WEBVTT - This Explains Why Modern Markets Developed Where They Did

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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to another edition of the Odd Thoughts podcast.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Tracy Alloway and I'm Joe wisnal So Joe. We

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<v Speaker 1>obviously talk a lot about markets on the show, and

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<v Speaker 1>we talk a lot about stock markets, but do we

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<v Speaker 1>ever stop and consider how stock markets came into being.

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<v Speaker 1>We really don't talk about the origins of these markets

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<v Speaker 1>all that much, why the stock market created was created.

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<v Speaker 1>We sort of take it for granted. I'm very interested

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<v Speaker 1>in the subject because I often wonder, you know, if

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<v Speaker 1>you were to go around to market participants and ask them,

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<v Speaker 1>why do we have a stock market in the first place?

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<v Speaker 1>Why did we invent this thing? I'm always curious what

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<v Speaker 1>the answers would be, because I still don't think I

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<v Speaker 1>have a stelid grip on why they exist. Yeah, and

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<v Speaker 1>if you think about it, if you think real hard

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<v Speaker 1>about it, it's kind of a weird construction, right, the

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<v Speaker 1>idea that a bunch of strangers are going to get

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<v Speaker 1>together and share or sell each other shares in particular companies,

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<v Speaker 1>or things like why do we do that? And why

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<v Speaker 1>do we trust the other participants involved? Totally? Like every

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<v Speaker 1>time there's an I P O or something and It's like, wait,

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<v Speaker 1>if you're selling and you know more about the company,

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<v Speaker 1>If you think the insiders and the company are selling,

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<v Speaker 1>why should I be buying? I guess of that a

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<v Speaker 1>bad sign. And of course there's various mechanisms that we've

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<v Speaker 1>built to learn about companies, mandatory regulatory disclosures, quarterlia reports,

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<v Speaker 1>earnings calls, presentations, outside auditors, but we're still essentially buying

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<v Speaker 1>into companies that at best we only have partial information

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<v Speaker 1>of what's really going on. Right, So that's the other

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<v Speaker 1>side of the story, Right, There's two things. There's trust

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<v Speaker 1>and there's information involved. So we are going to take

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<v Speaker 1>a journey back in time for this particular edition of

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<v Speaker 1>Odd Lots and figure out how those two things kind

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<v Speaker 1>of came together at a particular moment in time to

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<v Speaker 1>create some of the first modern markets. Really, I can't wait,

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<v Speaker 1>because as hard as it is right now to really

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<v Speaker 1>have a grip on what's going on with the companies

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<v Speaker 1>we invest in, you know, you think back to hundreds

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<v Speaker 1>of years ago and how much worse disclosure would have been,

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<v Speaker 1>and auditing and standards of data reporting. Right now, we

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<v Speaker 1>all basically all counting think about accounting in like the

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen hundreds accounting and P and L statements and balance sheets.

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<v Speaker 1>We have the we have machines that can part this

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<v Speaker 1>in very standard ways of reporting this stuff. But at

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<v Speaker 1>the beginning, how did anyone believe anything exactly? All right?

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<v Speaker 1>So I'm glad you're on board. So to discuss all

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<v Speaker 1>of this, we have Partique Raj for our guest. He

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<v Speaker 1>is a PhD student over at the University College London.

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<v Speaker 1>He's also a research fellow at the Stickler Center for

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<v Speaker 1>the Study of the Economy and the State at the

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<v Speaker 1>University of Chicago Booth School of Business. And he is

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<v Speaker 1>also the author of a paper called the Origins of

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<v Speaker 1>Impersonal Markets in Commercial and Communication Revolutions of Europe. And

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<v Speaker 1>it's going to be really interesting, I promise. Let's bring

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<v Speaker 1>him on all right, Critique, thanks for joining us today. Hi,

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<v Speaker 1>Tracy and Joe. Great to be here. So, uh, did

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<v Speaker 1>we get the intro? Right? Were trust and information kind

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<v Speaker 1>of the two pillars of importance when it came to

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<v Speaker 1>creating the first modern market? So when you think about trust,

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<v Speaker 1>trust is generally a much more complicated construct, right, because

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<v Speaker 1>you can have trust in your family members and you

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<v Speaker 1>can have trust in strangers. So I think trust it's

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<v Speaker 1>created when you have one some incentives to really trust strangers.

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<v Speaker 1>So if you don't have any incentive to go out

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<v Speaker 1>and do business with people who you don't know, why

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<v Speaker 1>why would you need to trust them? So incentives really mattered.

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<v Speaker 1>And then on the other hand, of course, you need

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<v Speaker 1>to know about something about them, something about the markets

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<v Speaker 1>they work in. You need to have certain trust in

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<v Speaker 1>the markets and so forth. So yes, trust is really important,

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<v Speaker 1>but then the key question is how do you create

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<v Speaker 1>that trust. So in your paper, and before we talk

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<v Speaker 1>about how impersonal markets or stock markets were created, you

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<v Speaker 1>talk about the pre existing structures that were in place

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<v Speaker 1>to essentially solve the trust problem or to partially solve it,

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<v Speaker 1>and you talk about the role of I think trade

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<v Speaker 1>guilds in this. So can you explain what these guilds were,

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<v Speaker 1>what they did and they're important to comers. So not

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<v Speaker 1>just in Europe but around the world. Traditionally business has

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<v Speaker 1>happened through networks. So you have kabilahs in Arabic world,

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<v Speaker 1>you have jattas in India, you have guangs or clans

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<v Speaker 1>in China, and you have had guilds in Europe. And

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<v Speaker 1>the central role that they play is that one you

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<v Speaker 1>generally are interacting with people you know, or at least

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<v Speaker 1>people you know who know other people. So what it

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<v Speaker 1>does is that it creates a repeated interaction and that

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<v Speaker 1>kind of creates trust. So that's the simplest reason why

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<v Speaker 1>you can have you want to do business in networks.

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<v Speaker 1>Can you give an example to really help us understand

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<v Speaker 1>it of an industry you know, a lot of your

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<v Speaker 1>writing is in europe An industry that would have been

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<v Speaker 1>dominated by a guild and how specifically it would have

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<v Speaker 1>facilitated trade within that area. Basically all sorts of trading

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<v Speaker 1>industries would be dominated by guilds or networks. I think

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<v Speaker 1>an sample in the modern world is like these taxi

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<v Speaker 1>associations you are These are associations where basically entering is

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<v Speaker 1>rather difficult. You need to have a high license fee

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<v Speaker 1>to pay if you wanted to enter these taxi associations.

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<v Speaker 1>And one of the reasons you have these was because

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<v Speaker 1>you wanted reliable people to enter the taxi industry, because

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<v Speaker 1>who knows if you have a taxi driver who is

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<v Speaker 1>not very reliable. So taxi associations are an example of

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<v Speaker 1>a good modern day guild. And then you have something

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<v Speaker 1>like Uber or Lift disrupting that. So in a modern world,

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<v Speaker 1>I think taxi associations are like a favorite example that

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<v Speaker 1>I like to use. So in the sixteen hundreds in Europe,

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<v Speaker 1>you have these powerful merchant guilds and there's a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of influence and a lot of money presumably tied to

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<v Speaker 1>them because it's almost a monopoly. I suppose that they

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<v Speaker 1>have over particular areas of trade in a similar way

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<v Speaker 1>to the taxi medallions have a monopoly nowadays, with the

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<v Speaker 1>exception of the disruptive forces that are Uber and Left.

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<v Speaker 1>What happened in the sixteen hundreds to dislodge the power

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<v Speaker 1>of the merchant guilds. So generally, when people think about

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<v Speaker 1>guilts or any of such network institutions, there tends to

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<v Speaker 1>be these two extreme views. The one view is that

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<v Speaker 1>all guilts were really nice institutions which were building, which

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<v Speaker 1>were communities in which people would do business and rely

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<v Speaker 1>on each other, and um kind of capitalism came in

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<v Speaker 1>and created this very atomist world. That's one way of

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<v Speaker 1>looking at guilts. And then the other way of looking

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<v Speaker 1>at gils is that, well, these guilts were these networks

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<v Speaker 1>of nepotism and monopoly, and basically free market comes in

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<v Speaker 1>and rains in their power, and you have people who

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<v Speaker 1>can come from anywhere or any background can enter a

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<v Speaker 1>business and excel in it. So when you want to

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<v Speaker 1>understand why the guilts deadline, we have to identify the

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<v Speaker 1>things that they were really good at, which is providing

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<v Speaker 1>information to people or basically protecting people from a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of risks because you were basically trading with people who

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<v Speaker 1>if they cheated on you, you could kind of ostracize

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<v Speaker 1>them or make their reputation go bad. So this kind

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<v Speaker 1>of reliability and information helped guilts survive for so long.

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<v Speaker 1>So when you think about how would guilds deadline, you

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<v Speaker 1>have to go back and look at situations where people

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<v Speaker 1>had suddenly a new incentive to start to do business

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<v Speaker 1>with new people, because guilts were not very good at

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<v Speaker 1>providing you with new opportunities or situations where you could

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<v Speaker 1>get new information. So you have to look at the

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<v Speaker 1>interaction between incentives to go outside of guilts and the

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<v Speaker 1>need to they wily did to get information. And so

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<v Speaker 1>in your paper you identify two key factors that sort

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<v Speaker 1>of demonstrated grand unified theory, and you look at where

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<v Speaker 1>these impersonal networks took off, and the two factors seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to be a in the cities that had an opportunity

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<v Speaker 1>to trade with the outside world, so key trading ports,

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<v Speaker 1>geographic exposure to trade routes, and then the other thing

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<v Speaker 1>is proximity to the town where Guttenberg invented the printing press.

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<v Speaker 1>And so the combination of places that sort of had

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<v Speaker 1>access to printing press the new vector of information and

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<v Speaker 1>places that were on these trade routes. Combining those two

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<v Speaker 1>is where you see the first impersonal networks germinated, yes, exactly.

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<v Speaker 1>So that's that's the story. The big question is that

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<v Speaker 1>why is it that it's northwestern Europe where the first

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<v Speaker 1>stock markets or the first joint stock companies immerged. Why

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<v Speaker 1>not Spain or why not in Italy or why not

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<v Speaker 1>in Germany? And that's where you want to look at

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<v Speaker 1>this combination of factors. For example, Spain had all the

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<v Speaker 1>benefits of Atlantic trade. So when it comes to the

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<v Speaker 1>incentive to go out of gills and do business, I

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<v Speaker 1>think like Amsterdam, even in southern cities of Spain, you

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<v Speaker 1>had such incentives. On the other hand, if you want

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<v Speaker 1>to go after a theory that oh, well, access to

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<v Speaker 1>information made it easier for people to talk to each

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<v Speaker 1>other and to talk to strangers. Then you would have

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<v Speaker 1>to ask why did this not happen in Germany where

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<v Speaker 1>basically that's the hub for the printing press. And so

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<v Speaker 1>it is the combination of these two things that, well,

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<v Speaker 1>you need to have incentives to go out and do

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<v Speaker 1>business with people you don't know, and you need to

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<v Speaker 1>have information about the markets and the commodities you're trading

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<v Speaker 1>and somewhat the people you're working with. That's really important.

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<v Speaker 1>So it's the two things when they come together that

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<v Speaker 1>at least in this paper, I argue, create the uh

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<v Speaker 1>conditions that are favorable for the rise of such markets. Okay,

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<v Speaker 1>so if I'm a trader in Antwerp or Amsterdam and

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<v Speaker 1>I'm looking at all these opportunities taking place in the

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<v Speaker 1>new world, is the basic idea that in addition to

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<v Speaker 1>having that exposure to new types of trade or new

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<v Speaker 1>potential businesses, I can now pick up a printed book

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<v Speaker 1>or pamphlet and I can learn how to trade or

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<v Speaker 1>I can learn more information about those particular businesses. Yes,

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<v Speaker 1>so that's sort of the idea. So obviously, when the

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<v Speaker 1>printing press came in, all sorts of things were being printed. UM.

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<v Speaker 1>A lot of it was religious books, and the smallest

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<v Speaker 1>part of it was things like merchant manuals and books

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<v Speaker 1>in economics, etcetera, etcetera. And what was happening is that

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<v Speaker 1>when you happen to be at a place where trade

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<v Speaker 1>is really desirable, the content that gets produced in these

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<v Speaker 1>kind of places are related to those which helped trade

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<v Speaker 1>or out. For example, Amsterdam was emerging as a good

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<v Speaker 1>hub where a lot of navigation related UM books were

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<v Speaker 1>being printed. Or for example, in Antwerp, uh there was

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of printing of economics books, or it emerged

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<v Speaker 1>as a hub for double entry bookkeeping. So basically the

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<v Speaker 1>incentives to do trade was driving once you had the

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<v Speaker 1>access to printing, it was driving the content that was

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<v Speaker 1>helpful for creation of information that could help with trade.

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<v Speaker 1>What happened to the merchant guilds in these areas, in

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<v Speaker 1>areas like Antwerp and Amsterdam, did they try to fight

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<v Speaker 1>the change or was it just sort of a slow

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<v Speaker 1>dissolving of the role that they played in facilitating trade.

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<v Speaker 1>So it could differ from place to place. Like one

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<v Speaker 1>of the interesting historical stories that I learned while doing

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<v Speaker 1>this research was this virgence between Hamburg and Lubeck, and

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<v Speaker 1>which kind of tells you how. For example, in Lubek,

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<v Speaker 1>guilts tried to push back on the idea of opening

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<v Speaker 1>of impersonal markets, while in Hamburg they were not able

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<v Speaker 1>to have that kind of resistance. And the reason why

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<v Speaker 1>I think that was the case is because these two

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<v Speaker 1>cities happened to be at a very interesting geography. So

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<v Speaker 1>they are on two sides of the Jutland Peninsula in

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<v Speaker 1>the northern Germany, and Hamburg is on the Atlantic coast

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<v Speaker 1>while Luebeck is on the Baltic coast. So the basic

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<v Speaker 1>idea is that because Hamburg was at the Atlantic coast,

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<v Speaker 1>so this side of the of the Jutland Peninsula had

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<v Speaker 1>greater incentives to basically or exposure to the Atlantic trade

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<v Speaker 1>and its benefits. While Luebeck, while it was a major city,

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<v Speaker 1>it didn't get that kind of exposure because it was

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<v Speaker 1>on the Baltic side of the sea. And these two

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<v Speaker 1>cities were just sixty five apart from each other. So

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<v Speaker 1>in Lubec you have a lot of resistance to new

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<v Speaker 1>merchants coming in and they start to proper privileges, they

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<v Speaker 1>start to fight against the Danish and the Dutch who

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<v Speaker 1>are giving them competition. So yes, um, the guilts in

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<v Speaker 1>more established cities fight to fight back, while in a

0:14:19.440 --> 0:14:22.960
<v Speaker 1>place like Hamburg this slowly basically dissolved a way. You know,

0:14:23.000 --> 0:14:27.520
<v Speaker 1>I noticed particularly kind of introduced this as talking about

0:14:27.560 --> 0:14:30.840
<v Speaker 1>the origins of the stock market. You've been very specific

0:14:31.040 --> 0:14:34.400
<v Speaker 1>using this term in personal markets. Can you talk just

0:14:34.480 --> 0:14:37.400
<v Speaker 1>a little bit about what sort of the distinction is.

0:14:37.480 --> 0:14:41.320
<v Speaker 1>I mean, I imagine that the early impersonal markets aren't

0:14:41.400 --> 0:14:45.000
<v Speaker 1>really recognizably what we would call stock markets today. So

0:14:45.320 --> 0:14:49.080
<v Speaker 1>what precisely was being traded here? So the first stock

0:14:49.120 --> 0:14:53.800
<v Speaker 1>market was the Amsterdam Stock Exchange, which was specifically just

0:14:54.000 --> 0:14:58.360
<v Speaker 1>made to raise capital for the Dutch East India Company.

0:14:58.440 --> 0:15:00.760
<v Speaker 1>So it was for this one giant end company that

0:15:01.120 --> 0:15:04.920
<v Speaker 1>essentially a stock market was created. Before that, there existed,

0:15:04.960 --> 0:15:08.760
<v Speaker 1>for example, these commodity bourses where so for example in Antwerp,

0:15:09.000 --> 0:15:12.600
<v Speaker 1>where people would basically trade commodities in start uh in

0:15:12.720 --> 0:15:16.840
<v Speaker 1>spot kind of situations. So the key, the reason why

0:15:16.880 --> 0:15:19.920
<v Speaker 1>I like to use the term in personal markets is

0:15:19.960 --> 0:15:23.720
<v Speaker 1>because from a historical point of view, Um, my view

0:15:23.840 --> 0:15:27.920
<v Speaker 1>is that sixteenth century and thereafter was a major historical

0:15:28.040 --> 0:15:31.720
<v Speaker 1>break in terms of how the world was doing business,

0:15:31.760 --> 0:15:35.360
<v Speaker 1>which was that while until now you had relationships that

0:15:35.480 --> 0:15:39.520
<v Speaker 1>drove how business was done, but now suddenly at least

0:15:39.560 --> 0:15:44.080
<v Speaker 1>an opportunity emerged that somebody from some part of the

0:15:44.120 --> 0:15:46.640
<v Speaker 1>world could just come in and start to do business

0:15:46.640 --> 0:15:50.600
<v Speaker 1>in some other city. So basically this kind of lowered

0:15:50.640 --> 0:15:53.560
<v Speaker 1>the entry barriers for people who might not have been

0:15:53.600 --> 0:15:57.120
<v Speaker 1>privileged enough in the prior centuries to do trade. So

0:15:58.040 --> 0:16:01.560
<v Speaker 1>it is a major part of this sorry that how

0:16:01.600 --> 0:16:06.960
<v Speaker 1>impersonal markets, by making things more individualistic, make it easier

0:16:07.000 --> 0:16:10.680
<v Speaker 1>for people who are probably more motivated to come and

0:16:11.200 --> 0:16:14.200
<v Speaker 1>do business. So for example, in case of Hamburg, it

0:16:14.320 --> 0:16:17.360
<v Speaker 1>was a major hub for foreign merchants, but Lubec had

0:16:17.400 --> 0:16:20.080
<v Speaker 1>this problem that they didn't want to have foreign merchants

0:16:20.080 --> 0:16:23.280
<v Speaker 1>because they wanted to keep all their privileges for the locals.

0:16:23.320 --> 0:16:25.360
<v Speaker 1>So that's why I like to use the term in

0:16:25.440 --> 0:16:29.200
<v Speaker 1>personal markets, because the rise of stock market can be

0:16:29.320 --> 0:16:32.320
<v Speaker 1>like a side effect of this broader change in history.

0:16:33.080 --> 0:16:35.840
<v Speaker 1>But so for example, when you think about the Wall Street,

0:16:36.360 --> 0:16:38.400
<v Speaker 1>people from all parts of the world just come in

0:16:38.480 --> 0:16:40.640
<v Speaker 1>and then work at these banks, and it's not that

0:16:40.800 --> 0:16:44.840
<v Speaker 1>you have to be it's a pretty diverse place, and

0:16:44.840 --> 0:16:48.320
<v Speaker 1>and it's because your networks don't necessarily need to be

0:16:48.440 --> 0:16:52.400
<v Speaker 1>so important as long as you are really good making money.

0:16:52.760 --> 0:16:57.000
<v Speaker 1>So how much of the rise of impersonal markets had

0:16:57.040 --> 0:17:02.960
<v Speaker 1>to have happened along with strengthening of legal and governmental institutions,

0:17:03.000 --> 0:17:05.359
<v Speaker 1>because I imagine that that took care a part of

0:17:05.359 --> 0:17:11.640
<v Speaker 1>the trust problem as well. Right, Yes, So there's sort

0:17:11.640 --> 0:17:13.840
<v Speaker 1>of a code of evolution that is happening that you

0:17:13.880 --> 0:17:17.960
<v Speaker 1>especially see in cities like Antwerp in Amsterdam and also

0:17:18.080 --> 0:17:23.000
<v Speaker 1>Hamburg and London, where basically, when you already have an

0:17:23.000 --> 0:17:27.200
<v Speaker 1>incentive to attract new people whom you don't have any

0:17:27.280 --> 0:17:31.400
<v Speaker 1>historical or you know, familial ties with to your city,

0:17:31.720 --> 0:17:34.240
<v Speaker 1>then in order to attract these new merchants, you start

0:17:34.280 --> 0:17:38.880
<v Speaker 1>to make your institutions better. You essentially say, well, okay,

0:17:39.400 --> 0:17:43.280
<v Speaker 1>until now, our courts were so designed that you would

0:17:43.320 --> 0:17:47.520
<v Speaker 1>only allow for you will only do provide these legal

0:17:47.560 --> 0:17:50.480
<v Speaker 1>services to a certain group of merchants coming from a

0:17:50.520 --> 0:17:53.920
<v Speaker 1>specific group places, so you will give out privileges. Now

0:17:53.960 --> 0:17:58.000
<v Speaker 1>suddenly you started to build these institutions which were more generalized.

0:17:58.640 --> 0:18:01.880
<v Speaker 1>What it means is that instead of giving legal services

0:18:01.920 --> 0:18:04.520
<v Speaker 1>to a specific set of merchants, all your laws would

0:18:04.560 --> 0:18:07.840
<v Speaker 1>now apply to all merchants that come there, and there

0:18:07.960 --> 0:18:12.400
<v Speaker 1>is no special privilege that exists too a few set

0:18:12.480 --> 0:18:15.639
<v Speaker 1>of merchants. So there's this sort of a democratization of

0:18:15.800 --> 0:18:20.359
<v Speaker 1>institutions where you could simply get the legal services of

0:18:20.640 --> 0:18:23.240
<v Speaker 1>of that particular city if you happen to be a merchant.

0:18:23.280 --> 0:18:26.160
<v Speaker 1>So legal institutions start to evolve, and obviously it takes

0:18:26.200 --> 0:18:28.960
<v Speaker 1>a long time before they start to look the way

0:18:28.960 --> 0:18:32.720
<v Speaker 1>they look now, but that's in my view of time

0:18:32.800 --> 0:18:36.240
<v Speaker 1>when there's a big start of this legal evolution as well.

0:18:36.920 --> 0:18:40.720
<v Speaker 1>So listening to all this, it's pretty obvious that the

0:18:40.840 --> 0:18:43.879
<v Speaker 1>lessons that you drew out from this period there are

0:18:44.040 --> 0:18:47.320
<v Speaker 1>so many that apply to markets today and some of

0:18:47.359 --> 0:18:51.240
<v Speaker 1>the changes that we're saying. You already mentioned uber and

0:18:51.359 --> 0:18:54.480
<v Speaker 1>now I could get in someone's car without knowing who

0:18:54.480 --> 0:18:55.840
<v Speaker 1>they are, and I don't have to see that they're

0:18:55.880 --> 0:18:58.159
<v Speaker 1>part of some taxi guild, and I could have a

0:18:58.160 --> 0:19:00.439
<v Speaker 1>pretty good trust that they're going to get me to

0:19:00.480 --> 0:19:02.639
<v Speaker 1>where they are. So that's a big change. But it's

0:19:02.680 --> 0:19:05.480
<v Speaker 1>funny you mentioned Wall Street, which is of course highly

0:19:05.480 --> 0:19:09.159
<v Speaker 1>relevant to us. And even though the stock market and

0:19:09.200 --> 0:19:11.679
<v Speaker 1>all the markets we talk about are on in some sense,

0:19:11.840 --> 0:19:15.160
<v Speaker 1>in personal markets for a long time. Even still there's

0:19:15.200 --> 0:19:19.200
<v Speaker 1>been this important personal element, and people on Wall Street,

0:19:19.320 --> 0:19:22.720
<v Speaker 1>financial advisors, brokers, they're always talking about it. We bring

0:19:22.760 --> 0:19:26.159
<v Speaker 1>you the personal element and we have a personal relationship

0:19:26.160 --> 0:19:29.360
<v Speaker 1>with clients. And if there's one of the biggest tensions

0:19:29.880 --> 0:19:32.960
<v Speaker 1>that we're seeing right now on finance, it's this question

0:19:33.080 --> 0:19:36.080
<v Speaker 1>of whether that's overrated and will we still need financial

0:19:36.080 --> 0:19:40.280
<v Speaker 1>advisors or whether it'll all be robo advisors. So it

0:19:40.359 --> 0:19:43.280
<v Speaker 1>seems to me there's still this very big personal element

0:19:43.359 --> 0:19:45.479
<v Speaker 1>to it, and the same you know, this build up

0:19:45.480 --> 0:19:49.159
<v Speaker 1>of new information is once again, you know, really threatening that.

0:19:49.920 --> 0:19:54.000
<v Speaker 1>So I think relationships are always going to matter. Um,

0:19:54.080 --> 0:19:57.280
<v Speaker 1>that's just always going to be the case, because there

0:19:57.359 --> 0:20:00.520
<v Speaker 1>is always going to be some informational advantage that you're

0:20:00.560 --> 0:20:05.200
<v Speaker 1>going to have with building relationships and building personal trust

0:20:05.240 --> 0:20:09.680
<v Speaker 1>with people. But I think this issue becomes relevant when

0:20:09.680 --> 0:20:13.399
<v Speaker 1>you want to build Wall Street kind of institutions in

0:20:13.480 --> 0:20:16.920
<v Speaker 1>other parts of the world. So, for example, there is

0:20:16.960 --> 0:20:20.840
<v Speaker 1>an interesting paper by Raguram Rajan and Luigi's in Galis

0:20:20.840 --> 0:20:24.520
<v Speaker 1>about the Asian banking crisis in the late nineties where

0:20:24.560 --> 0:20:28.760
<v Speaker 1>they basically talk about how this relationship based nature of

0:20:29.440 --> 0:20:34.080
<v Speaker 1>uh of trade or business in the in Asian stock

0:20:34.119 --> 0:20:39.120
<v Speaker 1>markets was responsible partly for the weakness of the financial

0:20:39.119 --> 0:20:43.160
<v Speaker 1>institutions in that region. And what they need is better

0:20:43.200 --> 0:20:46.359
<v Speaker 1>contract through institutions to make sure that the overreliance on

0:20:46.440 --> 0:20:50.200
<v Speaker 1>relationship kind of goes away. So it is a spectrum

0:20:50.200 --> 0:20:56.080
<v Speaker 1>where certain societies kind of have too much of reliance

0:20:56.160 --> 0:21:00.359
<v Speaker 1>on the relationships versus some which have were limited. So

0:21:00.560 --> 0:21:02.440
<v Speaker 1>it would never be the case that they will all

0:21:02.480 --> 0:21:05.520
<v Speaker 1>go away, but you could be in a world where

0:21:05.560 --> 0:21:08.600
<v Speaker 1>relationships really really matter and you could do nothing without

0:21:08.640 --> 0:21:13.080
<v Speaker 1>having them. What about the information side of things, because

0:21:13.200 --> 0:21:16.760
<v Speaker 1>quite a few people have drawn an analogy between what

0:21:16.800 --> 0:21:19.800
<v Speaker 1>we've seen recently with the power and rise of the

0:21:19.840 --> 0:21:24.000
<v Speaker 1>Internet and fake news and the ability of basically everyone

0:21:24.080 --> 0:21:29.480
<v Speaker 1>to disseminate information at will with the revolution that was

0:21:29.720 --> 0:21:33.159
<v Speaker 1>the printing press. Um So if we have another big

0:21:33.200 --> 0:21:37.960
<v Speaker 1>spurt in the democratization of information or the dissemination of information,

0:21:38.680 --> 0:21:41.360
<v Speaker 1>what does that mean for the development of markets this

0:21:41.400 --> 0:21:44.880
<v Speaker 1>time around? So when you think about the Internet, it's

0:21:44.920 --> 0:21:47.960
<v Speaker 1>obviously has already and the mobile phone it has already

0:21:48.040 --> 0:21:51.200
<v Speaker 1>kind of democratized information for a lot of people. For example,

0:21:51.200 --> 0:21:54.600
<v Speaker 1>in India, um landline phones were available to like a

0:21:54.720 --> 0:21:59.480
<v Speaker 1>very small fraction of people, but now about like a

0:21:59.640 --> 0:22:02.719
<v Speaker 1>lot of majority of Indians have a mobile phone and

0:22:02.880 --> 0:22:07.680
<v Speaker 1>with it access to basic internet spacilities. So there's already

0:22:07.760 --> 0:22:11.800
<v Speaker 1>this democratization of information happening. But one of the conclusions

0:22:11.800 --> 0:22:15.359
<v Speaker 1>that I drew, especially after the last year, of the

0:22:15.400 --> 0:22:19.280
<v Speaker 1>way political economy has evolved, is that there is no

0:22:19.359 --> 0:22:23.919
<v Speaker 1>such thing that information technology would have a blanket positive

0:22:24.040 --> 0:22:26.880
<v Speaker 1>or a negative effect. And once again it goes back

0:22:26.880 --> 0:22:30.920
<v Speaker 1>to the question of incentives. So what kind of content

0:22:31.040 --> 0:22:36.040
<v Speaker 1>people develop once they have Internet in their hands depends

0:22:36.080 --> 0:22:38.800
<v Speaker 1>a lot on other things that is around them. So

0:22:38.920 --> 0:22:43.879
<v Speaker 1>if in case you have economic opportunities, opportunities to do business, etcetera, etcetera,

0:22:44.400 --> 0:22:47.960
<v Speaker 1>you will basically try to seek information that is financially

0:22:47.960 --> 0:22:50.840
<v Speaker 1>relevant for you. But I guess if in case you

0:22:50.920 --> 0:22:54.560
<v Speaker 1>would you are in a place which is economically not growing,

0:22:55.040 --> 0:22:57.600
<v Speaker 1>the same information technology can be used for other stuff.

0:22:57.640 --> 0:23:01.400
<v Speaker 1>For example, in sixteenth century europ most of the places

0:23:01.440 --> 0:23:07.160
<v Speaker 1>were primarily printing stuff about old religious texts or analysis

0:23:07.200 --> 0:23:10.399
<v Speaker 1>of something that was happening in the past. So the

0:23:10.560 --> 0:23:13.880
<v Speaker 1>incentives drive your content in the end, and the same

0:23:14.000 --> 0:23:18.480
<v Speaker 1>is true today. Was there fake news and Antwerp. So

0:23:19.359 --> 0:23:23.040
<v Speaker 1>what I know is that there's this new book by

0:23:23.119 --> 0:23:26.840
<v Speaker 1>Jared Rubin who talks about the fact that, for example,

0:23:26.960 --> 0:23:30.879
<v Speaker 1>in the Ottoman Empire, they didn't really like the printing

0:23:30.920 --> 0:23:34.840
<v Speaker 1>press a lot because they basically thought that printing would

0:23:34.920 --> 0:23:38.800
<v Speaker 1>lead to a lot of fake religious books and would

0:23:38.880 --> 0:23:44.240
<v Speaker 1>kind of corrupt the existing pristine religious materials. So certainly

0:23:44.240 --> 0:23:50.639
<v Speaker 1>there existed people who would have this concern for fake

0:23:50.720 --> 0:23:54.479
<v Speaker 1>news in a different version, and they were rumors and

0:23:54.520 --> 0:23:57.640
<v Speaker 1>there were things like that, and so yeah, so that's

0:23:57.680 --> 0:24:00.800
<v Speaker 1>something that I got really interested in the last year

0:24:01.480 --> 0:24:05.399
<v Speaker 1>because I honestly didn't really think that fake news and

0:24:05.560 --> 0:24:09.560
<v Speaker 1>this kind of fraudulent information would be so relevant. But

0:24:09.800 --> 0:24:12.280
<v Speaker 1>looking at the way things have moved over time, I

0:24:12.320 --> 0:24:15.600
<v Speaker 1>think that's something which is probably a topic of a

0:24:15.600 --> 0:24:18.920
<v Speaker 1>future paper, that how do institutions deal with our people.

0:24:19.000 --> 0:24:21.440
<v Speaker 1>People trust the media itself, so why did people trust

0:24:21.480 --> 0:24:23.760
<v Speaker 1>the printing present the books being printed in the first place.

0:24:23.960 --> 0:24:26.480
<v Speaker 1>That's an interesting research topic in itself. In my view,

0:24:27.200 --> 0:24:29.479
<v Speaker 1>We'll have to have you back on once you publish

0:24:29.520 --> 0:24:35.000
<v Speaker 1>that paper. Critique. I'll be happy to come, all right. Critique.

0:24:35.280 --> 0:24:38.880
<v Speaker 1>Raja PhD student over at the University College London. Thank

0:24:38.920 --> 0:24:41.240
<v Speaker 1>you so much for joining us today. Thanks a lot,

0:24:41.680 --> 0:24:52.200
<v Speaker 1>Thank you. Critique. That was great, So Joe, I thought

0:24:52.240 --> 0:24:57.480
<v Speaker 1>that was a really fascinating conversation with so many modern parallels,

0:24:57.640 --> 0:25:01.119
<v Speaker 1>especially when it comes to the idea of trust of

0:25:01.160 --> 0:25:05.920
<v Speaker 1>course and of course disseminating information, because the Internet has

0:25:06.200 --> 0:25:10.360
<v Speaker 1>really revolutionized both those things, and so has new technology. Absolutely.

0:25:10.400 --> 0:25:13.920
<v Speaker 1>I mean, I think, like, intuitively, it's not a surprise

0:25:14.280 --> 0:25:17.600
<v Speaker 1>that the rise of the Internet and new communication technologies

0:25:18.040 --> 0:25:22.399
<v Speaker 1>would have a profound effect on trade and disintermediation of trust,

0:25:22.520 --> 0:25:25.879
<v Speaker 1>networks and all that that we sort of get. But

0:25:26.040 --> 0:25:31.480
<v Speaker 1>I think that what's really interesting about critiques research is

0:25:31.680 --> 0:25:35.560
<v Speaker 1>the sort of rigor with which he demonstrates the mechanism

0:25:35.600 --> 0:25:40.800
<v Speaker 1>between the new information technology and the evolution of trade.

0:25:40.840 --> 0:25:43.280
<v Speaker 1>And if you look at his paper, you could see

0:25:43.280 --> 0:25:46.639
<v Speaker 1>that there's sort of some very statistical meat on the bones,

0:25:46.880 --> 0:25:50.080
<v Speaker 1>you could say, in terms of really establishing where these

0:25:50.160 --> 0:25:54.600
<v Speaker 1>impersonal markets flourished and these towns and where they were

0:25:54.680 --> 0:25:57.720
<v Speaker 1>in proximity to the printing press and trade. So it

0:25:57.760 --> 0:26:01.480
<v Speaker 1>really sort of bolsters and really strengthens this sort of

0:26:01.520 --> 0:26:05.199
<v Speaker 1>intuitive idea. Yeah, and there's a really nice map in

0:26:05.240 --> 0:26:07.439
<v Speaker 1>it as well. Where he sort of overlays a lot

0:26:07.480 --> 0:26:10.520
<v Speaker 1>of these ideas on seventeenth century Europe. So it's well

0:26:10.560 --> 0:26:14.240
<v Speaker 1>worth reading that paper when you have a chance. You

0:26:14.280 --> 0:26:17.400
<v Speaker 1>know what, what, I'm surprised about that we didn't go

0:26:17.480 --> 0:26:21.959
<v Speaker 1>over to the blockchain conversation, because blockchain, of course, is

0:26:22.000 --> 0:26:25.920
<v Speaker 1>both about trust and information. Yeah, you know what, I'm

0:26:25.960 --> 0:26:29.720
<v Speaker 1>actually impressed you say that you're surprised that we didn't

0:26:30.240 --> 0:26:33.400
<v Speaker 1>go there. I'm actually impressed with us for not going there,

0:26:33.440 --> 0:26:39.040
<v Speaker 1>because so many conversations do ultimately go back these days

0:26:39.080 --> 0:26:41.960
<v Speaker 1>to something related to block chains or whatever. So we

0:26:42.000 --> 0:26:45.240
<v Speaker 1>actually showed a little bit of restraint. But no, absolutely,

0:26:45.280 --> 0:26:48.080
<v Speaker 1>I'm sorry I ruined it. No, yeah, you did ruin it. No,

0:26:48.200 --> 0:26:52.320
<v Speaker 1>but you're totally right and thinking about the importance of

0:26:52.720 --> 0:26:57.240
<v Speaker 1>bookkeeping and being able to actually believe what a network

0:26:57.359 --> 0:27:00.159
<v Speaker 1>is doing. It seems like a lot of these the

0:27:00.320 --> 0:27:03.359
<v Speaker 1>problems that a lot of people are still looking to solve,

0:27:03.640 --> 0:27:07.479
<v Speaker 1>and a good reminder that for his impersonal as markets

0:27:07.480 --> 0:27:10.760
<v Speaker 1>have gotten, as Partique mentioned, there's still a pretty big

0:27:10.800 --> 0:27:14.520
<v Speaker 1>personal relationship and a lot of these things. Yeah. Absolutely, Okay,

0:27:14.840 --> 0:27:16.760
<v Speaker 1>you know what I'm gonna say, Let's let's leave it there,

0:27:16.800 --> 0:27:19.040
<v Speaker 1>because otherwise we really are going to start doing a

0:27:19.080 --> 0:27:22.159
<v Speaker 1>blockchain episode and then I'll feel really bad. Yeah, we

0:27:22.200 --> 0:27:24.920
<v Speaker 1>got it. We gotta ended there. All right. This has

0:27:24.960 --> 0:27:27.960
<v Speaker 1>been another edition of the Odd Lots Podcast. You can

0:27:28.040 --> 0:27:31.760
<v Speaker 1>follow me on Twitter at Tracy Alloway, and you can

0:27:31.840 --> 0:27:34.960
<v Speaker 1>follow me on Twitter at the Stalwart, and you should

0:27:35.000 --> 0:27:40.280
<v Speaker 1>follow Critique on Twitter at Critique Raj Underscore, and I

0:27:40.280 --> 0:27:43.159
<v Speaker 1>want to thank our producers to for Foreheads. You can

0:27:43.200 --> 0:27:46.760
<v Speaker 1>follow him on Twitter at Foreheast and the head of

0:27:46.800 --> 0:27:50.760
<v Speaker 1>podcast at Bloomberg, Francescallip, Thanks for listening.