speaker 2>So the board overruled that old case, but said that

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<v Speaker 2>it wasn't going to apply the new rules of Starbucks

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<v Speaker 2>in this case, and that it would only apply the

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<v Speaker 2>new decision prospectively. That said, Starbucks in the same case

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<v Speaker 2>made a lot of other threats which did violate established law,

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<v Speaker 2>and both the Alegity Administrative Law judge and the Board

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<v Speaker 2>found Starbucks liable of unfairlya for practices based on the

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<v Speaker 2>other threats.

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<v Speaker 1>With this decision, what kind of threats can employers make?

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<v Speaker 2>So employers are not supposed to be making any threats

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<v Speaker 2>when workers try to organize unions that is prohibited by

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<v Speaker 2>the law. What employers can do and what the Supreme

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<v Speaker 2>Court said employers can do in the nineteen sixty nine

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<v Speaker 2>decision is employers can make predictions about what might happen

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<v Speaker 2>in the future regarding things that are outside of the

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<v Speaker 2>employer's control. But when the employers start threatening changes dates

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<v Speaker 2>that are within the employer's control, like we're going to

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<v Speaker 2>change our relationship with you, that becomes a threat and

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<v Speaker 2>it's not permitted because workers have the right to organize

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<v Speaker 2>unions free from coercion by employers.

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<v Speaker 1>If this is in line with prior precedent, why did

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<v Speaker 1>it take forty years for it to be overturned.

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<v Speaker 2>Well, well, I think this board has made a concerted

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<v Speaker 2>effort to look at the doctrine and try to make

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<v Speaker 2>sure it is really all in line with the statute

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<v Speaker 2>and with the protection of workers to organize unions. And

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<v Speaker 2>so there are a number of long standing precedents which

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<v Speaker 2>are intention with those fundamental statute or commitments that the

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<v Speaker 2>Board has been taking a look at and reconsidering in

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<v Speaker 2>the last four years.

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<v Speaker 1>So Starbucks said this ruling unfairly applies a new legal

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<v Speaker 1>standard on Starbucks retroactively, which the NLRB should not do.

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<v Speaker 1>We're considering our next steps. But you said they weren't

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<v Speaker 1>going to make the ruling retroactive, right, Yeah.

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<v Speaker 2>My understanding of the opinion and my reading of it

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<v Speaker 2>is that the Board very clearly said that it was

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<v Speaker 2>only going to apply this rule prospectively for the concern

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<v Speaker 2>that Cerbuck places that the Board wants to make sure

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<v Speaker 2>that the law is clear to those who are covered

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<v Speaker 2>by it, and so this new interpretation of the law

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<v Speaker 2>that brings the law into alignment with the Supreme Court's

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<v Speaker 2>holdings is only going to apply going forward.

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<v Speaker 1>Now, this is the first presidential ruling since the country

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<v Speaker 1>voted to send Donald Trump back to the White House,

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<v Speaker 1>and it was three to one, the three Democrats to

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<v Speaker 1>the one Republican. What likely will happen to the Board

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<v Speaker 1>when Trump takes office.

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<v Speaker 2>I think that we will see the Board over time

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<v Speaker 2>become much more hostile to workers and to workers' rights

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<v Speaker 2>to organize unions. How quickly that happens, though, is an

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<v Speaker 2>open question. The Board is an independent agency, which means

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<v Speaker 2>that the President does not, under the law, have the

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<v Speaker 2>right to fire the Board members. Rather, they serve for terms,

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<v Speaker 2>and so the Board's composition will turn over with time.

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<v Speaker 2>It all goes according to the stat that said, a

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<v Speaker 2>number of business groups have taken the position that those

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<v Speaker 2>protections that the board members have in order to create

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<v Speaker 2>independence are unconstitutional. So it's possible, depending on what happens

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<v Speaker 2>with the litigation challenging the constitutionality of the Board, and

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<v Speaker 2>also depending on what Trump does, that the composition of

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<v Speaker 2>the Board could change more quickly. In any event, once

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<v Speaker 2>Trump has appointed a majority of the Board, I think

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<v Speaker 2>we're likely to see the board rolled back many protections

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<v Speaker 2>for workers right that the Biden Board has affirmed and

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<v Speaker 2>enforced over the last four years.

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<v Speaker 1>Tell us about the role of the General Council Jennifer

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<v Speaker 1>of Rutso, I mean, he can change her position right away, right.

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<v Speaker 2>Right, So. The General Council is the person within the

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<v Speaker 2>board who prosecutes cases and who brings cases, and Jennifer

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<v Speaker 2>Brusso has been very energetic and effective at prosecuting violations

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<v Speaker 2>of the law and making sure that the NOTHERA is

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<v Speaker 2>interpreted in ways that really protect workers rights to organize

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<v Speaker 2>em bargain. I think we can expect that President Trump

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<v Speaker 2>will replace her. He doesn't have to, but I think

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<v Speaker 2>it's likely that he will replace her with someone who's

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<v Speaker 2>much more pro business and anti worker.

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<v Speaker 1>During Joe Biden's presidency, can you describe the strides the

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<v Speaker 1>accomplishments that unions have made.

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah, I mean in lots of ways. I think President

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<v Speaker 2>Biden was one of the most pro union presidents that

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<v Speaker 2>we've had in a very long time, everything ranging from

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<v Speaker 2>the President's decision to join ticket lines to his efforts

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<v Speaker 2>to get employers to settle strikes. That's the president's actions himself,

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<v Speaker 2>but also the National Labor Relations Board and the Department

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<v Speaker 2>of Labor both acted in ways, promulgated rules and issues

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<v Speaker 2>decisions to protect workers rights. So just give you a

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<v Speaker 2>couple of examples of achievements by the board. The National

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<v Speaker 2>Labor Board has made union elections faster. They have also

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<v Speaker 2>changed the standard for who counts as an employer in

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<v Speaker 2>order to try to hold employers to exercise power over

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<v Speaker 2>supply chain or reliable as well as the bordinate subcontracted employers.

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<v Speaker 2>They reversed a number of Trump era rulings that limited

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<v Speaker 2>the ability of workers to organize that limited access to

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<v Speaker 2>the workplace. They made it harder for employers to issue

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<v Speaker 2>rules that appear neutral but have the effect of killing

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<v Speaker 2>workers organizing drives. They sought injunctions to try to reinstate

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<v Speaker 2>workers who are illegually inspired, and they also began to

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<v Speaker 2>seek bargaining orders to lein employers and repeatedly violate the law.

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<v Speaker 2>They issued a stenter that made it easier for the

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<v Speaker 2>Board to order employers to bargain with unions in those circumstances. So,

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<v Speaker 2>in lots of different ways, they made it easier for

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<v Speaker 2>workers to organize unions and made it harder for employers

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<v Speaker 2>to violate employee rights. In the context of the Department

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<v Speaker 2>of Labor as well, they tried to change the standards

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<v Speaker 2>so it's harder to misclassify employees as independent contractors. There

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<v Speaker 2>are various rules that they tried to promulgate to protect

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<v Speaker 2>workers from health and safety violations, for example, from extreme heat,

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<v Speaker 2>and they've gone after child labor violations aggressively. So both

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<v Speaker 2>the National Labor Relations Board and the Department of Labor

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<v Speaker 2>have really worked very hard over the last four years

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<v Speaker 2>to make sure that the law protects workers right and

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<v Speaker 2>they have worked hard to enforce the law as well.

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<v Speaker 1>So that sounds like a lot of accomplishments. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>how fast can they be unwound or taken away? You know,

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<v Speaker 1>in a Trump administration, I think.

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<v Speaker 2>Something can be done right away. So enforcement policy, we're

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<v Speaker 2>likely to see changed very quickly. So currently, as I said,

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<v Speaker 2>the Biden Department of Labor has been aggressively enforcing against

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<v Speaker 2>child labor violations. They've also been trying to go after

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<v Speaker 2>what's sometimes known as apex corporation, so big corporations that

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<v Speaker 2>affect a lot of the labor markets. We're likely to

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<v Speaker 2>see the enforcement policy means right away, and for the

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<v Speaker 2>Trump administration to adopt a more conciliatory enforcement approach. It

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<v Speaker 2>takes longer to change rules. Those have to be changed

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<v Speaker 2>either through adjudications individual cases or through notice and comment

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<v Speaker 2>rulemaking where the agency tells the public what it plans

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<v Speaker 2>to do or what it's considering, allows effective parties to comment,

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<v Speaker 2>considers those comments, and then issues a new rule. So

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<v Speaker 2>that's enforcement is quick, rule change is slower. The wildcard question,

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<v Speaker 2>I think, is what happens with all the constitutional challenges

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<v Speaker 2>to the agencies. So if those move quickly, we could

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<v Speaker 2>see really radical changes with the nationallyb relation sport and

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<v Speaker 2>the Department of Labor's ability to function.

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<v Speaker 1>Coming up next, I'll continue this conversation with Columbia Law

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<v Speaker 1>School professor Kate Andreas. We'll talk about workers' advocates shifting

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<v Speaker 1>their focus to states and cities. This is bloomberg. Unions

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<v Speaker 1>have been invigorated during the Biden administration with historic union

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<v Speaker 1>in contracts and successful organizing efforts. A second Trump presidency

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<v Speaker 1>is expected to negatively impact American labor and favor corporate America,

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<v Speaker 1>flying back much of the leverage that workers have gained

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<v Speaker 1>in the last four years. I've been talking to Columbia

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<v Speaker 1>Law School professor Kate Andreas, an expert in labor law.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, when he ran, Trump courted union workers and

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<v Speaker 1>he promised that he would do better for them than

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<v Speaker 1>Biden did. Last time Trump ran the government, however, it

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<v Speaker 1>was a different story.

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<v Speaker 2>I think what we know from Trump's track records is

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<v Speaker 2>that when he was in charge of the government, we

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<v Speaker 2>had labor agencies that were very pro business and very

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<v Speaker 2>hostile to workers. So I think that's likely what we

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<v Speaker 2>will see again. We can be hopeful that maybe that's

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<v Speaker 2>not the case, but I think that the past practice

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<v Speaker 2>suggests that we're likely to see a lot of anti

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<v Speaker 2>worker activity from this administration.

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<v Speaker 1>Daniel Vicenti, a regional director for the UAW, said everything

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<v Speaker 1>becomes harder, from organizing to negotiating strong contracts to strikes

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, why would things like strikes become more difficult.

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah, I think he's right that both bargaining and strikes

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<v Speaker 2>can become more difficult. So first of all, say something

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<v Speaker 2>about bargaining and then turn to strikes. The law obligates

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<v Speaker 2>employers to bargain in good faith, but when employers refuse

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<v Speaker 2>to do so, question is what happens. And this agency

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<v Speaker 2>has tried to obligate employers to bargain good faith, and

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<v Speaker 2>the President has also intervened in various contract issutes to

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<v Speaker 2>encourage employers to bargain and to reach settlements that benefit

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<v Speaker 2>workers and so that workers can get their fair share

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<v Speaker 2>of increases in profits. With respective strikes as well, the

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<v Speaker 2>law protects the right to strike. It prevents workers from

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<v Speaker 2>being permanently replaced if they go on what's called an

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<v Speaker 2>unfair labor practice strike. But if they strike in response

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<v Speaker 2>to an unfair labor practice by an employer, they can't

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<v Speaker 2>be replaced permanently. But if the board is much less

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<v Speaker 2>likely to conclude that employers are violating the law, then

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<v Speaker 2>that protection becomes a lot less strong, because when workers

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<v Speaker 2>strike in the absence of an unfair labor practice, they

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<v Speaker 2>can be permanently replaced. So that's just one example, but

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<v Speaker 2>the entire legal climate changes, and if you have the

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<v Speaker 2>agency no longer working to protect employees rights to organize,

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<v Speaker 2>to bargain, to strike, the kind of ground on which

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<v Speaker 2>workers are trying to enforce their rights. That said, we

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<v Speaker 2>should overstate the effect of a change in administration. If

0:13:35.679 --> 0:13:39.800
<v Speaker 2>workers act collectively and engage in strikes, they frequently have

0:13:39.960 --> 0:13:44.240
<v Speaker 2>enough economic power, even absence the threat of effective legal enforcement,

0:13:44.720 --> 0:13:46.160
<v Speaker 2>to win in victories.

0:13:46.880 --> 0:13:52.160
<v Speaker 1>What is the status of Starbucks and union organizations. Apparently

0:13:52.240 --> 0:13:58.080
<v Speaker 1>about five hundred Starbucks nationwide have voted to unionize. I mean,

0:13:58.160 --> 0:14:00.720
<v Speaker 1>this has been going on for a long time. What

0:14:00.800 --> 0:14:01.760
<v Speaker 1>stage are they at?

0:14:02.120 --> 0:14:04.960
<v Speaker 2>So lots and lots of Starbucks workers around the country

0:14:04.960 --> 0:14:07.920
<v Speaker 2>have voted to organize, and it's really gunning actually, So

0:14:08.000 --> 0:14:10.080
<v Speaker 2>it's just within the last few years unit from having

0:14:10.280 --> 0:14:14.160
<v Speaker 2>zero organized Starbucks to several hundreds. The problem is that

0:14:14.240 --> 0:14:17.680
<v Speaker 2>for quite a while Starbucks was roukeenly violating the law

0:14:17.679 --> 0:14:20.560
<v Speaker 2>when workers try to organize, and also it's refusing to bargain,

0:14:21.120 --> 0:14:24.080
<v Speaker 2>and so that has closing down. But my understanding is

0:14:24.120 --> 0:14:26.600
<v Speaker 2>that there has been a shift and that Starbucks is

0:14:26.640 --> 0:14:29.600
<v Speaker 2>now bargaining with the union with the workers, and so

0:14:29.720 --> 0:14:32.680
<v Speaker 2>I'm hopeful that we will see the workers reach the

0:14:32.680 --> 0:14:35.160
<v Speaker 2>first contract and be able to continue to build their

0:14:35.520 --> 0:14:37.840
<v Speaker 2>organization and other workers will be able to join the

0:14:37.920 --> 0:14:38.600
<v Speaker 2>union as well.

0:14:38.840 --> 0:14:43.040
<v Speaker 1>So do you see labor advocates perhaps shifting from federal

0:14:43.280 --> 0:14:48.520
<v Speaker 1>objectives to securing policy gains in states and cities, such

0:14:48.560 --> 0:14:52.240
<v Speaker 1>as some of the ballot measures that we saw go

0:14:52.360 --> 0:14:53.920
<v Speaker 1>through on Tuesday.

0:14:54.360 --> 0:14:57.160
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, I think the possibility of federal labor law reform

0:14:57.800 --> 0:15:00.000
<v Speaker 2>has been elusive for quite a while and has now

0:15:00.240 --> 0:15:03.680
<v Speaker 2>certainly not achievable. At least, federal labor law reformat will

0:15:03.760 --> 0:15:06.760
<v Speaker 2>further protect workers, right, So I expect that we'll continue

0:15:06.800 --> 0:15:10.160
<v Speaker 2>to see workers organizing unions and engaging in collective action

0:15:10.240 --> 0:15:12.200
<v Speaker 2>across the country the way they have been, but that

0:15:12.280 --> 0:15:15.600
<v Speaker 2>we will also see more effort to try to win

0:15:16.000 --> 0:15:19.440
<v Speaker 2>labor reforms at the state level in states where doing

0:15:19.440 --> 0:15:22.520
<v Speaker 2>so is politically achievable, And workers really have achieved a

0:15:22.520 --> 0:15:26.080
<v Speaker 2>great deal at the state level in recent years, providing

0:15:26.160 --> 0:15:28.360
<v Speaker 2>a model for what might happen in the future. So,

0:15:28.480 --> 0:15:31.240
<v Speaker 2>just to give you a couple examples, workers have one

0:15:31.400 --> 0:15:35.320
<v Speaker 2>significant increases in the minimum wage through ballot initiatives as

0:15:35.320 --> 0:15:38.040
<v Speaker 2>well as through legislation at the state level, and they've

0:15:38.040 --> 0:15:40.120
<v Speaker 2>been able to do that not only in blue states

0:15:40.160 --> 0:15:43.119
<v Speaker 2>but also in really conservative states because there is overwhelming

0:15:43.120 --> 0:15:47.800
<v Speaker 2>support for improving workers conditions even in red states. One

0:15:47.800 --> 0:15:49.960
<v Speaker 2>thing is we're likely to see more Baalid initiative that

0:15:50.000 --> 0:15:52.720
<v Speaker 2>increase the minimum wage. Another thing is that I think

0:15:52.760 --> 0:15:56.119
<v Speaker 2>we're likely to see more effort to pass state laws

0:15:56.280 --> 0:16:00.640
<v Speaker 2>that enable workers to organize unions and bargains for workers

0:16:00.640 --> 0:16:04.080
<v Speaker 2>who are not covered by federal law. So states can't

0:16:04.120 --> 0:16:08.800
<v Speaker 2>pass union organizing and bargaining laws for workers who are

0:16:08.800 --> 0:16:12.320
<v Speaker 2>covered by federal labor law, that's preempted. But for groups

0:16:12.320 --> 0:16:15.160
<v Speaker 2>of workers who aren't covered by federal labor law, like

0:16:15.280 --> 0:16:20.080
<v Speaker 2>gig workers, agricultural workers, and domestic workers, states can legislate.

0:16:20.160 --> 0:16:21.920
<v Speaker 2>And so what we saw in the last collection was

0:16:21.960 --> 0:16:25.400
<v Speaker 2>a very successful effort in Massachusetts to pass a new

0:16:25.640 --> 0:16:28.640
<v Speaker 2>system for uber and less drivers to organize unions and

0:16:28.680 --> 0:16:31.040
<v Speaker 2>to bargain with their employers. And that's the kind of

0:16:31.080 --> 0:16:32.680
<v Speaker 2>thing that I think we're likely to see more of

0:16:32.720 --> 0:16:35.880
<v Speaker 2>going forward. It's a really important breakthrough. So like gig

0:16:35.880 --> 0:16:39.760
<v Speaker 2>workers have a right to coluctive voice on their dogs

0:16:39.760 --> 0:16:42.000
<v Speaker 2>and can work together to improve their conditions.

0:16:42.320 --> 0:16:47.160
<v Speaker 1>How much will the conservative judiciary play a part in

0:16:47.440 --> 0:16:51.680
<v Speaker 1>toning down any gains at the state or city level.

0:16:51.800 --> 0:16:56.880
<v Speaker 2>Well, that's yet to be seen. The conservative judiciary is

0:16:57.200 --> 0:17:02.680
<v Speaker 2>certainly going to play a role constraining what federal labor

0:17:02.720 --> 0:17:05.760
<v Speaker 2>agencies do, because we've seen in the last few years

0:17:05.840 --> 0:17:08.960
<v Speaker 2>the Supreme Court issue a series of decisions that really

0:17:09.040 --> 0:17:13.880
<v Speaker 2>drastically undermine the ability of federal administrative agencies to function.

0:17:14.359 --> 0:17:16.880
<v Speaker 2>So that's at the federal level. With respect to how

0:17:16.960 --> 0:17:20.240
<v Speaker 2>the judiciary will respond to state initiatives, I think it's

0:17:20.240 --> 0:17:22.119
<v Speaker 2>an open question. On the one hand, this is a

0:17:22.119 --> 0:17:25.159
<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court that's been very hostile to labor rights, but

0:17:25.200 --> 0:17:27.959
<v Speaker 2>it's also a Supreme Court that purports to be solicitus

0:17:28.000 --> 0:17:30.080
<v Speaker 2>of state rights, and so we'll have to see what

0:17:30.240 --> 0:17:31.520
<v Speaker 2>happens on that front.

0:17:32.000 --> 0:17:35.240
<v Speaker 1>On election day, Trump appointed a pellic judges on the

0:17:35.359 --> 0:17:39.760
<v Speaker 1>Ninth Circuit struck down a Biden requirement that government contractors

0:17:39.760 --> 0:17:43.280
<v Speaker 1>pay at least fifteen dollars an hour, calling that minimum

0:17:43.280 --> 0:17:45.199
<v Speaker 1>wage rule arbitrary and capricious.

0:17:45.680 --> 0:17:49.440
<v Speaker 2>That role is on very sound legal footing under existing precedent.

0:17:49.520 --> 0:17:53.639
<v Speaker 2>Because the president has the authority under the federal contracting

0:17:53.720 --> 0:17:57.040
<v Speaker 2>laws to set standards for federal contracts, as long as

0:17:57.119 --> 0:17:59.360
<v Speaker 2>doing so in a way that advances the ecmomune efficiency

0:17:59.400 --> 0:18:01.720
<v Speaker 2>and contract And there's lots of studies that show that

0:18:01.760 --> 0:18:04.280
<v Speaker 2>when workers are paid a decent wage, they stay in

0:18:04.320 --> 0:18:07.439
<v Speaker 2>their jobs longer, we have less turnover. And in the past,

0:18:07.840 --> 0:18:10.280
<v Speaker 2>the president required a lot of difference to the president's

0:18:10.280 --> 0:18:13.280
<v Speaker 2>decisions with the respect to contracting. So the court has

0:18:13.359 --> 0:18:17.160
<v Speaker 2>upheld orders by President Bush, by President Kennedy, by President Clinton,

0:18:17.800 --> 0:18:20.600
<v Speaker 2>lots of different executive orders. This decision from the Ninth

0:18:20.600 --> 0:18:23.520
<v Speaker 2>Circuit was really out of line was past precedent, but

0:18:23.920 --> 0:18:27.280
<v Speaker 2>that's not necessarily surprising given what we've seen other conservative

0:18:27.560 --> 0:18:30.200
<v Speaker 2>Trump judges do. What I think it means going forward

0:18:30.280 --> 0:18:32.520
<v Speaker 2>is that it had Tamala Harris one, it would have

0:18:32.560 --> 0:18:37.359
<v Speaker 2>constrained her ability to set fair labor standers in federal contracting.

0:18:37.680 --> 0:18:39.960
<v Speaker 2>I think we're unlikely to see President Trump trying to

0:18:40.000 --> 0:18:42.280
<v Speaker 2>do that, and so in that sense, the decision we'll

0:18:42.320 --> 0:18:44.479
<v Speaker 2>have relatively little effect.

0:18:45.119 --> 0:18:47.600
<v Speaker 1>I saw this. I thought it was interesting that some

0:18:47.680 --> 0:18:51.199
<v Speaker 1>civil rights and environmental lawyers are trying to certify the

0:18:51.240 --> 0:18:55.520
<v Speaker 1>first ever union at the Justice Department before Trump comes

0:18:55.600 --> 0:18:57.840
<v Speaker 1>into office. Is there enough time for that?

0:18:58.200 --> 0:19:00.160
<v Speaker 2>It would be interesting to see. I think there's our

0:19:00.160 --> 0:19:04.440
<v Speaker 2>motivation is strong. They, like other employees, have a right

0:19:04.480 --> 0:19:08.159
<v Speaker 2>to organize, and there's a real danger that the country

0:19:08.200 --> 0:19:11.600
<v Speaker 2>spaces if Trump makes good on his promises to try

0:19:11.640 --> 0:19:14.679
<v Speaker 2>to politicize the government all the way down to staff

0:19:15.119 --> 0:19:19.520
<v Speaker 2>line career workers. So Trump has threatened to transform what

0:19:19.720 --> 0:19:25.280
<v Speaker 2>is essentially a civil service into politically loyal operatives. He

0:19:25.359 --> 0:19:27.920
<v Speaker 2>wants to have the right to fire civil servants who

0:19:27.960 --> 0:19:30.600
<v Speaker 2>aren't loyal to his administration. But I think what's going

0:19:30.600 --> 0:19:32.960
<v Speaker 2>on here as an effort in part to stand that

0:19:33.240 --> 0:19:36.520
<v Speaker 2>and that could be really helpful not only for these lawyers,

0:19:36.520 --> 0:19:38.640
<v Speaker 2>but also for our democracy if they succeed.

0:19:39.040 --> 0:19:43.280
<v Speaker 1>And Kate tell us about the challenges to the constitutionality

0:19:43.520 --> 0:19:45.679
<v Speaker 1>of the National Labor Relations Board.

0:19:46.320 --> 0:19:50.040
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, so there's a series of challenges to administrative agencies.

0:19:50.400 --> 0:19:52.720
<v Speaker 2>The ones that are being brought against the Board are

0:19:52.720 --> 0:19:55.480
<v Speaker 2>being brought in part by Yon Musk by Tesla arguing

0:19:55.520 --> 0:19:59.640
<v Speaker 2>that one that the board is unconstitutional because the board

0:19:59.720 --> 0:20:02.840
<v Speaker 2>members serve for terms and can't be removed at will

0:20:02.880 --> 0:20:05.680
<v Speaker 2>by the president. That's a system that exists across many

0:20:05.720 --> 0:20:08.080
<v Speaker 2>different agencies and has been in place really for the

0:20:08.160 --> 0:20:10.879
<v Speaker 2>last hundred years that the Court is upheld, but several

0:20:10.920 --> 0:20:14.359
<v Speaker 2>corporations are arguing that that violates the Constitution because it

0:20:14.400 --> 0:20:18.800
<v Speaker 2>constrains presidential power. That's one argument. Another is that the

0:20:18.960 --> 0:20:23.240
<v Speaker 2>NRB and the Department of Labor impermissively have administrative law

0:20:23.320 --> 0:20:26.160
<v Speaker 2>judges the judicating cases that really should be done by

0:20:26.560 --> 0:20:30.119
<v Speaker 2>civil juries. Again, that's a system that's existed for the

0:20:30.160 --> 0:20:32.720
<v Speaker 2>last century, but there are arguments are being brought that

0:20:32.760 --> 0:20:35.440
<v Speaker 2>it violates the Separation of Powers and the Seventh Amendment

0:20:35.560 --> 0:20:39.120
<v Speaker 2>to have administrative law judges deciding cases when there's monetary

0:20:39.480 --> 0:20:42.119
<v Speaker 2>finds at stake. That builds on a decision from the

0:20:42.119 --> 0:20:45.480
<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court last year involving the sec. And then a

0:20:45.520 --> 0:20:48.480
<v Speaker 2>third argument is kind of the broadest, which is that

0:20:48.560 --> 0:20:53.520
<v Speaker 2>agencies like the Board that mix adjudicative functions with executive

0:20:53.520 --> 0:20:56.200
<v Speaker 2>functions and rulemaking functions that apply the law and a

0:20:56.320 --> 0:20:59.520
<v Speaker 2>host of different ways, that that violates the separation of powers.

0:21:00.080 --> 0:21:02.359
<v Speaker 2>Of these arguments would have been considered off the wall

0:21:02.400 --> 0:21:05.080
<v Speaker 2>and frivolous just a few years ago, but in a

0:21:05.160 --> 0:21:07.600
<v Speaker 2>series of cases over the last few years, the Supreme

0:21:07.640 --> 0:21:11.680
<v Speaker 2>Court has accepted arguments that challenge in the basics of

0:21:11.720 --> 0:21:14.840
<v Speaker 2>administrative law, and those are all being brought to bear

0:21:14.880 --> 0:21:18.680
<v Speaker 2>now on the board, and a circuit split is developing

0:21:19.080 --> 0:21:21.159
<v Speaker 2>where you have the Fifth Circuit accepting some of these

0:21:21.240 --> 0:21:23.520
<v Speaker 2>arguments and the other circuits that have considered them have

0:21:23.960 --> 0:21:26.520
<v Speaker 2>said these are ridiculous. So it's quite possible that we'll

0:21:26.560 --> 0:21:29.959
<v Speaker 2>see case get to the Supreme Court involving these constitutional

0:21:30.080 --> 0:21:32.760
<v Speaker 2>challenges to the National Abor Relations Board and to other

0:21:32.800 --> 0:21:33.720
<v Speaker 2>agencies as well.

0:21:33.840 --> 0:21:36.320
<v Speaker 1>Administrative law sort of turned on its head in so

0:21:36.400 --> 0:21:39.359
<v Speaker 1>many ways in the last few years. Thanks so much, Kate.

0:21:39.600 --> 0:21:43.280
<v Speaker 1>That's Professor Kate Andreas of Columbia Law School, coming up

0:21:43.320 --> 0:21:46.920
<v Speaker 1>next on the Bloomberg Law Show. The US government's position

0:21:47.080 --> 0:21:51.240
<v Speaker 1>before the Supreme Court in cases over healthcare treatment for

0:21:51.359 --> 0:21:55.760
<v Speaker 1>transgender miners and federal regulations for building at home ghost

0:21:55.880 --> 0:22:00.600
<v Speaker 1>guns will likely flip when Donald Trump takes office. I'm

0:22:00.680 --> 0:22:04.560
<v Speaker 1>June Grosso and you're listening to Bloomberg. With a change

0:22:04.560 --> 0:22:09.479
<v Speaker 1>in administrations, the US government's position could flip in certain

0:22:09.520 --> 0:22:14.120
<v Speaker 1>cases already before the Supreme Court. The disputes over healthcare

0:22:14.160 --> 0:22:19.080
<v Speaker 1>treatments for transgender miners and federal regulations for building at

0:22:19.080 --> 0:22:22.440
<v Speaker 1>home ghost guns are seen as too, where a Trump

0:22:22.520 --> 0:22:26.880
<v Speaker 1>administration may reverse the positions held by the Biden administration.

0:22:27.359 --> 0:22:30.920
<v Speaker 1>Joining me is constitutional law expert Harold Krent, a professor

0:22:30.920 --> 0:22:34.480
<v Speaker 1>at the Chicago Kent College of Law. The Biden administration

0:22:34.560 --> 0:22:38.720
<v Speaker 1>has taken positions in certain cases before the Court. We

0:22:38.800 --> 0:22:42.520
<v Speaker 1>can anticipate that the Trump administration will come in and say,

0:22:42.920 --> 0:22:45.840
<v Speaker 1>forget about it, we don't agree. How often does that

0:22:46.040 --> 0:22:49.400
<v Speaker 1>happen when there's a change in administrations.

0:22:48.800 --> 0:22:54.480
<v Speaker 3>Which relatively common, when the administration transitions that individuals and

0:22:54.480 --> 0:22:56.600
<v Speaker 3>the new administration of a different perspective on the legal

0:22:56.640 --> 0:22:59.680
<v Speaker 3>issues that the Supreme Court has already agreed to take.

0:23:00.200 --> 0:23:03.760
<v Speaker 3>And it depends on the posture of the case what

0:23:03.920 --> 0:23:07.000
<v Speaker 3>happens next, And so even in the cases that the

0:23:07.119 --> 0:23:10.080
<v Speaker 3>Court has already taken the year, there will be different

0:23:10.240 --> 0:23:15.000
<v Speaker 3>kinds of reactions or different kinds of interventions by the

0:23:15.160 --> 0:23:18.840
<v Speaker 3>new administration, the Trump administration to tie to influence or

0:23:18.920 --> 0:23:21.280
<v Speaker 3>alter what the Supreme Court may decide.

0:23:21.320 --> 0:23:24.159
<v Speaker 1>And though the justices or some of the justices have

0:23:24.280 --> 0:23:28.760
<v Speaker 1>seemed irritated at different times about the changes, I mean,

0:23:28.800 --> 0:23:32.120
<v Speaker 1>did they accept the changes Basically in the past.

0:23:32.280 --> 0:23:35.240
<v Speaker 3>They've reacted in different ways, and they shouldn't be irritated.

0:23:35.280 --> 0:23:40.000
<v Speaker 3>I mean politically, administrations have different legal views and they

0:23:40.040 --> 0:23:43.440
<v Speaker 3>want to afford those views, and the court then sometimes

0:23:43.480 --> 0:23:47.240
<v Speaker 3>will reman the case for further consideration in light of

0:23:47.280 --> 0:23:51.120
<v Speaker 3>the change, depending upon the procedural posture, or sometimes they'll

0:23:51.160 --> 0:23:54.080
<v Speaker 3>just take an amicus grief to hear what the new

0:23:54.560 --> 0:23:58.040
<v Speaker 3>administration has to say about it legal issue. But at

0:23:58.080 --> 0:24:02.560
<v Speaker 3>some point it's incredibly salient to factor in what the

0:24:02.640 --> 0:24:05.680
<v Speaker 3>new administration has to say. So, for instance, one of

0:24:05.720 --> 0:24:09.800
<v Speaker 3>the most important cases so far argued in the Ghost

0:24:09.880 --> 0:24:15.399
<v Speaker 3>Gun case. The centerpiece of the litigation is a twenty

0:24:15.480 --> 0:24:18.720
<v Speaker 3>twenty two federal rule issued by the Bureau of Alcoholic

0:24:18.720 --> 0:24:24.200
<v Speaker 3>Tobacco on firearms. If the administration wants to rescind that rule,

0:24:24.880 --> 0:24:27.560
<v Speaker 3>it moves out the entire controversy. So it would be

0:24:27.600 --> 0:24:32.440
<v Speaker 3>of course relevant to hear whether or not the administration

0:24:32.520 --> 0:24:36.600
<v Speaker 3>has taken action before the decision is issued to resin

0:24:36.680 --> 0:24:38.160
<v Speaker 3>the rule that's at the heart of the case.

0:24:38.600 --> 0:24:42.879
<v Speaker 1>The Ghost Gun case has already been argued. One that

0:24:42.960 --> 0:24:46.960
<v Speaker 1>hasn't been argued and that we can anticipate that the

0:24:47.000 --> 0:24:51.560
<v Speaker 1>Trump administration may want to change positions on is the

0:24:51.960 --> 0:24:54.919
<v Speaker 1>transgender rights case. Tell US about that.

0:24:54.880 --> 0:24:58.960
<v Speaker 3>Case's two cases, they're combined both with respect to Kentucky

0:24:59.000 --> 0:25:02.760
<v Speaker 3>and Tennessee's law US limiting the rights to have transgender

0:25:02.800 --> 0:25:05.520
<v Speaker 3>surgery for minors. But what was interesting in the case

0:25:05.640 --> 0:25:10.800
<v Speaker 3>is the US intervened and argued that the Supreme Court

0:25:10.800 --> 0:25:14.720
<v Speaker 3>should pay the US's petition for Surcherai after the Sixth

0:25:14.720 --> 0:25:18.919
<v Speaker 3>Circuit rejected the challenge to their rule. Because of the

0:25:18.960 --> 0:25:21.920
<v Speaker 3>fact that there was only a split in the circuits

0:25:21.960 --> 0:25:25.880
<v Speaker 3>on one issue, which was an eco protection issue as

0:25:25.920 --> 0:25:29.760
<v Speaker 3>opposed to the substitute process issue which the private parties

0:25:29.800 --> 0:25:32.760
<v Speaker 3>had raised in addition to the eco protection challenge to

0:25:33.080 --> 0:25:37.200
<v Speaker 3>the limitations on gender affirming surgery, So the Supreme Court

0:25:37.280 --> 0:25:41.840
<v Speaker 3>actually granted the US's petition and not those of the

0:25:41.920 --> 0:25:46.880
<v Speaker 3>private parties. So technically, if a new Trump administration could

0:25:47.040 --> 0:25:50.440
<v Speaker 3>say we've changed our mind, and then there'd be no

0:25:50.920 --> 0:25:56.119
<v Speaker 3>petition left for the Court to decide, and that is

0:25:56.160 --> 0:25:59.840
<v Speaker 3>a technical possibility. Of course, there's still be a split

0:25:59.880 --> 0:26:03.200
<v Speaker 3>in circuits on the meaning of the protection cause, So

0:26:03.280 --> 0:26:06.280
<v Speaker 3>you would think that the Court could take then one

0:26:06.320 --> 0:26:10.000
<v Speaker 3>of the other petitions and proceed to resolve in the case,

0:26:10.040 --> 0:26:12.280
<v Speaker 3>but need not to if the Court wants to duck it.

0:26:12.640 --> 0:26:15.000
<v Speaker 3>You could simply say, well, the US has withdrawn its

0:26:15.000 --> 0:26:17.800
<v Speaker 3>petition and therefore there's nothing left for us to decide.

0:26:18.080 --> 0:26:21.040
<v Speaker 3>So it's a technical issue that would not be I

0:26:21.080 --> 0:26:24.480
<v Speaker 3>think positive in terms of trying to resolve to sput

0:26:24.480 --> 0:26:27.760
<v Speaker 3>in the circus on such an important issue. But technically

0:26:28.200 --> 0:26:33.240
<v Speaker 3>a Trump administration could cause that dilemma and force the

0:26:33.240 --> 0:26:34.200
<v Speaker 3>Court to make a decision.

0:26:34.480 --> 0:26:39.080
<v Speaker 1>And the Biden administration actually did change the Trump administration's

0:26:39.200 --> 0:26:43.000
<v Speaker 1>position in a challenge to the Affordable Care Act that

0:26:43.119 --> 0:26:46.240
<v Speaker 1>was three months after the case was argued. So the

0:26:46.240 --> 0:26:47.760
<v Speaker 1>Biden administration has done it too.

0:26:48.480 --> 0:26:48.640
<v Speaker 2>Oh.

0:26:48.640 --> 0:26:51.840
<v Speaker 3>Absolutely, It's done by both Democratic and Republican in this rations.

0:26:51.880 --> 0:26:54.760
<v Speaker 3>And I do think it's principle to do that because

0:26:55.040 --> 0:26:57.560
<v Speaker 3>again a good example would be in the ghost gun case.

0:26:57.600 --> 0:27:02.840
<v Speaker 3>If the batf rescinds its regulation, which you know, I

0:27:02.880 --> 0:27:05.800
<v Speaker 3>don't think it should, but if it does, then by

0:27:05.840 --> 0:27:10.320
<v Speaker 3>all stretch of imagination, the case should be rooted out.

0:27:10.480 --> 0:27:13.600
<v Speaker 3>And there's another interesting sort of example too. There's another

0:27:13.840 --> 0:27:18.359
<v Speaker 3>ACA case it's likely to come up before the Court

0:27:18.560 --> 0:27:23.199
<v Speaker 3>if the Fifth Circuit decided to hold unconstitutional part of

0:27:23.240 --> 0:27:28.200
<v Speaker 3>the ACA, which allows a semi private group to determine

0:27:28.240 --> 0:27:32.040
<v Speaker 3>which preventative services should be paid for under the insurance,

0:27:32.359 --> 0:27:36.679
<v Speaker 3>preventative services for screen crew cancers, other kinds of medications

0:27:36.680 --> 0:27:39.879
<v Speaker 3>for cardio, bachelor disease, and so forth, And under the

0:27:39.920 --> 0:27:43.400
<v Speaker 3>statutory scheme and the ACA, a semi private group really

0:27:43.440 --> 0:27:47.040
<v Speaker 3>gets to determine, subject only to a very limited review

0:27:47.160 --> 0:27:52.440
<v Speaker 3>by the administration, which of these kinds of medications insurance

0:27:52.640 --> 0:27:56.639
<v Speaker 3>should cover. And the Fifth Circuit said that it was

0:27:56.720 --> 0:28:00.520
<v Speaker 3>unconstitutional the best, so much authority in this to my

0:28:00.680 --> 0:28:07.040
<v Speaker 3>private group. So the Trump administration could simply agree, and

0:28:07.080 --> 0:28:11.159
<v Speaker 3>then that case would not be right for decision by

0:28:11.200 --> 0:28:14.119
<v Speaker 3>the Supreme Court, and it would take another kind of

0:28:14.200 --> 0:28:17.760
<v Speaker 3>controversy in a different circuit to wind its way up.

0:28:17.880 --> 0:28:21.720
<v Speaker 3>So you know, all these contexts, what the new administration

0:28:21.840 --> 0:28:25.679
<v Speaker 3>thinks is relevant and also changes the procedural posture of

0:28:25.720 --> 0:28:28.240
<v Speaker 3>the case, which may mean it's either less likely or

0:28:28.280 --> 0:28:30.440
<v Speaker 3>more likely that the Supreme Court would take it.

0:28:30.480 --> 0:28:35.760
<v Speaker 1>And there are some cases involving EPA disputes. What happens

0:28:35.760 --> 0:28:37.560
<v Speaker 1>in those cases and.

0:28:37.520 --> 0:28:39.600
<v Speaker 3>We've seen that before, I mean in the change from

0:28:39.680 --> 0:28:42.320
<v Speaker 3>the Obama administration to the Trump administration.

0:28:42.680 --> 0:28:43.160
<v Speaker 2>But in that.

0:28:43.200 --> 0:28:48.000
<v Speaker 3>Case, if the EPA rule is changed, then the challenge

0:28:48.000 --> 0:28:52.120
<v Speaker 3>to the EPA rule becomes moot, or at least practically moot,

0:28:52.400 --> 0:28:55.000
<v Speaker 3>and it makes it much less likely that Supreme Court

0:28:55.120 --> 0:28:58.520
<v Speaker 3>would entertain the case. And it's a parallel to the

0:28:58.560 --> 0:29:00.720
<v Speaker 3>ghost gun case that we just say. So, any kind

0:29:00.720 --> 0:29:04.920
<v Speaker 3>of challenge to a government rule, if the government rule changes,

0:29:05.680 --> 0:29:08.560
<v Speaker 3>is for all intents and purposes moved. Although the Court

0:29:08.640 --> 0:29:12.680
<v Speaker 3>occasionally will say, well, the agency can change its mind again,

0:29:13.200 --> 0:29:16.840
<v Speaker 3>and they say it's not completely mood and hear the case,

0:29:17.160 --> 0:29:20.760
<v Speaker 3>and it's done that occasionally, but I think that's not

0:29:21.760 --> 0:29:24.440
<v Speaker 3>necessarily a principle of practice, even though the Court has

0:29:24.480 --> 0:29:26.760
<v Speaker 3>done it and it has the power to do that

0:29:26.960 --> 0:29:30.000
<v Speaker 3>by saying that the agency can always change its mind

0:29:30.040 --> 0:29:33.520
<v Speaker 3>again and come back with a rule. So we'll issue

0:29:33.520 --> 0:29:37.040
<v Speaker 3>the decision now. But again, normally, the best practice and

0:29:37.040 --> 0:29:40.800
<v Speaker 3>the predicted practice would be for the court to not

0:29:40.880 --> 0:29:44.280
<v Speaker 3>hear a case if the agency changes its regulation.

0:29:44.640 --> 0:29:48.080
<v Speaker 1>I'm asking everyone this question. I'm asking all the legal

0:29:48.120 --> 0:29:50.440
<v Speaker 1>experts I speak to this question. Do you think there'll

0:29:50.440 --> 0:29:52.440
<v Speaker 1>be any changes at the Supreme Court?

0:29:53.080 --> 0:29:55.240
<v Speaker 3>Well, there might be. I mean I think that the

0:29:55.360 --> 0:29:59.720
<v Speaker 3>question is if it appears that the Republican sort of

0:29:59.720 --> 0:30:03.680
<v Speaker 3>strung long hold on the Supreme Court may end. If

0:30:03.680 --> 0:30:07.480
<v Speaker 3>the new second Trump administration may have a democratic successor,

0:30:07.960 --> 0:30:10.440
<v Speaker 3>then certain conservative members of the Court would find it

0:30:10.960 --> 0:30:15.440
<v Speaker 3>a convenient time to retire to allow President Trump to

0:30:15.680 --> 0:30:18.600
<v Speaker 3>fill their vacancies. So the you know, if you think

0:30:18.600 --> 0:30:23.960
<v Speaker 3>about Justice Alito or Justice Thomas, and you know, another

0:30:24.040 --> 0:30:28.160
<v Speaker 3>three years or so, they healthy reasons may stays really

0:30:28.200 --> 0:30:30.520
<v Speaker 3>time for them to step down, and that would be

0:30:30.640 --> 0:30:33.400
<v Speaker 3>a convenient time to do it to allow President Trump

0:30:33.440 --> 0:30:36.640
<v Speaker 3>to replace them. That's speculative, and we certainly don't wish

0:30:36.680 --> 0:30:41.000
<v Speaker 3>anybody ill health, but that's certainly a possibility. And you know,

0:30:41.080 --> 0:30:44.320
<v Speaker 3>all of these changes in administration does give the Supreme

0:30:44.320 --> 0:30:48.600
<v Speaker 3>Court flexibility. So if there are sort of internal reasons

0:30:48.640 --> 0:30:52.520
<v Speaker 3>for court to duck one case but then decide they

0:30:52.560 --> 0:30:55.440
<v Speaker 3>wanted to reach another, the change of the administration gives

0:30:55.480 --> 0:30:58.200
<v Speaker 3>them a good cover to advance their own sort of

0:30:58.200 --> 0:31:00.960
<v Speaker 3>internal agendas if the agenda as exist, and I don't

0:31:01.000 --> 0:31:04.120
<v Speaker 3>know that they do in the cases of the ghost guns,

0:31:04.240 --> 0:31:09.080
<v Speaker 3>or in gender firming care or in the preventative ACA case,

0:31:09.640 --> 0:31:14.160
<v Speaker 3>but they could. And so the Court basically is at

0:31:14.200 --> 0:31:16.960
<v Speaker 3>the end of the day, incredibly powerful in our country,

0:31:17.040 --> 0:31:19.960
<v Speaker 3>and it has the discretion then to decide its own docket,

0:31:20.520 --> 0:31:24.760
<v Speaker 3>and the excuse of the transition can even enhance their

0:31:24.840 --> 0:31:28.000
<v Speaker 3>power decide which issues to address and which not to.

0:31:28.720 --> 0:31:32.120
<v Speaker 1>The Court has been on an administrative law tare against

0:31:32.240 --> 0:31:35.920
<v Speaker 1>regulatory agencies. Do you think we'll still see that in

0:31:35.960 --> 0:31:37.080
<v Speaker 1>a Trump administration.

0:31:37.400 --> 0:31:40.040
<v Speaker 3>That's a great question. I've been wondering that myself, because

0:31:40.040 --> 0:31:45.680
<v Speaker 3>obviously their political leadings clash against their constitutional sort of

0:31:46.000 --> 0:31:49.160
<v Speaker 3>preference for common law decision making as opposed to that

0:31:49.200 --> 0:31:52.720
<v Speaker 3>by the regulatory state. And yet President Trump is going

0:31:52.760 --> 0:31:56.280
<v Speaker 3>to re rely on the regulatory state to push his agenda.

0:31:56.640 --> 0:31:59.240
<v Speaker 3>So it will be fascinating to see whether or not

0:31:59.800 --> 0:32:04.160
<v Speaker 3>the Court continues its aggressive drive. But one of the

0:32:04.200 --> 0:32:09.640
<v Speaker 3>issues that is interesting is what about the FED. The

0:32:09.680 --> 0:32:14.120
<v Speaker 3>FED traditionally has been considered to be independent. President Trump

0:32:14.240 --> 0:32:17.240
<v Speaker 3>has railed against at times the independence of the FED,

0:32:17.840 --> 0:32:21.480
<v Speaker 3>and so he might try to trigger a constitutional crisis

0:32:21.720 --> 0:32:25.080
<v Speaker 3>by firing the head of the FED, and then the

0:32:25.080 --> 0:32:28.360
<v Speaker 3>Court would have to decide whether or not Congress's restrictions

0:32:28.400 --> 0:32:32.239
<v Speaker 3>on the removability of the FED is constitutional or not.

0:32:32.360 --> 0:32:37.160
<v Speaker 3>So that is one instance when the Court might continue

0:32:37.240 --> 0:32:39.840
<v Speaker 3>it's push towards a unitary executive, which of course would

0:32:39.880 --> 0:32:42.520
<v Speaker 3>be embraced by President Trump.

0:32:43.040 --> 0:32:45.080
<v Speaker 1>Thanks so much for being on the show. Hal, That's

0:32:45.080 --> 0:32:48.280
<v Speaker 1>Professor Harold Krent of the Chicago Kent College of Law.

0:32:48.840 --> 0:32:51.480
<v Speaker 1>And that's it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Podcast.

0:32:51.800 --> 0:32:54.200
<v Speaker 1>Remember you've can always get the latest legal news by

0:32:54.240 --> 0:32:58.040
<v Speaker 1>subscribing and listening to the show on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:32:58.360 --> 0:33:02.200
<v Speaker 1>and at Bloomberg dot com, Rush podcast, slash Law. I'm

0:33:02.280 --> 0:33:04.680
<v Speaker 1>June Grosso and this is Bloomberg