WEBVTT - he Voting Rights Act Is in Jeopardy

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grossel from Bloomberg.

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<v Speaker 2>Radio mean eighty five eyes and six nays.

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<v Speaker 3>The motion prevails. The Sergeant at Arms and any officers

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<v Speaker 3>appointed by her are directed to send for all absentees

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<v Speaker 3>whose attendance is not.

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<v Speaker 2>Excused for the purposes of securing and maintaining their attendants

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<v Speaker 2>under warrant of arrest if necessary.

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<v Speaker 1>Arrest warrants, threats of prosecution and removal from office, and

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<v Speaker 1>possible federal involvement. The all out war over an unusual

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<v Speaker 1>mid decade redistricting in Texas is escalating and spreading across

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<v Speaker 1>the country. Texas Governor Greg Abbott ordered the arrest of

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<v Speaker 1>Democratic lawmakers who left the state to block a vote

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<v Speaker 1>on new congressional maps, and President Trump hasn't ruled out

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<v Speaker 1>federal involvement.

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<v Speaker 2>Well, I think they've abandoned the state.

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<v Speaker 1>Well, they may have to, but the Democratic lawmakers, like

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<v Speaker 1>state Representative James tallerco say they're not budging.

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<v Speaker 2>We're not very worried about the consequences we may face,

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<v Speaker 2>whether they are arrest or financial fines or even removal

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<v Speaker 2>from office, because we have right on our side. We

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<v Speaker 2>are part of a long American tradition of looking bullies

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<v Speaker 2>in the eye, of speaking truth to power, of civil disobedience,

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<v Speaker 2>of good trouble. That is how this democracy was forged.

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<v Speaker 2>And we are participating in that tradition and we're proud

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<v Speaker 2>to do it.

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<v Speaker 1>And several democratic states are threatening retaliatory redistricting. My guest

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<v Speaker 1>is elections law expert Rick Hassen, a professor at UCLA

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<v Speaker 1>Law School. So, Rick, Texas already jerrymandered it's maps in

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<v Speaker 1>twenty twenty one, and that's still in the courts. Is

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<v Speaker 1>what it's doing now, trying to redistrict again to get

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<v Speaker 1>five extra Republican seats. Is that constitutional?

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<v Speaker 3>Well, that remains to be seen. What's going to happen

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<v Speaker 3>and if Texas draws its districts again is they will

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<v Speaker 3>almost certainly be challenged as violating either the Voting Rights

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<v Speaker 3>Act or as violating the Constitution's prohibition on racial jerrymanagering.

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<v Speaker 3>And that'll get tied up in the courts, just as

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<v Speaker 3>the current round of redistricting is going to get tied

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<v Speaker 3>up in the courts. What the federal courts are not

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<v Speaker 3>going to do is say it's unconstitutional as a partisan

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<v Speaker 3>gerrymander that is, drawing the district lines to favor Republicans

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<v Speaker 3>over Democrats, because back in twenty nineteen, the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 3>decided a case called Rusho versus Common Cause, where the

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<v Speaker 3>Court said that there are no standards to judge under

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<v Speaker 3>the Constitution whether partisan jerry managering goes too far.

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<v Speaker 1>Several Blue states have threatened retaliatory redistricting, but two key states,

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<v Speaker 1>New York and California, have commissions drawing up the maps.

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<v Speaker 1>So would they be able to retaliate in time for

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<v Speaker 1>the midterms.

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<v Speaker 3>Well, as far as the California case goes, which is

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<v Speaker 3>one I'm most familiar with living here in California, the

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<v Speaker 3>way that registring could be done consistent with state law

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<v Speaker 3>in the middle of the decade would have to be

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<v Speaker 3>through a voter passed measure, because voters earlier passed to

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<v Speaker 3>measure actually two ballot measures, establishing a non partisan or

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<v Speaker 3>multi partisan commission and then extending that commission's job to

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<v Speaker 3>include drawing congressional district To overturn a ballot measure in California,

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<v Speaker 3>you need a new ballot measure. So what the legislature

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<v Speaker 3>and the governor are talking about doing now is drafting

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<v Speaker 3>a new registioning plan and putting it before voters in

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<v Speaker 3>a special election. If it passes, the new registing plan

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<v Speaker 3>would be in effect, and then that could be challenged

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<v Speaker 3>in court. But I think that again, because partisan jerry

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<v Speaker 3>managering is not something that federal courts will police, there

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<v Speaker 3>wouldn't be much of a federal basis unless you can

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<v Speaker 3>make an argument, again like the voting rights actor, as

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<v Speaker 3>a racial ferry manager, the district somehow are illegal.

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<v Speaker 1>If there is an all out redistricting war red states

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<v Speaker 1>versus blue states, would the red states or the Republicans

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<v Speaker 1>ultimately win because they're in control of more states.

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<v Speaker 3>Well, so to answer that question, you need to know

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<v Speaker 3>not just how many states to Republicans control, but how

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<v Speaker 3>much more redistricting on partisan grounds could they squeeze out

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<v Speaker 3>of their already existing plan. I'm not an expert on

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<v Speaker 3>the politics of all of this, but what I understand

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<v Speaker 3>is if all the states that could do more did

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<v Speaker 3>do more, it would probably end up benefiting Republicans more

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<v Speaker 3>than Democrats. But in each state, as our discussions already shown,

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<v Speaker 3>the particulars of state law and the particulars of the

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<v Speaker 3>state map, that's already in existence are going to dictate

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<v Speaker 3>some of that. I do think though, that it's very

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<v Speaker 3>bad for our politics. If everyone is trying to maximize

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<v Speaker 3>their congressional districts for you know, the most they can

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<v Speaker 3>squeeze out. I mean, it just creates more of a

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<v Speaker 3>winner take all, no holds barred, all out war kind

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<v Speaker 3>of mentality, which I think just further polarizes everyone in

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<v Speaker 3>the country.

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<v Speaker 1>It's sort of startling to hear the Republicans in Texas

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<v Speaker 1>and the presidents say, you know, we're doing this to

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<v Speaker 1>get more seats, But I mean, this is something, as

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<v Speaker 1>you've written, that Congress could cure.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, well, let me go back first to why are

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<v Speaker 3>they saying this. Well, one reason why we've seen legislators

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<v Speaker 3>in Texas and earlier in North Carolina say we are

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<v Speaker 3>doing a partisan jerimander like proudly admitting it, it's because

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<v Speaker 3>they're trying to deflect the argument, No, you're doing this

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<v Speaker 3>on racial grounds. You're doing this to make it harder

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<v Speaker 3>for black and Latino and Native American voters to elect

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<v Speaker 3>their candidates of choice, which could raise a Voting Rights

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<v Speaker 3>Act question or could raise a racial gerymander in question

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<v Speaker 3>on the protection close. So if the Supreme Court says

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<v Speaker 3>we're not going to police politics, but we are going

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<v Speaker 3>to police race, then of course they want to say,

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<v Speaker 3>if they're trying to defend it, we're just doing politics.

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<v Speaker 3>And so the courts have to try and sort that out,

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<v Speaker 3>which is a very difficult thing to do when in

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<v Speaker 3>a place like Texas, minority voters are much more likely

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<v Speaker 3>to vote for Democrats and white voters for Republicans. You're

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<v Speaker 3>right that Congress could do something. Article won. The Constitution

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<v Speaker 3>tells states they can set their rules for running congressional elections,

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<v Speaker 3>but Congress anytime can make new rules or alter those

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<v Speaker 3>state rules. And so if Congress wanted to say no

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<v Speaker 3>mid decade registering or established commissions, or set a standard

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<v Speaker 3>for when partisan jerry mandarin goes too far, Congress would

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<v Speaker 3>have the power to do that under this provision of

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<v Speaker 3>Article one, known as the Elections Clause. I just don't

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<v Speaker 3>think there's the political will in Congress, given our polarization,

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<v Speaker 3>given this all out war, there's no reason to expect

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<v Speaker 3>that Congress is going to do it anytime soon.

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<v Speaker 1>You mentioned racial jerry mandering, and the Supreme Court is

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<v Speaker 1>ordering reargument of a case that was argued last March

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<v Speaker 1>involving a Louisiana congressional map that created an additional majority

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<v Speaker 1>black district. Explain what's happening there.

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<v Speaker 3>So, what we're talking about here is a case called

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<v Speaker 3>Louisiana versus Calais, and it was already argued last March,

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<v Speaker 3>and it was one of these cases where the Louisiana legislature,

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<v Speaker 3>thanks to an earlier lawsuit, drew a second congressional district

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<v Speaker 3>where black voters could elect their cad of choice to

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<v Speaker 3>a congressional district. And the argument in the earlier case

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<v Speaker 3>was you had to draw the second district to comply

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<v Speaker 3>with Section two of the Voting Right sect. Well, then

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<v Speaker 3>a new group of voters came in and they said, hey,

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<v Speaker 3>when you drew that second district, you made race the

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<v Speaker 3>predominant factor in drawing those lines, and you don't have

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<v Speaker 3>up a compelling reason to do so, and therefore you

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<v Speaker 3>were committing a racial gerrymander in violation of the Fourteenth

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<v Speaker 3>Amendments Equal Protection Clause. Back in March, the court heard

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<v Speaker 3>argument in that case where the main issue was was

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<v Speaker 3>race really the predominant factor the main reason why the

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<v Speaker 3>second lines were drawn the way they were or was

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<v Speaker 3>it really about politics. It's surely about politics, then it's

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<v Speaker 3>not a racistarymander. Again, I find this distinct nonsensical when

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<v Speaker 3>you have so much overlap between race and party in

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<v Speaker 3>the Southern States. But it looked like yet another in

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<v Speaker 3>a series of cases where the court's deciding whether race

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<v Speaker 3>or party predominates. But then the end of the Supreme

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<v Speaker 3>Court's term in June, rather than decide the case, the

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<v Speaker 3>Court issued a somewhat unusual order saying we're going to

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<v Speaker 3>hear reargument in the case, we're going to want additional briefing,

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<v Speaker 3>but we're not telling you yet what we want the

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<v Speaker 3>briefing on. And then it was not until last Friday,

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<v Speaker 3>the August first, after five pm Friday night news dump,

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<v Speaker 3>where the Court issued this kind of obscure, cryptic order

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<v Speaker 3>that I read as really asking the question whether Section

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<v Speaker 3>two of the Voting Rights Sack remains constitutional. And the

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<v Speaker 3>way this comes into the case is if race did predominate,

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<v Speaker 3>then the only way you can do that, as in

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<v Speaker 3>drawing district lines, is if you have a compelling reason

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<v Speaker 3>to do so. And the compelling reason that has been

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<v Speaker 3>considered is, well, the voting rightsac made me do it.

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<v Speaker 3>I had to do it to comply with Section two.

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<v Speaker 3>It wants to hear, maybe it's unconstitutional to apply Section

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<v Speaker 3>two and make race the predominant factor when you're drawing

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<v Speaker 3>these district minds. So it really brings these two lines

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<v Speaker 3>of cases, the Voting Rights Act cases and the racial

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<v Speaker 3>gerrymandering cases together in a way where the Voting Rights

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<v Speaker 3>Act may lose. Here we are recording this on the

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<v Speaker 3>sixtieth anniversary of the passage of the Voting Rights Act,

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<v Speaker 3>and the Supreme Court appears poised to consider striking down

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<v Speaker 3>the second big pillar of the Voting Rights Act after

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<v Speaker 3>it had already struck down the first pillar in twenty

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<v Speaker 3>thirteen in the Shelby County versus Holder case.

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<v Speaker 1>Many of the Court's conservatives have been what you might

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<v Speaker 1>call hostile to the Voting Rights Act, and some seem

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<v Speaker 1>to think that the Voting Rights Act no longer provides

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<v Speaker 1>a legitimate basis for map makers to intentionally create majority

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<v Speaker 1>Black or majority Hispanic districts.

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<v Speaker 3>Well, the most recent piece of evidence we have on

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<v Speaker 3>what the Court thinks about the Voting Rights sack, aside

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<v Speaker 3>from this order that came out in the Louisiana case

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<v Speaker 3>is a case that was decided a few years ago

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<v Speaker 3>out of Alabama involving very similar facts of the voting

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<v Speaker 3>right fact requiring the drawing of an additional black majority district,

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<v Speaker 3>and in this case Alan versus Milligan, the Supreme Court,

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<v Speaker 3>on a five to four vote upheld the requirement that

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<v Speaker 3>these districts be drawn. The two conservatives who were in

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<v Speaker 3>the majority with the three liberals of the Court were

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<v Speaker 3>Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Cavanaugh, making it a five

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<v Speaker 3>to four decision, with Justices Gorsich, Barrett, Alito, and Thomas dissent.

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<v Speaker 3>But Justice Cavanaugh, in the majority, wrote separately to say,

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<v Speaker 3>I'm intrigued by the argument that maybe Section two is

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<v Speaker 3>no longer constitutional because of the passage of time and

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<v Speaker 3>the changes in political conditions. This isn't the case to

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<v Speaker 3>decide that, but there may come a case down the

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<v Speaker 3>line where we need to address that, and I think

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<v Speaker 3>now this Louisiana case is that case. Kavanaugh could prove

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<v Speaker 3>to be the fifth vote, and Roberts, who has shown

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<v Speaker 3>some hostility in Voting Rights Act cases in the past,

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<v Speaker 3>including the Shelby County case I mentioned, could be a

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<v Speaker 3>sixth vote. If the court divides along party lines, along

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<v Speaker 3>ideological lines, the voting NIGHTSAX Section two could either be

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<v Speaker 3>whittled down or killed off. And so what started off

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<v Speaker 3>as a pretty small, not blockbuster case out of Louisiana

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<v Speaker 3>could turn out to be the most important voting rights

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<v Speaker 3>case of this decade.

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<v Speaker 1>Coming up next on the Bloomberg Lawn Show, I'll continue

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<v Speaker 1>this conversation with UCLA law professor Rick Hassen. What are

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<v Speaker 1>the consequences of getting rid of Section two of the

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<v Speaker 1>Voting Rights Act. I'm June Grosso. When you're listening to Bloomberg,

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<v Speaker 1>I've been talking to UCLA law professor Rick Hassen about

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court indicating it will consider outlining the use

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<v Speaker 1>of race and drawing voting maps. This sets up a

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<v Speaker 1>blockbuster showdown with imp locations for dozens of congressional districts

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<v Speaker 1>with predominantly minority populations. Rick, as you mentioned, in twenty

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<v Speaker 1>twenty three, the Supreme Court prohibited Alabama from using a

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<v Speaker 1>voting map that the justices found unlawfully diminished the power

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<v Speaker 1>of black voters. I mean that was just a few

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<v Speaker 1>years ago. Why do you think the Court has reached

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<v Speaker 1>this sort of monumental moment or decision.

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<v Speaker 3>Now, well, you know John Roberts likes to move slowly.

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<v Speaker 3>Let's just take the killing off of Section five of

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<v Speaker 3>the Voting If Act, which happened in Shelby County. That

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<v Speaker 3>was the provision that said, the states with a history

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<v Speaker 3>of racial discrimination in voting need to get approval before

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<v Speaker 3>they make their voting changes to make sure that minority

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<v Speaker 3>voters would not be made worse off. Congress renewed section

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<v Speaker 3>five in two thousand and six. The Supreme Court first

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<v Speaker 3>took up the issue of overturning Section five in two

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<v Speaker 3>thousand and nine in a case called Northwest Austin Municipal

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<v Speaker 3>Utility District Number one versus Holder. And in that case,

0:13:06.120 --> 0:13:08.760
<v Speaker 3>the Court punts it on the question, but strongly signals

0:13:08.840 --> 0:13:12.040
<v Speaker 3>that in a future case it could strike down Section five.

0:13:12.280 --> 0:13:15.000
<v Speaker 3>It was not until twenty thirteen, right, so you're talking

0:13:15.000 --> 0:13:18.480
<v Speaker 3>about seven years after Congress acts that Roberts was finally

0:13:18.480 --> 0:13:21.880
<v Speaker 3>ready to pull the trigger. And so Roberts moves slowly.

0:13:22.240 --> 0:13:25.200
<v Speaker 3>He whittles things away, and again the Court in the

0:13:25.240 --> 0:13:27.480
<v Speaker 3>Louisiana case could whittle it the way at the Voting

0:13:27.520 --> 0:13:31.720
<v Speaker 3>Rights Act make it essentially toothless without striking it down directly.

0:13:32.200 --> 0:13:35.040
<v Speaker 3>But I think what's coming is not likely to be

0:13:35.080 --> 0:13:37.559
<v Speaker 3>good for the Voting Rights Act, So you think.

0:13:37.360 --> 0:13:39.719
<v Speaker 1>They might strike it down completely.

0:13:40.200 --> 0:13:42.320
<v Speaker 3>They might strike it down completely, or they might say

0:13:42.320 --> 0:13:44.920
<v Speaker 3>it's unconstitutionalized applied in Louisiana, and then it will take

0:13:44.920 --> 0:13:47.120
<v Speaker 3>time to figure out, well, what does that mean? How

0:13:47.160 --> 0:13:49.360
<v Speaker 3>does it apply in other cases? That would be much

0:13:49.400 --> 0:13:52.520
<v Speaker 3>more of a John Roberts faux minimalist move, looking like

0:13:52.800 --> 0:13:55.880
<v Speaker 3>they're moving slowly, but in fact, you know, I was

0:13:55.920 --> 0:13:58.559
<v Speaker 3>telling my editor of the piece that I wrote Slate

0:13:58.640 --> 0:14:01.880
<v Speaker 3>about this, that you know, the media loves to cover

0:14:01.960 --> 0:14:05.520
<v Speaker 3>the car crash, the Texas registricting, you know, legislators getting

0:14:05.559 --> 0:14:09.600
<v Speaker 3>on planes, and you know that's great visuals, great story.

0:14:09.840 --> 0:14:13.520
<v Speaker 3>But the Supreme Court does slow poisoning, and so it's

0:14:13.600 --> 0:14:16.640
<v Speaker 3>very hard to cover. Right. So here's an order that's issued,

0:14:16.880 --> 0:14:21.200
<v Speaker 3>you know, Friday after five pm in August. I mean,

0:14:21.720 --> 0:14:24.520
<v Speaker 3>which journalists want to work then? And then who's going

0:14:24.560 --> 0:14:27.720
<v Speaker 3>to cover it on the weekend about a case that

0:14:27.720 --> 0:14:31.280
<v Speaker 3>they're going to hear arguments about probably sometime in December

0:14:31.400 --> 0:14:34.720
<v Speaker 3>or maybe in January. And then the issue an opinion

0:14:34.760 --> 0:14:38.400
<v Speaker 3>in June that will be very hard to understand. So

0:14:38.800 --> 0:14:40.560
<v Speaker 3>the Court is still doing a lot of damage, but

0:14:40.600 --> 0:14:43.040
<v Speaker 3>it does it in a way that is much harder

0:14:43.400 --> 0:14:45.920
<v Speaker 3>to cover and much harder for the public to grasp.

0:14:46.360 --> 0:14:49.760
<v Speaker 1>Speaking about being hard for the public to grasp, what

0:14:49.840 --> 0:14:53.880
<v Speaker 1>kind of theory might the conservatives use if they decide

0:14:53.920 --> 0:14:55.480
<v Speaker 1>to strike down Section two.

0:14:56.360 --> 0:15:01.120
<v Speaker 3>So the theory that the concerns could adopt in striking

0:15:01.160 --> 0:15:05.720
<v Speaker 3>down Section two or in whittling it away is that

0:15:06.120 --> 0:15:09.200
<v Speaker 3>the equal protection clause the Fourteenth Amendment and the Fifteenth

0:15:09.240 --> 0:15:13.000
<v Speaker 3>Amendments prohibition on discriminating and voting on the basis of race,

0:15:13.480 --> 0:15:16.640
<v Speaker 3>require a kind of color blindness that you can't take

0:15:16.760 --> 0:15:21.040
<v Speaker 3>race into account when you do something like draw political maps.

0:15:21.360 --> 0:15:24.240
<v Speaker 3>That view of the Constitution is that odds with a

0:15:24.320 --> 0:15:29.320
<v Speaker 3>view of the Constitution as preventing discrimination against minority voters.

0:15:29.520 --> 0:15:33.000
<v Speaker 3>So the whole reason that the reconstruction amendments after the

0:15:33.040 --> 0:15:36.800
<v Speaker 3>Civil War, the Thirteenth Amendment abolishing slavery, the Fourteenth Amendment

0:15:36.880 --> 0:15:41.040
<v Speaker 3>including equal protection, the Fifteenth Amendment barring race discrimination, the

0:15:41.160 --> 0:15:44.720
<v Speaker 3>reason for those amendments was to protect black's former slaves

0:15:44.800 --> 0:15:49.440
<v Speaker 3>from discrimination. And here the Court, if it adopts a

0:15:49.520 --> 0:15:53.920
<v Speaker 3>color blind view of the Constitution really be perverting what

0:15:53.960 --> 0:15:57.440
<v Speaker 3>it is that these amendments were meant to do, which

0:15:57.480 --> 0:16:00.600
<v Speaker 3>is to allow for the protection of minority voters. Turning

0:16:00.760 --> 0:16:04.040
<v Speaker 3>these amendments on their head to say that congressional legislation

0:16:04.200 --> 0:16:08.360
<v Speaker 3>to protect black and other minority voters is itself unconstitutional.

0:16:08.560 --> 0:16:11.520
<v Speaker 3>But that seems like there are at least three and

0:16:11.560 --> 0:16:13.920
<v Speaker 3>as many as six justices on the Court that are

0:16:13.920 --> 0:16:16.760
<v Speaker 3>going to be willing to embrace that view of congressional

0:16:16.800 --> 0:16:18.600
<v Speaker 3>power and the Voting Rights Act.

0:16:19.400 --> 0:16:23.880
<v Speaker 1>What are the consequences if the Court does eliminate Section

0:16:23.960 --> 0:16:26.080
<v Speaker 1>two of the Voting Rights Act.

0:16:26.520 --> 0:16:31.360
<v Speaker 3>Right now, much Black, Latino and Native American representation happens

0:16:31.360 --> 0:16:34.200
<v Speaker 3>in state legislatures because of the Voting Rights Act. That is,

0:16:34.200 --> 0:16:37.200
<v Speaker 3>the Voting Rights Act is one of the remaining constraints

0:16:37.400 --> 0:16:42.680
<v Speaker 3>that allows for this kind of fairness, basic fairness and representation.

0:16:43.280 --> 0:16:47.240
<v Speaker 3>It would make our legislatures and our Congress much wider.

0:16:47.760 --> 0:16:51.560
<v Speaker 3>It would, I think trigger a political reaction, and I

0:16:51.600 --> 0:16:54.560
<v Speaker 3>think it could actually trigger a new voting rights movement

0:16:54.600 --> 0:16:57.760
<v Speaker 3>because this would be the Supreme Court being so hostile

0:16:58.160 --> 0:17:01.400
<v Speaker 3>to the Voting Rights Act. Remember, in the Constitution, in

0:17:01.440 --> 0:17:04.920
<v Speaker 3>both the Fourteenth and fifteenth Amendments. The Constitution gives Congress

0:17:04.960 --> 0:17:08.240
<v Speaker 3>the power to enforce the Fourteenth and fifteenth Amendments. These

0:17:08.359 --> 0:17:13.080
<v Speaker 3>powers are given to Congress to protect minority voters, and

0:17:13.119 --> 0:17:16.919
<v Speaker 3>the Supreme Court is whittling away or killing off the

0:17:16.920 --> 0:17:20.800
<v Speaker 3>Congress's ability to do this, and I think that it

0:17:20.880 --> 0:17:24.720
<v Speaker 3>makes the courts hostility to voting rights a direct political issue.

0:17:24.760 --> 0:17:28.960
<v Speaker 3>It would have changes in the way our politics runs,

0:17:29.320 --> 0:17:32.560
<v Speaker 3>from Congress in the broadest sense, to state legislatures down

0:17:32.600 --> 0:17:36.600
<v Speaker 3>to city council races in places where there are large

0:17:36.640 --> 0:17:40.480
<v Speaker 3>concentrations of minority voters and where whites and minority voters

0:17:40.520 --> 0:17:42.240
<v Speaker 3>tend to vote for different candidates. It would be an

0:17:42.280 --> 0:17:45.879
<v Speaker 3>earthquake in our politics. And I don't think that it

0:17:45.960 --> 0:17:48.640
<v Speaker 3>would be taken well by many people, who would see

0:17:48.680 --> 0:17:52.680
<v Speaker 3>the Supreme Court as really going too far in taking

0:17:52.720 --> 0:17:56.960
<v Speaker 3>away Congress's power to help protect minority voters, as was

0:17:57.000 --> 0:17:59.560
<v Speaker 3>the promise of the Fourteenth and fifteenth Amendments.

0:18:00.200 --> 0:18:04.480
<v Speaker 1>If that happens, would there be ways to challenge maps.

0:18:04.960 --> 0:18:06.800
<v Speaker 1>If you can't do it for partisan reasons, then you

0:18:06.800 --> 0:18:09.640
<v Speaker 1>can't do it for racial reasons. Are there other reasons?

0:18:10.440 --> 0:18:12.159
<v Speaker 3>Well, there will still be the one person in one

0:18:12.240 --> 0:18:15.040
<v Speaker 3>vote requirement, which means you have to draw districts with

0:18:15.480 --> 0:18:19.679
<v Speaker 3>roughly equal population. But even with that requirement that imposed

0:18:19.680 --> 0:18:23.200
<v Speaker 3>a very little constraint on the ability to draw lines

0:18:23.280 --> 0:18:25.760
<v Speaker 3>for the party in power to do what it wants.

0:18:26.000 --> 0:18:28.879
<v Speaker 3>Racial gerrymandering cases would be much less likely to be

0:18:28.920 --> 0:18:33.040
<v Speaker 3>successful as well, because there'd be no need to comply

0:18:33.119 --> 0:18:35.480
<v Speaker 3>with the Voting Rights Act, which is where this whole

0:18:35.520 --> 0:18:38.320
<v Speaker 3>line of cases comes from in the first place. So

0:18:38.760 --> 0:18:41.600
<v Speaker 3>it would be a less Congress acts or unless the

0:18:41.600 --> 0:18:45.560
<v Speaker 3>Constitution is amended or Congress passes new legislation, it would

0:18:45.560 --> 0:18:49.000
<v Speaker 3>really be turning the clock back to the mid nineteen

0:18:49.080 --> 0:18:52.440
<v Speaker 3>sixties in terms of representation, and that I think is

0:18:52.560 --> 0:18:56.119
<v Speaker 3>very dangerous for a multicultural democracy that we have today.

0:18:56.440 --> 0:19:00.040
<v Speaker 1>Well, the Louisiana case certainly seems like the case to

0:19:00.080 --> 0:19:02.359
<v Speaker 1>watch next term. It's great to have you on the

0:19:02.400 --> 0:19:06.280
<v Speaker 1>show again, Rick. That's Professor Rick Hassen of UCLA Law School.

0:19:06.800 --> 0:19:09.120
<v Speaker 1>And that's it for this edition of The Bloomberg Law Show.

0:19:09.480 --> 0:19:11.800
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:19:11.880 --> 0:19:16.160
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law podcasts. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:19:16.320 --> 0:19:21.359
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0:19:21.760 --> 0:19:24.359
<v Speaker 1>and remember to tune into The Bloomberg Law Show every

0:19:24.400 --> 0:19:28.320
<v Speaker 1>weeknight at ten pm Wall Street Time. I'm June Grosso

0:19:28.440 --> 0:19:30.040
<v Speaker 1>and you're listening to Bloomberg