WEBVTT - Justices Appear Divided in Gay Rights Cases

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes of the Bloomberg Law Podcast on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. The US Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court appeared divided on Tuesday over whether federal antidiscrimination law

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<v Speaker 1>protects gay and transgender employees, as the gentice has heard

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<v Speaker 1>arguments in a clash that will define the workplace rights

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<v Speaker 1>of millions of people. Joining me as constitutional law experts,

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<v Speaker 1>Stephen Vladdock, a professor at the University of Texas Law School,

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<v Speaker 1>Steve these were three separate cases, but with one legal

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<v Speaker 1>issue under Title seven. All three cases revolve around Title

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<v Speaker 1>seven of the Civil Rights Act of nineteen sixty four,

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<v Speaker 1>really one of the most important pieces of legislation commerce

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<v Speaker 1>has ever enacted, that is, I think most similiar to

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<v Speaker 1>us as the central employment discrimination law in the country.

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<v Speaker 1>Entitle seven basically prohibits most employers, basically every business with

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<v Speaker 1>more than you know, a small number of employees, from

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<v Speaker 1>discriminating against their employees on the basis of, among other things, sex.

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<v Speaker 1>We've understood for as long as Title seven has been

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<v Speaker 1>on the books that sex means you can't fire someone

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<v Speaker 1>because they're a woman, or even because they're a man.

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<v Speaker 1>The question in all three of these cases is does

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<v Speaker 1>that also mean you can't fire someone because they are

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<v Speaker 1>of a particular sexual orientation? Does that mean you can't

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<v Speaker 1>fire someone because they identify as a particular transgender status,

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<v Speaker 1>that they have a gender identity that might differ from

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<v Speaker 1>what you perceive their biological sex to be. And so

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<v Speaker 1>basically it's all about the meaning of sex. I understood

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<v Speaker 1>that the plaintiffs part of their argument was appealing to

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<v Speaker 1>the text of the statute in order to get some

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<v Speaker 1>of the textualists on the court on their side. Definitely right.

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<v Speaker 1>So I think one of the things that's really interesting

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<v Speaker 1>about this case is that in a world in which

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<v Speaker 1>we were all just pure formal sextualists, the law would

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<v Speaker 1>actually seem to be pretty favorably on the side of

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<v Speaker 1>the employees of the challengers here, of those who are

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<v Speaker 1>arguing the Title seven should extend a discrimination on the

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<v Speaker 1>basis of sexual orientation or transgender status. I think the

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<v Speaker 1>problem that arose and that we saw from the oral

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<v Speaker 1>argument on Tuesday morning, is that the justices, I think

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<v Speaker 1>are not necessarily quite the fervent committed textualists that they

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<v Speaker 1>always put themselves out to be. Let's explain it a

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<v Speaker 1>little bit, because so Justice Scalia was known as a textualist.

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<v Speaker 1>He was the sort of almost a leader, the father

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<v Speaker 1>of the movement, and Justice cour Sauch is supposed to

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<v Speaker 1>be one of those who follow Scalia. Yeah, I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>I think the idea behind textualism and the animated principle

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<v Speaker 1>is that when the words of a statute are clear,

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<v Speaker 1>there's just nothing appropriate in looking behind those words. Basically

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<v Speaker 1>that the words should be the first place the courts look,

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<v Speaker 1>and if the words are clear, to be the last

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<v Speaker 1>place they look. And you know, I think what the

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<v Speaker 1>plaintifts are arguing in these cases is that if you

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<v Speaker 1>look at it through that lens, it's pretty obvious that

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<v Speaker 1>discriminated on the basis of sex um means discriminated on

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<v Speaker 1>the basis of anything have him to do with your

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<v Speaker 1>sexual identity, with your biological sex, your sexual orientation, your

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<v Speaker 1>transgender status, and so the that's why they think that

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<v Speaker 1>this case could and should be decided slewly on the

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<v Speaker 1>basis of text at least based on the question, and

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<v Speaker 1>I think or arguments on Tuesday. You know, some of

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<v Speaker 1>the more conservative justices seem to have real concerns about that.

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<v Speaker 1>And I thinks the larger point their june is that,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, for all the talk about textualism, I think

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<v Speaker 1>justices tend to be um, for lack of a better word,

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<v Speaker 1>not entirely consistent about when they are faithful to that

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<v Speaker 1>principle above everything else. And one other considerations you know,

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<v Speaker 1>may and do factor into play. Justice COURSEU asked whether

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<v Speaker 1>the Court shouldn't leave matters to Congress, saying the Court's

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<v Speaker 1>decision could lead to massive social upheaval, So he's really

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<v Speaker 1>looking way beyond the text. Yeah, I mean, I think,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, the notion that the Court should leave the

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<v Speaker 1>decision of Congress, I think ignores the very possible answer

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<v Speaker 1>that Congress has already resolved this issue. Um. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>there's no question that when it comes to statutory interpretation, UM,

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<v Speaker 1>the Court's job is to act basically as the faithful

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<v Speaker 1>agent of the legislature. And the question here is whether Congress,

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<v Speaker 1>when it wrote that language into the statute, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>would have had a hard time believing that as our

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<v Speaker 1>understandings of sex based discrimination evolved that those understandings would

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<v Speaker 1>also be reflected um in what Title seven prohibits. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>I think the notion that we should pump this back

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<v Speaker 1>to Congress um may be attractive to the justices as

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<v Speaker 1>a dodge, but I think it's inconsistent with the notion

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<v Speaker 1>that we can you know, resolve these cases many times

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<v Speaker 1>by just looking at what the words say. Now, what

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<v Speaker 1>has the trend been in the courts of late in

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<v Speaker 1>the lower courts as far as the interpretation of the

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<v Speaker 1>word six in the so yeah, I mean, part of

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<v Speaker 1>how these cases got to the Supreme Court is the

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<v Speaker 1>lower courts have actually divided, at least in the context

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<v Speaker 1>of sexual orientation UM. There actually hasn't been nearly as

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<v Speaker 1>much percolation on the question of transgender status. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>I think, you know, courts are relatively new to the

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<v Speaker 1>problem of how to map onto you know, gender identity

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<v Speaker 1>UM and non binary gender status UM sort of relatively

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<v Speaker 1>classical constructions of of sex UM. But you know, the

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<v Speaker 1>lower courts I think have been more um skeptical. I

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<v Speaker 1>think of of extended Title seven to the transgenderal context.

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<v Speaker 1>I think part of what's interesting about the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>here is there was no question that the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>really was going to have to step in, at least

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<v Speaker 1>on the sexual orientation cases, because the lower courts had divided.

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<v Speaker 1>The Court really reached out to take up the transgender

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<v Speaker 1>status case. Um. There really had not been the full

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<v Speaker 1>kind of development in the lower courts that we usually

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<v Speaker 1>see before the Supreme Court weighs in. And you know,

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<v Speaker 1>I think some speculation there is that maybe the Court

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<v Speaker 1>thought it could split the difference um and hold the

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<v Speaker 1>Title seven extends to one of those class of cases

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<v Speaker 1>but not the other. You know, I did not see

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<v Speaker 1>a lot in the argument transcript from Tuesday suggesting that

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<v Speaker 1>the Justices are looking at the cases that way. They

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<v Speaker 1>may end up there, but at least, you know, based

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<v Speaker 1>on the arguments, they seem to be, you know, viewing

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<v Speaker 1>all three of these cases as rising and falling on

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<v Speaker 1>the same arguments. Is this case a test of whether

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kennedy's legacy in terms of gay rights will survive

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<v Speaker 1>a more conservative court. I think this case certainly is

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<v Speaker 1>a very important referendum on how the Supreme Court looks

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<v Speaker 1>after Justice Kennedy. You know, I think folks um. Probably

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<v Speaker 1>will remember that one of Justice Kennedy's real I think

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<v Speaker 1>visible contributions UM was writing for a majority, the majority

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<v Speaker 1>of the Court and just about all of the Court's

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<v Speaker 1>major decisions in the area of gay rights. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>from Roman versus Evans to Lawrence versus Texas, to Windsor

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<v Speaker 1>which struck down Doma to a burgher Fell in gay marriage.

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<v Speaker 1>Those are all opinions by Justice Kennedy. These cases are

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<v Speaker 1>a little different June, because these are statutory cases, UM,

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<v Speaker 1>But you know, the implications I think are at least

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<v Speaker 1>as profound um. And so yeah, I mean, I do

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<v Speaker 1>think that if the Court ends up not um treating

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<v Speaker 1>sexual orientation UM and or transgender status as sex based

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<v Speaker 1>discrimination for persons the title seven, I think that really

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<v Speaker 1>will be a sign of you know, a sign of

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<v Speaker 1>the times of a post Kennedy court. On the flip side,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, if the Court ends up agreeing with the

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<v Speaker 1>planeffs here, UM, I think that I'll be as signed of,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps of how much of the Court itself has moved,

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<v Speaker 1>maybe because of Justice Kennedy's contributions. Can you tell it

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<v Speaker 1>all or venture a guess from reading the transcript as

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<v Speaker 1>to which way they'll come down. You know. I sometimes

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<v Speaker 1>you really can go through a Supreme Court transcript and

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<v Speaker 1>have a pretty good feel for how the courts can rule.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't really see it here. I mean, I think

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<v Speaker 1>it's pretty clear that it's going to be sharply divided. UM.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's a pretty safe bet that, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the four progressive justices are likely going to side with

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<v Speaker 1>the planets at least in the sexual orientation case. UM.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, maybe they'll try to split the difference with

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<v Speaker 1>some of their conservative colleagues. I think it's almost certain that,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, at least three of the conservatives um will

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<v Speaker 1>side with the employers in both cases. And I think,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, the real question becomes, what about you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the the justices who really are increasingly in the median um,

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<v Speaker 1>if not in the middle, And that's you know, Justice Gorstch,

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<v Speaker 1>Chief Justice Roberts, maybe Justice Kavanaugh, and I just you know,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't know that we can have any confidence from

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<v Speaker 1>the transcript how really any of those three are going

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<v Speaker 1>to vote in these cases. Finally, the Trump administration was

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<v Speaker 1>fighting on both sides of the issue in this case.

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<v Speaker 1>The e o C on one side, and the Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Department on the other So yeah, I mean the you know,

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<v Speaker 1>this happens sometimes where you have you know, government units

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<v Speaker 1>that have independently degating authority that have their own position,

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<v Speaker 1>And the e o C historically has actually been a

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<v Speaker 1>leader in this space, whereas the Justice Department, I think,

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<v Speaker 1>was you know, quite aggressively pushing on behalf of the

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<v Speaker 1>employers in these cases. You know, I think that's not

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<v Speaker 1>unheard of, although it's always a little awkward when you

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<v Speaker 1>see it. Um you know, where you see the sort

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<v Speaker 1>of the agency tapped with actually enforced them our employment

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<v Speaker 1>laws coming out one way, and the Justice Department is saying,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, no, you shouldn't. I don't know that that's

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<v Speaker 1>going to tip the scales, you know in these cases.

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<v Speaker 1>I think the justices don't need the help. Um that really,

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<v Speaker 1>I think what this is going to come down to

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<v Speaker 1>is as between really what should be a relatively straightforward

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<v Speaker 1>case under you know, modern textualism, and the concerns that

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<v Speaker 1>you know, Justice course has alluded to it. The argument

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<v Speaker 1>which way the justices are gonna go? Um, anyone who

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<v Speaker 1>knows for sure? I think because is either you know,

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<v Speaker 1>one of those justices or is selling something. Thanks Steve

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<v Speaker 1>that's Stephen Vladdock, Professor at the University of Czexis School

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<v Speaker 1>of Law. Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast.

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<v Speaker 1>You can subscribe and listen to the show on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on bloomberg dot com slash podcast. I'm June Brosso.

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloo bird ter.