WEBVTT - Impeachment Trial With No Witnesses

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grozzo from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Senators and President Donald Trump's impeachment trial posed dozens of

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<v Speaker 1>questions to House Democrats prosecuting the case and Trump's defense team.

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<v Speaker 1>The questions ran the gamut from quid pro quos and

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<v Speaker 1>whistleblowers to the Constitution and an unpublished book. Joining me

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<v Speaker 1>is former federal prosecutor Jessica rob a professor at Cardozo

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<v Speaker 1>Law School. So, as far as the question phase, are

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<v Speaker 1>we learning anything new or is it repetition? So far

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<v Speaker 1>from day one and what we've seen of day two

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<v Speaker 1>of the questioning, um, what we've seen really are what

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<v Speaker 1>I would characterize as friendly questions in the sense that

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<v Speaker 1>the Republican senators are posing questions to the president's legal team,

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<v Speaker 1>the Democratic senators are posing questions to the House managers

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<v Speaker 1>I'm all of whom are Democrats. And the point of

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<v Speaker 1>the question seems to be provide an opportunity for rebuttal

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<v Speaker 1>for each side, that is, to reiterate their main points

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<v Speaker 1>and address points that were made by the opposite side.

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<v Speaker 1>And in that respect, they actually remind me more of

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<v Speaker 1>the kinds of questions you might see it an appellate

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<v Speaker 1>argument caused by judges who want to actually make a

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<v Speaker 1>point to their fellow judges on the panel to win

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<v Speaker 1>them over, as opposed to the questions you might see

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<v Speaker 1>at a jury trial from jurors, where the questions usually

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<v Speaker 1>reflect questions that are actually on the jurors mind that

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<v Speaker 1>they need answers to before they can get comfortable reaching

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<v Speaker 1>a verdict. This seems much more rehearsed and coordinated and

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<v Speaker 1>with an aim to allowing the lawyers to make particular

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<v Speaker 1>points that the lawyers want to make, as opposed to

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<v Speaker 1>addressing what's really on the mind of the people asking

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<v Speaker 1>the questions. Why it doesn't the Democratic Senator ask a

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<v Speaker 1>tough question of the defense team, why don't they get

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<v Speaker 1>some of those questions that we hear them talking about

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<v Speaker 1>when they come out of the chamber. So that's a

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<v Speaker 1>really interesting question. I've been thinking about it as well,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think the best answer I can come up

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<v Speaker 1>with is that they don't want to provide the opportunity

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<v Speaker 1>for the opposing side to answer the question in a

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<v Speaker 1>way that is beneficial to the side answering the question.

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<v Speaker 1>It's similar to when you're a lawyer at a trial

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<v Speaker 1>and you you don't ask a question you don't know

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<v Speaker 1>the answer to, and you don't ask an open ended

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<v Speaker 1>question to a hostile witness that allows the witness to

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<v Speaker 1>give an explanation that really destroys the point you want

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<v Speaker 1>to make. So I think that's what's going on. It's

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<v Speaker 1>a very strategic calculation. And I said again, I think

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<v Speaker 1>it reflects the political nature of this process and how

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<v Speaker 1>different it is from a regular trial. There was one

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<v Speaker 1>question from Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky that Chief Justice

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<v Speaker 1>John Roberts refused to read. He said, the presiding officer

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<v Speaker 1>declines to read the question as submitted, and this was

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<v Speaker 1>a question about the whistleblower. That was something that Roberts

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<v Speaker 1>has not done before. Yes, as I understand it, the

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<v Speaker 1>reason not to read the question allowed was because it

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<v Speaker 1>may have named the whistleblower. So that's obviously a controversial,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps unlawful thing to do, to name the whistleblower who's

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<v Speaker 1>entitled to anonymity. And so I think it's understandable that

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Roberts would have paused, certainly, and then decided not

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<v Speaker 1>to read the question. And I would imagine that there

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<v Speaker 1>are conversations going on behind closed doors about the appropriate

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<v Speaker 1>way perhaps to honor the spirit of the question without

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<v Speaker 1>in public naming this person. Well, it's always seemed odd

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<v Speaker 1>to me that many Republicans have pushed to have the

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<v Speaker 1>name of the whistleblower, even at this late stage where

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<v Speaker 1>it doesn't seem to make any difference who the whistleblower was.

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<v Speaker 1>It is striking that there would be any discussion at

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<v Speaker 1>this point about the whistleblower. But I think it's in

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<v Speaker 1>line with some of the arguments and the lawyers and

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<v Speaker 1>the questions both yesterday and today today. Already there's been

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<v Speaker 1>a couple questions about the process and the rules surrounding

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<v Speaker 1>the issuance of subpoenas in the House, suggesting that those

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<v Speaker 1>subpoenas by the House as part of the first oversight

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<v Speaker 1>and then the impeachment inquiries were illegitimate um and perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>then to set up the argument that all the evidence

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<v Speaker 1>and testimony that then flowed from the issuance of those

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<v Speaker 1>subpoenas should somehow be disregarded. Um. So I find it

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<v Speaker 1>puzzling some of the subjects that the suspended is spending

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<v Speaker 1>time on. So I would put in that category some

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<v Speaker 1>of these sort of attacks on the process and the

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<v Speaker 1>issuance of subpoenas in the House, and also the whistleblower complained.

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<v Speaker 1>Does it seem as if Trump lawyer Alan Dershowitz has

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<v Speaker 1>gone beyond what he argued that these charges against President Trump,

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<v Speaker 1>even if true, don't rise to the level of impeachment.

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<v Speaker 1>He told senators that presidents could not be impeached for

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<v Speaker 1>legal actions they believe we're in the public interest. Where

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<v Speaker 1>does that come from? I'm not sure where Professor Dershowitz

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<v Speaker 1>came up with the precise language and contours of the

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<v Speaker 1>argument that he made. It certainly isn't something that's born

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<v Speaker 1>out of the Constitution or any laws. I think he

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<v Speaker 1>was really trying to make a logical argument, but he

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<v Speaker 1>didn't do it well, frankly, because it's so extreme that

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<v Speaker 1>it can be rebutted quite handily. I think the better argument,

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<v Speaker 1>and perhaps the one that he meant to make but

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<v Speaker 1>went too far sort of in the moment. I think

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<v Speaker 1>the better argument is that on the facts presented, even

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<v Speaker 1>if senators come to the conclusion that what the president

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<v Speaker 1>did was wrong or reprehensible, that it doesn't rise to

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<v Speaker 1>the level of an impeachable offense. And that's an argument

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<v Speaker 1>that is one I expected, frankly, the lawyers representing the

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<v Speaker 1>president to spend more time on because it doesn't require

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<v Speaker 1>them to get bogged down in the facts. It doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>require calling more witnesses, because if you accept as true

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<v Speaker 1>for purposes of argument, that the allegations in the articles

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<v Speaker 1>of impeachment are true, you can still argue, but it

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't rise to the level of what requires impeachment. And you,

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<v Speaker 1>ladies and gentlemen of the Senate it are the ultimate

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<v Speaker 1>arbiters of what rises to that level. Your decision can't

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<v Speaker 1>be overturned by a court. It's your decision, and you're

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<v Speaker 1>accountable at the ballot box. But you're not going to

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<v Speaker 1>be overturned on this legal question of what's an impeachable

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<v Speaker 1>offense by any other court of law. I've been talking

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<v Speaker 1>to Jessica rob professor at Cardozo Law School, about the

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<v Speaker 1>impeachment trial of President Donald Trump. So, Jessica, the question

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<v Speaker 1>of witnesses has dogged this trial, and at the beginning

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<v Speaker 1>of the week it seemed as if there might be

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<v Speaker 1>enough Senators to vote for witnesses, but that seems to

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<v Speaker 1>have changed. Have you seen anything during the last few

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<v Speaker 1>days of questions that would indicate why the senators might

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<v Speaker 1>not want to hear from witnesses. I don't know what's

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<v Speaker 1>happening UM in private conversations behind the senators closed doors, UM,

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<v Speaker 1>and among the senators along these lines. I imagine that

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<v Speaker 1>this argument we were just discussing about, UM, even if

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<v Speaker 1>you accept the facts as alleged as true, still it

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't rise to the level of an impeachable offense, or

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<v Speaker 1>you shouldn't vote to convict him here. UM. That that

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<v Speaker 1>would be the argument that might cause senators to vote

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<v Speaker 1>not to call additional witnesses. And so perhaps that is

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<v Speaker 1>UM what senators are thinking about. But of course they're

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<v Speaker 1>all kinds of political considerations that may be dominant here

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<v Speaker 1>as opposed to what I just laid out, which is

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<v Speaker 1>more of a legal analysis. It may be a political

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<v Speaker 1>calculus that they need to move on and carry out

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<v Speaker 1>other business in the Senate and that their constituents are

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<v Speaker 1>tired of hearing them debating impeachments. It may be a

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<v Speaker 1>political calculus having to do with support from the President.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't know. Let's say, during the vote for witnesses,

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<v Speaker 1>it comes down to can Chief Justice John Roberts break

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<v Speaker 1>that tie. Yes, he is the presiding officer of the

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<v Speaker 1>Senate in the context of the impeachment trial of the

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<v Speaker 1>press event of the United States, and so in that

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<v Speaker 1>role he has the authority to break a tie if

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<v Speaker 1>there's a fifty fifty tie, much as the Vice President

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<v Speaker 1>of the United States would during normal proceedings of the

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<v Speaker 1>Senate when there is a fifty fifty tie. So it

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<v Speaker 1>is an intriguing thought experiment to imagine that there is

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<v Speaker 1>a vote, perhaps on Friday, about even calling any additional

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<v Speaker 1>witnesses or calling for any additional documents as a general matter,

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<v Speaker 1>And what if the Senate is split fifty fifty would

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<v Speaker 1>Chief Justice Robert be casting the deciding vote on that

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<v Speaker 1>general vote about any additional witnesses or documents, which then

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<v Speaker 1>if that were carried by fifty one votes and were

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<v Speaker 1>followed by specific votes on calling specific witnesses or calling

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<v Speaker 1>for specific documents. So, for example, a motion to call

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<v Speaker 1>John Bolton as a witness, how would Chief Justice Roberts

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<v Speaker 1>vote if required to break a fifty fifty tie on

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<v Speaker 1>that specific motion. So, again, he does have the authority,

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<v Speaker 1>as I understand it, Whether will actually get to that

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<v Speaker 1>point or not is another is another question. Speaking of

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<v Speaker 1>John Bolton, since the revelations about his manuscript have come out.

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<v Speaker 1>Now you've seen that the National Security Agency sent him

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<v Speaker 1>a letter saying that his book contains classified material. What

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<v Speaker 1>happens next. So there's one process for getting pre publication

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<v Speaker 1>approval um from the national security agencies for this kind

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<v Speaker 1>of book, and that has a route that would require,

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<v Speaker 1>I think as the next step for he and his

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<v Speaker 1>lawyers UM and publishers to attempt to negotiate with the

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<v Speaker 1>national security agencies over what's in the book, what they

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<v Speaker 1>deem to be classified, what perhaps could be taken out

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<v Speaker 1>to satisfy them, And that would be sort of a

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<v Speaker 1>process um that they would undertake, uh, sort of on

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<v Speaker 1>the sidelines, if you will. If that breaks down, there

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<v Speaker 1>is the possibility that he could go to court, I suppose, um,

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<v Speaker 1>but I would imagine that he would try to avoid that.

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<v Speaker 1>But that's there as a fallback. But then we have

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<v Speaker 1>the separate tracts of interest for the ongoing trial of

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<v Speaker 1>executive privilege, which is really separate from this pre publication

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<v Speaker 1>review of the book that is going on right now.

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<v Speaker 1>If people have already testified about some of the things

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<v Speaker 1>that are in the book, that kind of material that's

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<v Speaker 1>already out in the public domain, can it still be

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<v Speaker 1>claimed that that's classified or that that's subject to executive privilege.

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<v Speaker 1>So I'm not going to speak to whether it can

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<v Speaker 1>be deemed classified, because that's a separate analysis. But on

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<v Speaker 1>the executive privilege, the fact that much of this information

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<v Speaker 1>is already out in the public domain really weakens the

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<v Speaker 1>claim that it is still covered by executive privilege because

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<v Speaker 1>one of the factors that is taken into account and

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<v Speaker 1>determining um whether something is protected by executive privileg which

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<v Speaker 1>is the ongoing need that the executive has to keep

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<v Speaker 1>it secret. And once something is out there in the

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<v Speaker 1>public domain, it's hard to make a good argument that

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<v Speaker 1>there's an ongoing need for secrecy because it's not secret anymore.

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<v Speaker 1>The executive privilege is a qualified privilege as opposed to

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<v Speaker 1>an absolute privilege, and so it can yield and does

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<v Speaker 1>yield when the need for things to remain secret that

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<v Speaker 1>over which executive privilege has been asserted has dissipated um

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<v Speaker 1>and when there is a very strong need for the

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<v Speaker 1>disclosure of the information. And so in the context of

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate impeachment trial that's going on, right now, there

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<v Speaker 1>is a very very strong case to be made that

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate has a need to hear from John Bolton

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<v Speaker 1>about his communications with the President, the substance of which

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<v Speaker 1>essentially are already out in the public domain. And the

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<v Speaker 1>need is great precisely because of some of the arguments

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<v Speaker 1>that the president lawyers have made about the lack of

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<v Speaker 1>wrecked evidence of the President's intent and of his actions.

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<v Speaker 1>Even and John Bolton's testimony, it would seem could go

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<v Speaker 1>precisely to those areas as to which both parties are

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<v Speaker 1>essentially agreeing there is a vacuum of other direct evidence.

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<v Speaker 1>The President has said many times that he might have

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<v Speaker 1>to exert executive privilege over matters, but he's never actually

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<v Speaker 1>done that, and we've seen, as I mentioned, testimony, so

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<v Speaker 1>as he waived the privilege, so arguably he has um

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<v Speaker 1>That's another reason why I think a claim for executive

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<v Speaker 1>privilege to prevent John Bolton from answering questions in a

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<v Speaker 1>Senate trial about his conversations with the President about Ukraine

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<v Speaker 1>would be a weak claim of executive privilege because, as

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<v Speaker 1>I said, one of the things courts taken too account

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<v Speaker 1>in evaluating claims of executive privilege is the ongoing need

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<v Speaker 1>to keep the information secret. And so we could characterize

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<v Speaker 1>what the president has done, UM by himself tweeting and

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<v Speaker 1>talking about conversations with Bolton and about these matters, we

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<v Speaker 1>could say he's waived the privilege. Um, we could say, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>that he has right talking about it also just made

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<v Speaker 1>it weaker, and he claimed that he has it, that

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<v Speaker 1>the privilege needs to be kept secret. UM. These are

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<v Speaker 1>different ways of sort of talking about the same concept,

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<v Speaker 1>which is that, um, it's no longer a credible claim

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<v Speaker 1>that he needs to keep those conversations with John Boltan

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<v Speaker 1>secrets as a matter of national security or protecting the

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<v Speaker 1>internal deliberations of the president. Thanks for being on Bloomberg Lage. Jessica.

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<v Speaker 1>That's Jessica Roth, a professor at Cardoza Law School.