WEBVTT - Supreme Court Expands Religious Liberties

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grassoe from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court expanded religious liberties, including one that struck

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<v Speaker 1>another blow to the contraceptive mandate in obamacarem In a

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<v Speaker 1>seven to two vote, the Court upheld the Trump administration's

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<v Speaker 1>expansion of the religious exemption to the mandate, giving employers

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<v Speaker 1>a broad right to refuse to offer birth control through

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<v Speaker 1>their health plans. It was the third time the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court has ruled in the fractious debate over the contraceptive mandate,

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<v Speaker 1>and during your arguments, Chief Justice John Roberts expressed some

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<v Speaker 1>frustration that neither side seemed to want to work the

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<v Speaker 1>problem out. Well, the problem is that neither side in

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<v Speaker 1>this debate wants the accommodation to work. The one side

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't want it to work because they want to say

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<v Speaker 1>the mandate is required, and the other side doesn't want

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<v Speaker 1>it to work because they want to uh impose the mandate? Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>Is it really the case that there is no way

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<v Speaker 1>to resolve those differences? But just as Ruth Bade Ginsburg,

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<v Speaker 1>who dissented in the case with Justice Sonia Sotomayor, conveyed

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<v Speaker 1>her concern for the women who would immediately lose access

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<v Speaker 1>to free contraception as many as one thousand, four hundred

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<v Speaker 1>according to a government estimate. At the end of the day,

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<v Speaker 1>the government is throwing into the wind the women's entitlement

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<v Speaker 1>to seamless no cost to them. It is requiring those

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<v Speaker 1>women to pay for contraceptive services. Joining me is Richard Garnett,

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<v Speaker 1>a professor at Notre Dame Law School. In three cases

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<v Speaker 1>involving religion, this term the decisions expanded religious liberty is

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<v Speaker 1>the line between separation of church and state moving or blurring.

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<v Speaker 1>So as I see it, it's worth distinguishing among these

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<v Speaker 1>three cases in the sense that decisions involving the Catholic

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<v Speaker 1>schools and teachers and the Ministry of Exception that case

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<v Speaker 1>is best seen as involving and vindicating the separation of

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<v Speaker 1>church and state. That is the if you think about

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<v Speaker 1>what the core idea in the separation of church and

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<v Speaker 1>state is that the government should lack the power to

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<v Speaker 1>decide who's going to be a minister or a bishop.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, if you think of the oldest church state

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<v Speaker 1>controversies that we have are when kings wanted to decide

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<v Speaker 1>who was going to run the church and the principle

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<v Speaker 1>that was applied in the in the school's cases today

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<v Speaker 1>should be seen as a decision that affirmed the separation

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<v Speaker 1>of church and state. It affirmed that secular and civil

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<v Speaker 1>courts shouldn't be interfering or inserting themselves into essentially religious questions. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>let's move to the Little Sister's case. That case, at

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<v Speaker 1>this point, since been going on for so long, is

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<v Speaker 1>really a case about administrative law and procedure. But if

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<v Speaker 1>you scrape off the top, get down a little deeper,

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<v Speaker 1>it is the case about whether the government's allowed to

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<v Speaker 1>a comidate religion. But in the American tradition, we've never

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<v Speaker 1>thought that the separation of church and state prevents accommodations.

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<v Speaker 1>We've sometimes said that the constitution doesn't require them, and

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<v Speaker 1>we've said in some context that even if you have

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<v Speaker 1>a religious objection to a law, you're not constitutionally entitled

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<v Speaker 1>to an exemption. But when legislatures or government officials crafts

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<v Speaker 1>laws in such a way that religious people are accommodated,

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<v Speaker 1>in our tradition, again we haven't thought that violates the

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<v Speaker 1>separation of church and state. The case that represents, I

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<v Speaker 1>think the most kind of striking development is the Espinosa

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<v Speaker 1>case from Montana, which you mentioned about the blame amendments

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<v Speaker 1>and the funding of religious schools. As you know, there

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<v Speaker 1>was a there was a time in American constitutional law

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<v Speaker 1>and the sixties, seventies and early eighties when people thought

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<v Speaker 1>that the a lot of justice is thought too that

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<v Speaker 1>the separation of church and state required that the government

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<v Speaker 1>not fund, not even advanced in any way, even indirectly,

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<v Speaker 1>the missions of religious schools. Now where the doctrines move,

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<v Speaker 1>there is that so long as the government is being

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<v Speaker 1>neutral and treating private and secular alternatives alike, that this

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<v Speaker 1>kind of cooperation is okay. But certainly I think there

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<v Speaker 1>are there are lines that are kind of universally recognized

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<v Speaker 1>in addition to the to the ones that we're in

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<v Speaker 1>the ministry exception cases. Today, all the justices would agree

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<v Speaker 1>that the government could never require or coerce involvement in

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<v Speaker 1>religious activities or prayer or anything of that kind. I

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<v Speaker 1>think all the justices agree, as they should, that the

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<v Speaker 1>government shouldn't have any role in deciding what particular churches,

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<v Speaker 1>um liturgy or rituals or ministerial training should be. So

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<v Speaker 1>in a sense, I think we're we're arriving at a

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<v Speaker 1>place that is consistent with the historical understanding of what

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<v Speaker 1>the important principle of church state separation involved, which was

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<v Speaker 1>keeping political and religious authority distinct. And I think we're

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<v Speaker 1>kind of moving away from the view that again was

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<v Speaker 1>probably on offer in the nineties and seventies, which was

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<v Speaker 1>hostile to any form of sort of cooperation between faith

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<v Speaker 1>and the public square. Let's discuss the cases separately now,

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<v Speaker 1>So the case involving the contraceptive mandate, the Trump administration

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<v Speaker 1>expanded the ability to opt out of paying for contraceptive

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<v Speaker 1>coverage from houses of worship to include publicly traded companies

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<v Speaker 1>and universities with religious or moral objections to contraception. Tell

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<v Speaker 1>us about that decision. The Court's ruling was focused primarily

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<v Speaker 1>on whether or not the administration followed the correct procedures

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<v Speaker 1>when it created this accommodation. So it's mainly an administrative

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<v Speaker 1>law opinion. The court's opinion is not really about whether

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<v Speaker 1>or not this exemption is a good idea. Now, as

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<v Speaker 1>you said, the Trump administration expanded the religious exemption that

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court had affirmed in Hobby Lobby, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>several years ago, to include entities that had quote moral,

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<v Speaker 1>not just religious, but moral objections to providing conception coverage

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<v Speaker 1>in their insurance policies. Reasonable people can disagree about whether

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<v Speaker 1>that expansion is good policy. The Religious Freedom Restoration Act,

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<v Speaker 1>which arguably does require an exemption for religious employers, wouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>apply to employers that have moral but not religious objections.

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<v Speaker 1>So the accommodation that was provided does go beyond what

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<v Speaker 1>the federal religious freedom law arguably requires. But in a

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<v Speaker 1>sense that's fine. The question is just whether the administration

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<v Speaker 1>kind of followed the correct procedure for creating this exemption.

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<v Speaker 1>I've been talked to professor Richard Garnett of the Notre

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<v Speaker 1>Dame Law School about cases involving religious liberties. The Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court handed down to Ricky said that the case involving

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<v Speaker 1>the contraceptive mandate was basically an admit a strait of

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<v Speaker 1>law case. How did Justice Thomas answer the claims that

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<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration had not followed the correct procedures? Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>so there's a law called the Administrative Procedure Actors, and

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<v Speaker 1>there's other precedents and practices that require certain pathways to

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<v Speaker 1>be followed before administrative rules are changed. The challengers to

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<v Speaker 1>this exemption said that the administration kind of didn't dot

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<v Speaker 1>all the eyes and cross all the teas that were required,

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<v Speaker 1>and Justice Thomas for the court said, yes, they did,

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<v Speaker 1>but there wasn't any kind of unlawful departure from the

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<v Speaker 1>procedures that are required in order for an agency to

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<v Speaker 1>change its rules. You know, the idea here is that,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, it's often the case, and we might well

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<v Speaker 1>see this in a couple of months, that when a

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<v Speaker 1>new administration comes in and has different priorities and agencies

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<v Speaker 1>adjust the rules, we want to make sure they don't

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<v Speaker 1>change their rules and kind of a haphazard or random fashion.

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<v Speaker 1>And so courts do want to make sure that they

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<v Speaker 1>follow the proper procedures. And here again, whether one likes

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<v Speaker 1>the new accommodation or not, the question is really, well,

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<v Speaker 1>is this administration following the correct procedure to put into

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<v Speaker 1>place the rules that it wanted. And we've seen in

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<v Speaker 1>some other cases the court telling the administration that it

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<v Speaker 1>hadn't followed the proper procedures right in the in the

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<v Speaker 1>census case or in the recent case about the DOCTA,

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<v Speaker 1>we had instances where the court told the administration you

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<v Speaker 1>didn't do this right. But in this case, the Court

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<v Speaker 1>thought the administration had followed the proper procedures and that

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<v Speaker 1>the accommodation was therefore permissible. The Court didn't say that

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<v Speaker 1>the accommodation was required by the Constitution, just that it's permissible.

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<v Speaker 1>Justices Elina Kiggainst. Stephen Ryer joined the majority, but Kagan

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<v Speaker 1>wrote a concurring opinion, and she said the lower courts

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<v Speaker 1>could still consider arguments that the administration didn't engage in

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<v Speaker 1>reason decision making. What is she referring to here, So,

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<v Speaker 1>in administrative law, you have questions about sort of following

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<v Speaker 1>the correct procedures, but you also have questions that involve

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<v Speaker 1>making sure that agencies are, as she put it, engaged

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<v Speaker 1>in reason decision making, that they're not being kind of

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<v Speaker 1>arbitrary and capricious, that the records built up well enough.

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<v Speaker 1>And I take her point to be that since this

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<v Speaker 1>particular case involved challenges more to the procedure that the

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<v Speaker 1>administration had followed, that it would still be possible, you know, again,

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<v Speaker 1>in a later stage in this litigation, that this litigation

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<v Speaker 1>keeps ongoing to say, Okay, maybe it is true that

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<v Speaker 1>the proper pathways were followed. But it's still the case

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<v Speaker 1>that the agencies have to provide some evidence that they

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<v Speaker 1>rationally considered all factors and balanced all costs of benefits,

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<v Speaker 1>and that maybe that didn't happen here. So for some

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<v Speaker 1>who are wondering, like will this case about the contraception

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<v Speaker 1>mandate ever end? I think that Justice Kagan's point might

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<v Speaker 1>have been, well, it's not necessarily over yet, there's still

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<v Speaker 1>other other bases to challenge it. But Justice Kegan agrees

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<v Speaker 1>that the challenge in this case didn't go through. What

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<v Speaker 1>happens now. I thought that this was okay, they're good

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<v Speaker 1>to go on this. Now. I don't know what's going

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<v Speaker 1>to happen next. I take her to be saying this

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<v Speaker 1>is something that could happen. But obviously it's a it's

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<v Speaker 1>a question whether litigants will decide to bring a different

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<v Speaker 1>challenge again, one that's more substantive and less procedural to

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<v Speaker 1>this particular accommodation. And of course, you know, given that

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<v Speaker 1>we're coming up on an election and there might well

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<v Speaker 1>be a change in administration, you could very well see

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<v Speaker 1>a new administration trying to change the very regulations that

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<v Speaker 1>were an issue in this case. So we have to

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<v Speaker 1>wait and see. Splite one thing. Well, let's say you

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<v Speaker 1>have a publicly traded company and they say we have

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<v Speaker 1>moral objections to contraceptives. Is that all they have to do?

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<v Speaker 1>Do they have to do anything to prove that they

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<v Speaker 1>actually have those and they're not just trying to get

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<v Speaker 1>away with not paying for contraceptive coverage. Yeah. Generally speaking,

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<v Speaker 1>in cases involving religious exemptions, courts may and do inquire

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<v Speaker 1>into whether the claim is quotes fear. So there has

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<v Speaker 1>to be some evidence that the asserted objection is, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>being made in good faith. The question is that whether

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<v Speaker 1>the objectors are right. You know, the courts are supposed

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<v Speaker 1>to get into the question of, you know, what's the

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<v Speaker 1>moral right answer to this question, but you're allowed to

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<v Speaker 1>ask whether a claimant is sincere. Courts do this all

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<v Speaker 1>the time. If you think back to the hobby Lobby case. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, there was plenty of evidence that the owners

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<v Speaker 1>of Hobby Lobby did have certain religious beliefs, that they

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<v Speaker 1>were representing them accurately and so on. But you know,

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<v Speaker 1>presumably if Ford Motor Company were to come forward and say,

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<v Speaker 1>we don't want to do this anymore, we don't want

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<v Speaker 1>to provide these benefits because we have a religious objection

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<v Speaker 1>of court, which they will show me one bit of

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<v Speaker 1>evidence that you have this objection or that you've ever

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<v Speaker 1>tried to assert it in other cases, and I suspect

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<v Speaker 1>the court would be pretty skeptical about that. And of

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<v Speaker 1>course it's not clear at all that publicly traded corporations

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<v Speaker 1>have any incentive to gain this particular account adation, since

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<v Speaker 1>there's a lot of evidence that UM providing contraception coverage

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<v Speaker 1>to employees says corporations money. So that would suggest that

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<v Speaker 1>when a corporation does as certain objection, like Hobby Lobby did,

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<v Speaker 1>they probably are sincere because they're not trying to again,

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<v Speaker 1>they're not trying to get some kind of financial advantage.

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<v Speaker 1>I remember that during the oral arguments, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg,

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<v Speaker 1>who during this argument I believe was taking part from

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<v Speaker 1>the hospital, was very fiery in her questioning how how

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<v Speaker 1>would you characterize her dissent? I would say it was

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<v Speaker 1>kind of in keeping with the tone of our argument.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, um, this is in many ways. I mentioned

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<v Speaker 1>a couple of minutes ago that this case has been

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<v Speaker 1>going on for a long time, and Justice Ginsburg dissented

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<v Speaker 1>in the Hobby Lobby case, she thinks that the the

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<v Speaker 1>policy of the contraception coverage mandate. I think she thinks

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<v Speaker 1>it's a wise policy and that it's certainly legally permissible.

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<v Speaker 1>She objected here quite strongly, obviously, to the administration's decision

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<v Speaker 1>to to revise and to expand the accommodation that had

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<v Speaker 1>been put in place by Obama. She was very direct

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<v Speaker 1>in her disagreement. And let's turn out to the second case,

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<v Speaker 1>the ministerial exception explain the court's decision. Sure, so these

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<v Speaker 1>are two cases that presented basically the same issue. They

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<v Speaker 1>involved parochial school teachers at Catholic schools who've been fired,

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<v Speaker 1>who had then filed employment discrimination claims, and the question

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<v Speaker 1>was whether these claims can go forward given that eight

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<v Speaker 1>years ago, a unanimous Supreme Court said that the First

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<v Speaker 1>Amendment doesn't allow employment discrimination lawsuits to be used as

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<v Speaker 1>a way to kind of second guests religious schools decisions

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<v Speaker 1>about who will or who will not be They use

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<v Speaker 1>the term minister, but you know, a leader, a teacher,

0:13:56.559 --> 0:13:59.800
<v Speaker 1>somebody who plays an important religious role. Um. That was

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<v Speaker 1>years ago, and the Court again had been unanimous in

0:14:03.920 --> 0:14:06.079
<v Speaker 1>a case involving a teacher in a Lutheran school. The

0:14:06.200 --> 0:14:09.920
<v Speaker 1>question here was whether these teachers were any different from

0:14:09.960 --> 0:14:12.720
<v Speaker 1>the teacher in the case eight years ago seven justices,

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<v Speaker 1>So the five Conservatives plus Justice Justices Kagan and Bryer

0:14:16.760 --> 0:14:20.640
<v Speaker 1>agreed that this case presented basically the same issue as

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<v Speaker 1>the Josiana Table case eight years ago, and that because

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<v Speaker 1>the First Amendment both you know, the separation of Church

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<v Speaker 1>and State and the free exercise clause, the First Amendment

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<v Speaker 1>tells governments that they don't get to decide who should

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<v Speaker 1>or who should not be involved in religious education and leadership,

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<v Speaker 1>so that these lawsuits can't go forward because, if you

0:14:38.320 --> 0:14:41.200
<v Speaker 1>think about it, an employment discrimination lawsuit brought by a

0:14:41.240 --> 0:14:44.720
<v Speaker 1>religious school teacher is basically a request to a court

0:14:44.760 --> 0:14:47.400
<v Speaker 1>to tell a religious school, Hey, this person gets to

0:14:47.440 --> 0:14:49.000
<v Speaker 1>be a religious school teacher for you, whether you like

0:14:49.040 --> 0:14:53.160
<v Speaker 1>it or not. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals had

0:14:53.200 --> 0:14:56.480
<v Speaker 1>said that these cases could go forward because the Ninth

0:14:56.480 --> 0:15:00.280
<v Speaker 1>Circuit adopted, but the Court told us was a a

0:15:00.520 --> 0:15:04.960
<v Speaker 1>narrow version of this ministry or exception doctrine. And so

0:15:05.360 --> 0:15:08.120
<v Speaker 1>I think, from my perspective anyway, the way to see

0:15:08.120 --> 0:15:11.120
<v Speaker 1>these cases that came down today is that the court

0:15:11.160 --> 0:15:13.560
<v Speaker 1>basically said, we we meant what we said eight years ago.

0:15:14.160 --> 0:15:18.520
<v Speaker 1>The Ninth Circuit was wrong to shrink this doctrine, and

0:15:18.560 --> 0:15:22.600
<v Speaker 1>we're just reaffirming what we said before, mainly that there

0:15:22.600 --> 0:15:28.000
<v Speaker 1>are some employees of religious institutions who are involved in

0:15:28.040 --> 0:15:32.680
<v Speaker 1>the religious mission of those institutions, and that the principle

0:15:32.720 --> 0:15:35.080
<v Speaker 1>of religious freedom and the principle of church state separation

0:15:35.240 --> 0:15:39.440
<v Speaker 1>doesn't allow courts to interfere in the decisions about who

0:15:39.440 --> 0:15:42.280
<v Speaker 1>should or should not be a minister. Did the majority

0:15:42.320 --> 0:15:47.440
<v Speaker 1>opinion give any guidance for who is a teacher who

0:15:47.600 --> 0:15:50.680
<v Speaker 1>is involved in religious education? Does there have to be

0:15:50.760 --> 0:15:53.600
<v Speaker 1>more than just a teacher? In a sense, what the

0:15:53.640 --> 0:15:58.520
<v Speaker 1>majority said today was, you can't reduce this question to

0:15:58.680 --> 0:16:01.960
<v Speaker 1>kind of a bright line test. You can't reduce it

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<v Speaker 1>to the presence or the absence of any one particular factor. So,

0:16:05.960 --> 0:16:09.280
<v Speaker 1>for example, it doesn't matter, or at least, it's not

0:16:09.320 --> 0:16:12.200
<v Speaker 1>the only thing that matters, whether somebody has a title

0:16:12.600 --> 0:16:15.960
<v Speaker 1>of minister or pastor or rabbi, because after all, there's

0:16:16.000 --> 0:16:19.960
<v Speaker 1>lots of religious organizations that might be newer or unfamiliar

0:16:20.080 --> 0:16:22.960
<v Speaker 1>or just different. They don't use those terms, and so

0:16:23.000 --> 0:16:25.640
<v Speaker 1>you wouldn't want to adopt a rule that kind of

0:16:25.880 --> 0:16:29.440
<v Speaker 1>privileged religions that use certain titles over ones that didn't.

0:16:29.600 --> 0:16:31.600
<v Speaker 1>And the court also said, like, there's a real danger

0:16:31.840 --> 0:16:34.760
<v Speaker 1>to make the test depend on, well, how much religious

0:16:34.840 --> 0:16:36.880
<v Speaker 1>training does the person have to have, because then you

0:16:36.920 --> 0:16:40.200
<v Speaker 1>have courts trying to evaluate, you know, what counts as

0:16:40.200 --> 0:16:42.440
<v Speaker 1>religious training and whatnot. So what the court did is

0:16:42.480 --> 0:16:44.200
<v Speaker 1>really just say, you have to look at the function.

0:16:44.760 --> 0:16:46.800
<v Speaker 1>You have to look at what the employee is being

0:16:46.840 --> 0:16:50.280
<v Speaker 1>asked to do by the religious organization, and if the

0:16:50.320 --> 0:16:56.640
<v Speaker 1>employee's role is connected to the religious organization's mission, then

0:16:56.680 --> 0:16:59.400
<v Speaker 1>that employee should be covered. So it's not a bright

0:16:59.440 --> 0:17:02.640
<v Speaker 1>line test. That more the courts saying, look, we articulated

0:17:02.680 --> 0:17:05.760
<v Speaker 1>this principle eight years ago. The Ninth Circuit tried to

0:17:05.760 --> 0:17:09.760
<v Speaker 1>convert that principle into a more of a mechanical test,

0:17:09.960 --> 0:17:12.040
<v Speaker 1>and the Court here said, that's not what we want.

0:17:12.280 --> 0:17:16.320
<v Speaker 1>We want courts to be appropriately deferential to the fact

0:17:16.400 --> 0:17:20.080
<v Speaker 1>that different religions have different ways of arranging themselves, and

0:17:20.160 --> 0:17:23.959
<v Speaker 1>that courts should ask the more general questions, is this

0:17:24.040 --> 0:17:28.639
<v Speaker 1>employee playing a part in the religious mission of the institution,

0:17:28.680 --> 0:17:30.960
<v Speaker 1>And if the employee is, then it should be up

0:17:31.000 --> 0:17:33.879
<v Speaker 1>to the religious institution to decide, for better or worse,

0:17:34.320 --> 0:17:37.680
<v Speaker 1>whether to hire or fire that person. Thanks Rick, That's

0:17:37.800 --> 0:17:40.760
<v Speaker 1>Richard Garnett of Notre Dame Law School, and that's UT

0:17:40.800 --> 0:17:43.960
<v Speaker 1>for this edition of Bloomberg Law. I'm June Grossel. Thanks

0:17:44.000 --> 0:17:46.200
<v Speaker 1>so much for listening, and remember to tune in to

0:17:46.240 --> 0:17:48.440
<v Speaker 1>The Bloomberg Lawn Show every week now at ten DM

0:17:48.520 --> 0:17:50.480
<v Speaker 1>Eastern right here on Bloomberg Radio.