WEBVTT - Why Is Biden Protecting Trump's Tax Returns?

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brussel from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>I say to Mr Trump, Mr President, at least twenty

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<v Speaker 1>one years in my tax returns, we talk about corruption.

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<v Speaker 1>Release yours are shut up curious. You probably remember how

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<v Speaker 1>Joe Biden prodded former President Donald Trump to release his

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<v Speaker 1>taxes during the campaign, So it may surprise you that

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<v Speaker 1>as President, Biden is now protecting Trump's tax returns. Four

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<v Speaker 1>months into Biden's term and the Johnstice Department is still

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<v Speaker 1>fighting to keep secret documents related to Trump. These include

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<v Speaker 1>an internal memo to former Attorney General William Barr justifying

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<v Speaker 1>the decision not to charge Trump in the Mueller probe,

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<v Speaker 1>grand jury material in the Russia investigation, and yes, Trump's

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<v Speaker 1>tax returns. The Joice Department is following the lead need

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<v Speaker 1>of prior administrations in protecting the power of the executive

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<v Speaker 1>branch through that legal doctor known as executive privilege. Joining

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<v Speaker 1>me is Harold Crent, a professor at the Chicago Kent

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<v Speaker 1>College of Law. Also, executive privilege is a court made doctrine.

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<v Speaker 1>Tell us how it came about? No mission of executive

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<v Speaker 1>privilege and the Constitution. Nonetheless, Presidents from George Washington on

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<v Speaker 1>have felt the need to keep some information confidential, not

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<v Speaker 1>to share it with Congress or the courts or interested

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<v Speaker 1>in individuals, because you can't run a government unless you

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<v Speaker 1>can have some kind of secret to some kind of

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<v Speaker 1>promise of confidentiality to encourage candid discussions. So then there

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<v Speaker 1>are no right lines as far as what should be

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<v Speaker 1>protected by executive privilege and what should not be. There

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<v Speaker 1>are no bright lines, and courts at times have intervened

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<v Speaker 1>and vague decisions, such as in the recent Trump tax case,

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<v Speaker 1>to try to reconcile the rights of those interested. But

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<v Speaker 1>most questions about confidentially out if communications are resolved outside

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<v Speaker 1>of courts, and the presidents decide what to release, and

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<v Speaker 1>Congress the size if it wants to make a stink

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<v Speaker 1>and try to take some kind of action to encourage

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<v Speaker 1>or to incentivize the president to disclose more information. So

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<v Speaker 1>these battles are hard. They've been in and out of

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<v Speaker 1>court for centuries, and we don't know exactly where the

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<v Speaker 1>lines are to be drawn. Was the Nixon case the

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<v Speaker 1>first big executive privilege case or were there cases before that?

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<v Speaker 1>The Nixon case case was the biggest case. It's the

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<v Speaker 1>Bellwether because they are. The Court clearly recognized the existence

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<v Speaker 1>of the communications privilege within Article two of the Constitution,

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<v Speaker 1>but held that, at least with respect to claims arising

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<v Speaker 1>out of specific criminal cases, that the interest in trying

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<v Speaker 1>to get information in the executive's hands was so important

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<v Speaker 1>to the misery of justice that will outweighed the separation

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<v Speaker 1>of powers concerned expressed by the President. So now, I

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<v Speaker 1>think a lot of people assume that when Joe Biden

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<v Speaker 1>became president that all the documents that the Democrats were

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<v Speaker 1>looking for from the Trump presidency would be turned over.

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<v Speaker 1>But not. So. Let's start with the memo prepared by

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<v Speaker 1>the Office of Legal Counsel. Where does that stand? So,

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<v Speaker 1>on the one hand, the two thousand nine Office of

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<v Speaker 1>Legal Council memorandum should be an easy case because the

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<v Speaker 1>Office of Legal Counsel is to give advice in the

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<v Speaker 1>Department of Justice, so give advice to executive branch agencies

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<v Speaker 1>as well as to the President on all sorts of

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<v Speaker 1>legal issues that arise and confront the administration. But the

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<v Speaker 1>problem here is that the memo was first of all

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<v Speaker 1>relied upon by a trained general bar in deciding and

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<v Speaker 1>announcing why he would not prosecute President Trump. But it

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<v Speaker 1>turns out a to Judge Amy Jackson that this oil

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<v Speaker 1>C memorandum is really part of the public relations effort

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<v Speaker 1>of the government, so it wasn't advice, so it wouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>be covered by deliberative process privilege the way it ordinarily

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<v Speaker 1>would be, because it was part of the far orchestration

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<v Speaker 1>of trying to distance the administration from the Muller investigation.

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<v Speaker 1>So what would have ordinarily been covered by deliberative process

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<v Speaker 1>privilege as advice in this case seems to be something else,

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<v Speaker 1>seems to be result oriented, And therefore the question is

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<v Speaker 1>why is the administration not willing to release it? Other

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<v Speaker 1>than the fact that it might embarrass the Justice Department.

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<v Speaker 1>It seems like a memorandum by the Office of Legal Counsel.

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<v Speaker 1>Shouldn't it be something that everyone can read to know

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<v Speaker 1>where the department stands. Administration's consistently have held that it's

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<v Speaker 1>up to the Office of Also whether to disclose these memoranda. Indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>there's ongoing litigation under the Freedom of Information Act in

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<v Speaker 1>many other contexts right now about whether or not the

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<v Speaker 1>opposite lead Council has to disclose the advice It gives

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<v Speaker 1>to various agencies, and the Executive Branch has taken the

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<v Speaker 1>consistent position that most everything that the Office of Legal

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<v Speaker 1>Council does is advice. It's not binding, therefore it falls

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<v Speaker 1>within the deliberative process privilege. And they have the fact

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<v Speaker 1>Lee decided not to reveal certain amounts of OLC documents,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, including the one about the Muller investigation itself.

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<v Speaker 1>But I think the real issue here is not whether

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<v Speaker 1>it ordinarily would be part of the deliberative process privilege,

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<v Speaker 1>but was this really a traditional OLC memorandum or is

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<v Speaker 1>this something that was hatched up by Attorney General bar

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<v Speaker 1>in order to paper over the very damning information in

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<v Speaker 1>the Mullar report. And so now the Justice Department is

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<v Speaker 1>appealing Judge Jackson's decision to the DC Circuit Court of Appeals.

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<v Speaker 1>How important is this case in context? And I think

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<v Speaker 1>this may well make law. And the real questions was

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<v Speaker 1>the motivation of the Biden administration and Merrick Island. Are

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<v Speaker 1>they trying to preserve the tarnished image of the Department

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<v Speaker 1>of Justice or is their advice in this memorandum that

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<v Speaker 1>would routinely be protected by the deliberative process privilege? Let's

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<v Speaker 1>turn to Trump's taxes. During the campaign, Biden kept pressing

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<v Speaker 1>Trump to release his taxes, and every president since Richard

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<v Speaker 1>Nixon has voluntarily released his taxes, and yet the Biden

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<v Speaker 1>administration is fighting to keep from giving Trump's taxes to

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<v Speaker 1>the House. That sort of defies logic in my mind.

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<v Speaker 1>I must confess, I agree with you on that one.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't understand how Trump's taxes are subject to any

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<v Speaker 1>kind of recognized privilege. Obviously there's privacy issues involved with

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<v Speaker 1>all of our taxes, but Congress can easily override that.

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<v Speaker 1>And in fact, there's a statute which demands that anybody

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<v Speaker 1>turn over the taxes is subject to a legitimate congressional inquiry.

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<v Speaker 1>And so I think that it should have been a

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<v Speaker 1>very straightforward issue about allowing Congress to look at those taxes,

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<v Speaker 1>because it is the basis upon which future legislation may arise.

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<v Speaker 1>And of course, the Manhattan District Attorney already has Trump's

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<v Speaker 1>tax returns for his investigation. Now, one issue that has

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<v Speaker 1>been resolved after a two year battle, Former White House

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<v Speaker 1>Counsel Don McGan testified to the House Judiciary Committee behind

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<v Speaker 1>closed doors on Friday. Was there sort of a standoff

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<v Speaker 1>in court, there was no final resolution of the question

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<v Speaker 1>about what to do with McGann's testimony, but that led

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<v Speaker 1>to finally a brokered agreement where McGann will be able

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<v Speaker 1>to testify about narrow issues before the House Committee. And

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<v Speaker 1>it's a very complicated issue because personal McGee and was

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<v Speaker 1>a former White House official, he wasn't currently in the

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<v Speaker 1>office when he was being subpoenat. But clearly the information

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<v Speaker 1>that the Congress was interested in getting had to do

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<v Speaker 1>with his communications to the President about the Mueller investigation.

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<v Speaker 1>So it became a centerpiece of potential obstruction because he

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<v Speaker 1>was so termed in the room when all these various

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<v Speaker 1>actions by the President took place. So for him, clearly

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<v Speaker 1>the presidential privilege would apply, but it could be overridden

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<v Speaker 1>if it involved some kind of witness to criminal activity.

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<v Speaker 1>And so that's why it became so contentious. And then

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<v Speaker 1>the Biden administration again broker this compromised so that mcdan

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<v Speaker 1>would be able to testify, but only with respect to

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<v Speaker 1>the same matters that have been publicly disclosed. You look

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<v Speaker 1>at this trying to assess who won the power struggle

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<v Speaker 1>between Congress and the president. It's the president with respect

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<v Speaker 1>to McGann's testimony, And here I think it's easier to

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<v Speaker 1>see the Biden administration's perspective. All presidential administrations try to

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<v Speaker 1>preserve the confidentiality of White House Council. So President Biden

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<v Speaker 1>is probably worried about any kind of precedent allowing a

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<v Speaker 1>Congress to brake a former presidential council over the cold.

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<v Speaker 1>That was the incentive for the president to be tough

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<v Speaker 1>and Congress back down, and so this is a very

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<v Speaker 1>limited victory for Congress. Has the trend been for presidents

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<v Speaker 1>to assert executive privilege more? Have recent presidents asserted it

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<v Speaker 1>more than in the past. So I think there's a

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<v Speaker 1>historical track record of many presidents invoking executive privilege. President Eisenhower,

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<v Speaker 1>if I recall, invoted forty times, and that indeed it

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<v Speaker 1>was under his administration where the term executive privilege was coined.

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<v Speaker 1>So this is not a new creation. But I do

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<v Speaker 1>think the trend we see is that the courts, with

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<v Speaker 1>the accept perhaps of the tax case, are more likely

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<v Speaker 1>to override claims of privilege when they interfere with judicial

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<v Speaker 1>fortunes than they do with congressional functions or its seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to want to stay out of the fray and allow

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<v Speaker 1>Congress in the presidence to hash out any differences themselves.

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<v Speaker 1>But when the courts are involved, or individuals claiming the

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<v Speaker 1>need for information in the President's hand in order to

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<v Speaker 1>try to vindicate an interest in the court system, then

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<v Speaker 1>the courts have been brought in and are more willing

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<v Speaker 1>to second guess the invocation of privilege. So again, the

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<v Speaker 1>court seemed to be more willing to investigate the limit

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<v Speaker 1>of privilege when it's vital to resolve a court case,

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<v Speaker 1>and they want to allow the two majoritarian branches, Congress

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<v Speaker 1>and the President to fight through issues of access to

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<v Speaker 1>information on their own. It seems that so far the

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<v Speaker 1>Biden administration's position is executive privilege rules. They haven't been

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<v Speaker 1>willing to give over anything readily. That's correc and I

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<v Speaker 1>think many people are surprised at the extent that they

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<v Speaker 1>have defended presidential privilege. No one expected them to abandon

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<v Speaker 1>presidential privilege. It's just the extent to which they are

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<v Speaker 1>even protecting President Trump's interests has been surprising too many.

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<v Speaker 1>Thanks Hal. That's Harold Grant of the Chicago Kent College

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<v Speaker 1>of Law, Johnson and Johnson will be writing a check

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<v Speaker 1>for two point one billion dollars plus interest to twenty

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<v Speaker 1>women who claim it's baby powder was tainted with cancer

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<v Speaker 1>causing asbestos. That's because the Supreme Court refused to take

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<v Speaker 1>Jay and Jay's appeal from a St. Louis jury's verdict.

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<v Speaker 1>Joining me is Eric Gordon, a professor of business at

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<v Speaker 1>the University of Michigan. Eric, the court rejected JA and

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<v Speaker 1>J without comment. Why do you think they left in

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<v Speaker 1>place this staggering verdict? We can only guess as to

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<v Speaker 1>why the Supreme Court declined to take the appeal, because

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court never gives its reasons. It just decided.

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<v Speaker 1>But the Supreme Court can only take appeals in very

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<v Speaker 1>narrow circumstances. They can't take an appeal just because they

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<v Speaker 1>disagree with the verdict. There has to be a narrow

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional issue. The issues J and J raised were due

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<v Speaker 1>process issues, and apparently the Supreme Court didn't think that

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<v Speaker 1>the due process issues needed to be decided. So now

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<v Speaker 1>two of the justices didn't participate. We don't know why,

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<v Speaker 1>but Samuel Alito does own Stock and J and J

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<v Speaker 1>and Brett Kavanaugh's father lobby J and J not to

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<v Speaker 1>include a warning apparently on the baby powder. So could

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<v Speaker 1>the fact that those two conservative justices didn't take part.

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<v Speaker 1>Could that have been part of the reason why they

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<v Speaker 1>couldn't get four justices to take the case. That could

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<v Speaker 1>be it because it leads only seven. So you go

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<v Speaker 1>from needing four out of nine to needing four out

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<v Speaker 1>of seven with two justices who might say, look, this

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<v Speaker 1>is an important issue. This huge multibillion dollar punitive damage

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<v Speaker 1>award against J and J. That's really an important due

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<v Speaker 1>process question, where the more liberal justices might think, well,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, it's just the big company paying money, we're

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<v Speaker 1>not so interested in it. It is a staggering amount, though.

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<v Speaker 1>One of the interesting features is that each woman, no

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<v Speaker 1>matter what she suffered, was awarded twenty five million dollars

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<v Speaker 1>in competatory damages and then an equal share of about

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<v Speaker 1>a billion six in punitive damages. So it's a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of money per plaintiff. The judge in this case said

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<v Speaker 1>that he found J and J's conduct particularly reprehensible, yet

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<v Speaker 1>J and J has won some of these cases. It's

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<v Speaker 1>almost a prizing that there are juries that overlooked the

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<v Speaker 1>conduct and apparently looked at the science that J and J.

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<v Speaker 1>Was presenting because juries are usually pretty sympathetic in these cases.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's a miracle when J and J wins

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<v Speaker 1>in front of a jury, because when you say cancer,

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<v Speaker 1>and when you talk about women suffering with cancer, how

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<v Speaker 1>do you get a juror to say, well, look, let's

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<v Speaker 1>just let's look at this, let's look at the science.

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<v Speaker 1>You have a big company with a lot of money,

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<v Speaker 1>you have women who have suffered horribly. To get a

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<v Speaker 1>juror to focus just on causation, what's the science of

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<v Speaker 1>causation as opposed to sort of the humanity of what's

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<v Speaker 1>going on here, it's really hard. It's really really hard

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<v Speaker 1>to do. Well. How did the appellate court handle the

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<v Speaker 1>due process issues that J and J. Raised? The appellate court,

0:14:57.520 --> 0:15:02.840
<v Speaker 1>which was a state court Missouri State Court, said, well, look,

0:15:03.160 --> 0:15:06.080
<v Speaker 1>all of these problems that J and J. Has brought up,

0:15:06.360 --> 0:15:10.520
<v Speaker 1>the fact that twenty two different plaintiffs were in the

0:15:10.600 --> 0:15:14.480
<v Speaker 1>same courtroom at the same time, the fact that jurors

0:15:14.560 --> 0:15:19.680
<v Speaker 1>decided twenty two cases at once, the fact that the

0:15:19.720 --> 0:15:24.720
<v Speaker 1>trial court took five hours to walk the jurors through

0:15:24.760 --> 0:15:28.960
<v Speaker 1>the laws of a dozen different states as the jury instructions.

0:15:29.440 --> 0:15:34.280
<v Speaker 1>The Missouri State Court of Appeals said, well, we're going

0:15:34.400 --> 0:15:41.480
<v Speaker 1>to assume that the jury followed the trial court's instructions,

0:15:41.680 --> 0:15:45.480
<v Speaker 1>and following those instructions that came up with twenty five

0:15:45.520 --> 0:15:49.480
<v Speaker 1>million dollars. Well, the Missouri Appeals Court made it what

0:15:49.560 --> 0:15:53.560
<v Speaker 1>seems like a pretty big assumption that the jurors understood

0:15:53.880 --> 0:15:57.680
<v Speaker 1>instructions from twelve different states after five hours. What we

0:15:57.840 --> 0:16:02.040
<v Speaker 1>don't know is if the Supreme Court justice has said, Okay, well,

0:16:02.120 --> 0:16:06.000
<v Speaker 1>all right, we agree that the jury instructions are sufficient

0:16:06.200 --> 0:16:09.480
<v Speaker 1>to cure any of these problems. It could just be

0:16:09.600 --> 0:16:12.280
<v Speaker 1>that the Supreme Court thought, well, this case isn't interesting

0:16:12.440 --> 0:16:15.080
<v Speaker 1>enough for us to take, because the Supreme Court takes

0:16:15.200 --> 0:16:19.280
<v Speaker 1>very few cases. They take about three percent of the

0:16:19.360 --> 0:16:22.720
<v Speaker 1>cases that people pitch at them. J and J also

0:16:22.880 --> 0:16:25.920
<v Speaker 1>argued that the punitive damages were so out of sync

0:16:25.960 --> 0:16:30.360
<v Speaker 1>with the compensatory damages that it violated its due process rights.

0:16:30.600 --> 0:16:35.160
<v Speaker 1>The compensatory damage award was sixty million dollars and the

0:16:35.200 --> 0:16:39.320
<v Speaker 1>punitive damages were one point six billion dollars. What has

0:16:39.360 --> 0:16:42.440
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court said on the subject. So, the Supreme

0:16:42.440 --> 0:16:45.600
<v Speaker 1>Court has said it is a violation of due process too,

0:16:46.120 --> 0:16:49.120
<v Speaker 1>to use the legal term get angry and sock it

0:16:49.240 --> 0:16:53.800
<v Speaker 1>to and come up with ridiculous punitive damages. Now, even

0:16:53.840 --> 0:16:56.960
<v Speaker 1>the federal courts of appeal don't all agree with each

0:16:57.000 --> 0:17:00.560
<v Speaker 1>other on just what they have to do based on

0:17:00.600 --> 0:17:04.480
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court's decisions. There's a question about whether one

0:17:04.520 --> 0:17:07.199
<v Speaker 1>of the main things the court said is actually the

0:17:07.320 --> 0:17:10.600
<v Speaker 1>law or just dicta a comment on the law. So

0:17:10.800 --> 0:17:13.840
<v Speaker 1>some of the federal courts of appeal have said, well,

0:17:14.160 --> 0:17:17.920
<v Speaker 1>one to one a dollar of punitive damages for each

0:17:17.960 --> 0:17:25.040
<v Speaker 1>dollar of compensatory damages, is you more or less the limit. Interestingly,

0:17:25.560 --> 0:17:30.760
<v Speaker 1>the Federal Court of Appeals that covers Missouri follows that

0:17:31.000 --> 0:17:33.760
<v Speaker 1>if this case has been in federal court and this

0:17:33.840 --> 0:17:37.480
<v Speaker 1>has gone to a federal court of appeals, those punitive

0:17:37.520 --> 0:17:40.520
<v Speaker 1>damages probably would have been swatted down. But this is

0:17:40.520 --> 0:17:43.840
<v Speaker 1>a state court case, and there are other federal courts

0:17:43.840 --> 0:17:46.080
<v Speaker 1>of appeals at to say, we don't have to follow

0:17:46.119 --> 0:17:48.879
<v Speaker 1>that one to one thing exactly. We just have to

0:17:48.920 --> 0:17:52.639
<v Speaker 1>look at the punitive damages and make sure they're not unreasonable.

0:17:53.040 --> 0:17:56.480
<v Speaker 1>What J and J said was, look, Supreme Court, these

0:17:56.480 --> 0:17:59.920
<v Speaker 1>punitive damages are ridiculous, and this is a good oper

0:18:00.040 --> 0:18:05.000
<v Speaker 1>tunity for you to resolve this disagreement amongst the federal

0:18:05.080 --> 0:18:08.359
<v Speaker 1>courts of appeal, but the Supreme Court declined. J and

0:18:08.440 --> 0:18:12.960
<v Speaker 1>J still faces about twenty six thousand similar cases, and

0:18:13.000 --> 0:18:17.800
<v Speaker 1>its attorney argued that other plaintiffs could look at this

0:18:17.920 --> 0:18:20.439
<v Speaker 1>case and use it as sort of a script for

0:18:20.560 --> 0:18:25.000
<v Speaker 1>their cases. Is that a good argument, Well, it's something

0:18:25.040 --> 0:18:29.120
<v Speaker 1>that the defense attorneys fear. They fear that the plaintiffs

0:18:29.200 --> 0:18:34.240
<v Speaker 1>attorneys will say, Wow, this is what worked with that jury,

0:18:34.960 --> 0:18:38.760
<v Speaker 1>so we will use it with our jury. I think

0:18:39.000 --> 0:18:43.439
<v Speaker 1>that the plaintiff's bar is pretty sophisticated. They do a

0:18:43.520 --> 0:18:48.560
<v Speaker 1>lot of testing, They test their testimony in front of

0:18:48.760 --> 0:18:52.840
<v Speaker 1>mock jurors, they hire psychologists. Yeah, this is a data

0:18:52.920 --> 0:18:55.879
<v Speaker 1>point for the plaintiff's bar that the plaintiffs bar in

0:18:55.920 --> 0:19:00.480
<v Speaker 1>these high stakes case they're really sophisticated. They will come

0:19:00.480 --> 0:19:05.440
<v Speaker 1>at you with tested testimony, very well crafted testimony. With

0:19:05.680 --> 0:19:07.919
<v Speaker 1>or without this case. What effect does this have on

0:19:07.960 --> 0:19:11.199
<v Speaker 1>the J and J litigation going forward? I think it

0:19:11.240 --> 0:19:15.359
<v Speaker 1>does make settling harder. I think other courts will be

0:19:15.760 --> 0:19:20.439
<v Speaker 1>less likely to allow that kind of punitive damages. I

0:19:20.480 --> 0:19:22.520
<v Speaker 1>think other courts are going to be less likely to

0:19:22.680 --> 0:19:27.520
<v Speaker 1>allow twenty two different plaintiffs from twelve different states to

0:19:27.680 --> 0:19:30.360
<v Speaker 1>sue at the same time. So I don't think jan

0:19:30.440 --> 0:19:32.920
<v Speaker 1>J is going to be up against the deck that's

0:19:33.040 --> 0:19:35.800
<v Speaker 1>sort of shuffled quite the same way as it was

0:19:36.160 --> 0:19:41.240
<v Speaker 1>in Missouri. In future cases, do the punitive damages add

0:19:41.320 --> 0:19:44.359
<v Speaker 1>up so that another jury can't give as much in

0:19:44.480 --> 0:19:48.439
<v Speaker 1>punitive damages because they're cumulative to punish J and J.

0:19:49.320 --> 0:19:56.920
<v Speaker 1>Every jury is free to assess punitive damages. You can't say, wait,

0:19:57.320 --> 0:20:00.359
<v Speaker 1>we've already paid one point six billion dollar, there's com

0:20:00.359 --> 0:20:05.760
<v Speaker 1>punitive damages, no more. Um It can be stacked one

0:20:05.920 --> 0:20:08.920
<v Speaker 1>on top of the other. Uh and and that's a

0:20:09.000 --> 0:20:14.120
<v Speaker 1>real danger. The punitive damages can can add up. Even

0:20:14.160 --> 0:20:18.680
<v Speaker 1>if the punitive damages are limited to sort of one

0:20:18.760 --> 0:20:22.560
<v Speaker 1>for one the dollar per dollar with compensatory damages idea,

0:20:23.440 --> 0:20:26.359
<v Speaker 1>you know, even at one to one, it doubles the

0:20:26.440 --> 0:20:29.280
<v Speaker 1>compensatory damages. It basically says, all right, if you pay

0:20:29.280 --> 0:20:32.639
<v Speaker 1>a million dollars in compensatory damages, your total bill is

0:20:32.680 --> 0:20:35.159
<v Speaker 1>going to be two million dollars. So this is the

0:20:35.320 --> 0:20:37.840
<v Speaker 1>end for J and J in this case. They have

0:20:37.920 --> 0:20:41.000
<v Speaker 1>to pay up now. The next step in this case

0:20:41.119 --> 0:20:44.560
<v Speaker 1>is to write a check. There is no more avenue

0:20:44.640 --> 0:20:47.200
<v Speaker 1>for appeal. So they're going to write a check. Uh,

0:20:48.080 --> 0:20:50.760
<v Speaker 1>it's going to be more than the two point one

0:20:50.840 --> 0:20:53.280
<v Speaker 1>billion dollars. They're going to pay a check. With interest,

0:20:53.320 --> 0:20:55.560
<v Speaker 1>it will probably be more like two point four two

0:20:55.560 --> 0:20:59.280
<v Speaker 1>point five billion dollars. Not a good day for J

0:20:59.440 --> 0:21:02.400
<v Speaker 1>and J. Thanks for Vanna, Bloomberg Lass Show Eric. That's

0:21:02.520 --> 0:21:08.400
<v Speaker 1>Eric Gordon of the University of Michigan. Supreme Court Justice

0:21:08.480 --> 0:21:12.240
<v Speaker 1>Neil Gorst rejected a request from two churches to block

0:21:12.280 --> 0:21:15.840
<v Speaker 1>a Colorado law that lets the state issue emergency orders.

0:21:16.200 --> 0:21:19.399
<v Speaker 1>Joining me is Bloomberg News Supreme Court reporter Greg Store.

0:21:20.000 --> 0:21:23.040
<v Speaker 1>What were the two churches complaining about? What do they

0:21:23.080 --> 0:21:26.080
<v Speaker 1>want from the Supreme Court? Originally, the two churches were

0:21:26.080 --> 0:21:30.679
<v Speaker 1>complaining about COVID restrictions and capacity limits and distancing requirements

0:21:30.680 --> 0:21:33.240
<v Speaker 1>that Colorado was imposing on them. But by the time

0:21:33.240 --> 0:21:35.560
<v Speaker 1>I get the case got to the Supreme Court, all

0:21:35.600 --> 0:21:38.480
<v Speaker 1>those restrictions were gone. And so what they were asking

0:21:38.520 --> 0:21:42.439
<v Speaker 1>the court to do was to block the disaster emergency

0:21:42.560 --> 0:21:46.560
<v Speaker 1>law that Colorado was using to impose these restrictions, and

0:21:46.600 --> 0:21:50.240
<v Speaker 1>that law also applies to things like, you know, earthquakes

0:21:50.240 --> 0:21:53.720
<v Speaker 1>and wildfires. So it was a very broader request that

0:21:53.760 --> 0:21:58.280
<v Speaker 1>these churches were making. Justice Neil Gorsuch handles emergencies from Colorado.

0:21:58.520 --> 0:22:01.480
<v Speaker 1>Explain how that works with the justice is handling you know,

0:22:01.520 --> 0:22:05.280
<v Speaker 1>a section of the country. Yeah, each justice has one

0:22:05.359 --> 0:22:09.440
<v Speaker 1>or more circuits parts of the country that they're responsible

0:22:09.480 --> 0:22:13.640
<v Speaker 1>for Justice Course, which has the tenth circuit, which includes Colorado,

0:22:14.000 --> 0:22:18.280
<v Speaker 1>and so any emergency request from their first go to him,

0:22:18.320 --> 0:22:21.359
<v Speaker 1>and he then has the option of acting on himself

0:22:21.880 --> 0:22:25.719
<v Speaker 1>or referring it to the full nine member court. In

0:22:25.720 --> 0:22:29.560
<v Speaker 1>this particular case, he just acted on his own denied it.

0:22:29.560 --> 0:22:32.720
<v Speaker 1>It's theoretically possible the churches could now go to a

0:22:32.800 --> 0:22:35.159
<v Speaker 1>different justice and ask for the same thing they're asking

0:22:35.200 --> 0:22:37.760
<v Speaker 1>Justice courses war. But if it ain't at Justice Courses,

0:22:37.880 --> 0:22:40.359
<v Speaker 1>his vote, it's it's it's pretty clear that the Court

0:22:40.359 --> 0:22:42.040
<v Speaker 1>as a whole is not going to grant the request.

0:22:42.320 --> 0:22:45.520
<v Speaker 1>So what does it indicate that he did not even

0:22:45.560 --> 0:22:49.160
<v Speaker 1>refer it to the full court. Well, that sometimes can

0:22:49.320 --> 0:22:52.119
<v Speaker 1>can indicate that it wasn't a very serious request and

0:22:52.160 --> 0:22:54.920
<v Speaker 1>it wasn't worth the bother of sending it to to

0:22:55.040 --> 0:22:57.840
<v Speaker 1>all the other justices. In this case, though, if you

0:22:58.119 --> 0:23:01.639
<v Speaker 1>read the tea leaves, it's a little less clear because

0:23:02.119 --> 0:23:05.280
<v Speaker 1>this request, which was originally filed on May the third,

0:23:05.520 --> 0:23:09.840
<v Speaker 1>and Justice Corsage gave the State of Colorado a fair

0:23:09.840 --> 0:23:12.840
<v Speaker 1>amount of times to follow its response, and then he

0:23:12.880 --> 0:23:15.960
<v Speaker 1>took a while to issue a decision that didn't include

0:23:16.000 --> 0:23:19.840
<v Speaker 1>any explanations. So it seems likely that there were some

0:23:19.840 --> 0:23:24.280
<v Speaker 1>some behind the scenes machinations going on. Uh he may

0:23:24.320 --> 0:23:27.760
<v Speaker 1>have probably did talk to some of his colleagues about

0:23:27.800 --> 0:23:30.480
<v Speaker 1>how they were going to handle the case. We don't

0:23:30.480 --> 0:23:32.680
<v Speaker 1>know that, but that the amount of time that elapsed

0:23:32.680 --> 0:23:35.960
<v Speaker 1>suggests that something was going on. Explain how the Court

0:23:35.960 --> 0:23:40.280
<v Speaker 1>has been handling these emergency appeals from churches during the

0:23:40.280 --> 0:23:43.439
<v Speaker 1>pandemic well as a general matter, at least since Justice

0:23:43.440 --> 0:23:45.560
<v Speaker 1>Barrett has joined the Court and gave the Court a

0:23:45.600 --> 0:23:48.560
<v Speaker 1>more solid conservative majority. As a general matter, they have

0:23:48.640 --> 0:23:52.119
<v Speaker 1>been granting these requests from from churches, even with regard

0:23:52.200 --> 0:23:54.800
<v Speaker 1>to restrictions that are no longer in place at the

0:23:54.840 --> 0:23:57.639
<v Speaker 1>time of the request, and the Court is actually, in

0:23:57.680 --> 0:24:01.520
<v Speaker 1>the minds of many experts, really banded religious rights in

0:24:01.880 --> 0:24:04.400
<v Speaker 1>the process, even though these are emergency matters where they're

0:24:04.400 --> 0:24:08.159
<v Speaker 1>not supposed to be making making new law. But the Court,

0:24:08.560 --> 0:24:11.520
<v Speaker 1>in a series of decisions has essentially created what people

0:24:11.560 --> 0:24:14.159
<v Speaker 1>are calling a most Favored Nation status for churches. In

0:24:14.160 --> 0:24:17.119
<v Speaker 1>other words, if there's any other entity that is not

0:24:17.200 --> 0:24:21.200
<v Speaker 1>subject to similar restrictions and it is similarly situated, it

0:24:21.320 --> 0:24:24.439
<v Speaker 1>can impose them on on churches. It's been a significant

0:24:24.440 --> 0:24:28.280
<v Speaker 1>deal in terms of blocking states and local governments from

0:24:28.560 --> 0:24:32.280
<v Speaker 1>imposing capacity requirements that affect churches as well as some,

0:24:32.480 --> 0:24:37.040
<v Speaker 1>but not all, other entities. And did that start when

0:24:37.600 --> 0:24:43.040
<v Speaker 1>Justice Amy Corney Barrett came to the Court. It did before,

0:24:43.480 --> 0:24:47.360
<v Speaker 1>back when Justice Ginsburg was still alive. Chief Justice Roberts

0:24:47.440 --> 0:24:53.919
<v Speaker 1>had joined with the Court's liberals to allow COVID restrictions

0:24:53.960 --> 0:24:57.160
<v Speaker 1>to go forward. There's an opinion where the Court said,

0:24:57.400 --> 0:24:59.679
<v Speaker 1>we have to give them a lot of space, especially

0:25:00.359 --> 0:25:04.840
<v Speaker 1>during an emergency situation like a pandemic, to impose the

0:25:04.920 --> 0:25:08.520
<v Speaker 1>restrictions they think are warranted and not second guests states

0:25:08.520 --> 0:25:12.280
<v Speaker 1>and local governments. And then once Jefficsparrick joined the Court,

0:25:12.359 --> 0:25:16.280
<v Speaker 1>that started to shift. And in some cases John Roberts

0:25:16.320 --> 0:25:19.640
<v Speaker 1>from found himself in the minority, or at least by

0:25:19.760 --> 0:25:21.879
<v Speaker 1>himself and not not wanting to go as far as

0:25:21.920 --> 0:25:25.400
<v Speaker 1>some of his conservative colleagues. So we have certainly seen

0:25:25.440 --> 0:25:29.240
<v Speaker 1>movement in this area towards more deference towards houses of

0:25:29.280 --> 0:25:32.240
<v Speaker 1>worship since just Ae Sparit joined the court. So we're

0:25:32.280 --> 0:25:36.200
<v Speaker 1>waiting now for all the decisions that we've been waiting

0:25:36.240 --> 0:25:39.440
<v Speaker 1>for for quite a while. Is the only one involving religion,

0:25:39.560 --> 0:25:44.280
<v Speaker 1>the Fulton County case where it's a question of gay

0:25:44.359 --> 0:25:48.000
<v Speaker 1>rights versus religious rights. Yeah, that's certainly the big one

0:25:48.200 --> 0:25:52.800
<v Speaker 1>involving religion. It's a case where the City of Philadelphia

0:25:53.000 --> 0:25:57.320
<v Speaker 1>has a foster care program and they use private organizations

0:25:57.480 --> 0:26:00.680
<v Speaker 1>that helped run the foster care program at least certain

0:26:00.680 --> 0:26:03.280
<v Speaker 1>parts of it. And and one thing that those groups

0:26:03.280 --> 0:26:06.000
<v Speaker 1>do is screen out applicants people who want to be

0:26:06.080 --> 0:26:10.960
<v Speaker 1>foster parents, and Catholic Social Services will not certify same

0:26:11.000 --> 0:26:13.080
<v Speaker 1>sex couples. If the same sex couple were to go

0:26:13.119 --> 0:26:15.320
<v Speaker 1>to Tatholic Social Services and say we want to be

0:26:15.520 --> 0:26:19.399
<v Speaker 1>approved as a foster family, Catholic Social Services would refer

0:26:19.400 --> 0:26:22.359
<v Speaker 1>them elsewhere. And so the city is saying that violates

0:26:22.440 --> 0:26:25.800
<v Speaker 1>our anti discrimination policy that we have here, and so

0:26:26.200 --> 0:26:30.960
<v Speaker 1>Catholic Social Services cannot continue as one of our screening agencies.

0:26:31.400 --> 0:26:34.320
<v Speaker 1>And that case does have the potential, like that's the

0:26:34.359 --> 0:26:36.800
<v Speaker 1>court to overturn a pretty significant precedence. It does have

0:26:36.840 --> 0:26:40.240
<v Speaker 1>the potential to be a very big religious rights decision

0:26:40.760 --> 0:26:44.399
<v Speaker 1>that would further bolster religious rights as or stand alongside

0:26:44.440 --> 0:26:48.520
<v Speaker 1>this COVID decision as being a real turning point in

0:26:48.520 --> 0:26:51.920
<v Speaker 1>this debate over the rights of churches and in this case,

0:26:52.000 --> 0:26:56.120
<v Speaker 1>gay rights. Thanks Craig. That's Bloomberg News Supreme Court Reporter

0:26:56.200 --> 0:26:58.879
<v Speaker 1>Greg's store, and that's it for this edition of the

0:26:58.920 --> 0:27:02.400
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Launscha. Remember you can always at the latest legal

0:27:02.440 --> 0:27:05.080
<v Speaker 1>news on our Bloomberg Glow podcast. You can find them

0:27:05.080 --> 0:27:09.760
<v Speaker 1>on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and at www dot Bloomberg dot com,

0:27:09.840 --> 0:27:13.920
<v Speaker 1>slash podcast Slash Law. I'm June Grasso. Thanks so much

0:27:13.960 --> 0:27:16.840
<v Speaker 1>for listening, and please turn into The Bloomberg Law Show

0:27:16.960 --> 0:27:19.720
<v Speaker 1>every week night at ten pm Eastern right here on

0:27:19.760 --> 0:27:20.600
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