WEBVTT - Challenge to the Electoral College Count

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<v Speaker 1>The votes in Georgia for the presidential election have been

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<v Speaker 1>counted three times, confirming that President elect Joe Biden beat

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump by eleven thousand, seven hundred seventy nine votes

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<v Speaker 1>in the traditionally Republican state. But in a sixty two

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<v Speaker 1>minute call on Saturday, just days before Congress is scheduled

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<v Speaker 1>to certify the election results, President Trump pressured Georgia election

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<v Speaker 1>officials to find thousands of votes and recalculate the election

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<v Speaker 1>result to flip the state to him, just enough for

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<v Speaker 1>him to pass Biden by one vote. All I wanna

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<v Speaker 1>do is this. I just want to find uh eleven thousand,

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<v Speaker 1>seven d eight votes, which is one more that we have.

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<v Speaker 1>Georgia officials responded by saying they have no evidence of

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<v Speaker 1>widespread fraud and they'll stand by the election results. Joining me,

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<v Speaker 1>the elections law expert Richard Brofald, a professor at Columbia

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<v Speaker 1>Law School, the first, well, what is your reaction to

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump calling Georgia's secretary of state and asking him

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<v Speaker 1>to find eleven thousand, seven eight votes. It looks a

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<v Speaker 1>lot like he is asking the secretary of state to

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<v Speaker 1>commit a crime, and in so doing, it looks like

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<v Speaker 1>he is committing a crime. I mean, it is illegal

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<v Speaker 1>to attempt to the private residence of the state of

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<v Speaker 1>affair and impartial election. I'm quoted from the relevant federal law.

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<v Speaker 1>It's illegal to procure or cause retabulation of ballots better

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<v Speaker 1>known to be false or fraudulent. And that's again a

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<v Speaker 1>pretty close paraphrase of the federal law. And there's a

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<v Speaker 1>similar Georgia law that basically makes it a crime to

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<v Speaker 1>solicit somebody to commit election fraud. Given all of the

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<v Speaker 1>audits and re audits and recount that Georgia has been through,

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<v Speaker 1>as well as all the litigation it's been resolved and

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<v Speaker 1>resolved and resolved against, so to say, can't you find

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<v Speaker 1>a seven thousand votes for me? Sounds an awful law,

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<v Speaker 1>like asking somebody to commit fraud, and that itself to

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<v Speaker 1>the crime. Now, the only thing that sort of draws

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<v Speaker 1>you back from this is criminal laws usually require that

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<v Speaker 1>the action be knowing and willful about that the person

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<v Speaker 1>committing the act knows that it's a crime. And one

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<v Speaker 1>thing that's a little hard to tell from all this

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<v Speaker 1>is whether the president really believes that there are all

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<v Speaker 1>these fraudulent votes out there and all these uncounted votes

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<v Speaker 1>or whether it's just, you know, a gimmick, and whether

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<v Speaker 1>maybe he should believe it given all of the court

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<v Speaker 1>decisions and all of the recounts that have occurred. So

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<v Speaker 1>to try and push somebody to coerce by threatening with prosecution,

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<v Speaker 1>or to to now induce somebody to commit election fraud

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<v Speaker 1>is itself a crime, both federally and in Georgia. And

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<v Speaker 1>the only hold up is this issue of state of mind.

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<v Speaker 1>You have to be able to prove that this was

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<v Speaker 1>done knowing that since would be committing fraud. There's also

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<v Speaker 1>the rambling nature of the call, with President Trump jumping

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<v Speaker 1>back and forth between issues, and there's no explicit threat. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, in some ways it's a little bit like

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<v Speaker 1>from what we know about the Ukraine call, except this

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<v Speaker 1>one's on tape. When he doesn't outright demand something, it's

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<v Speaker 1>kind of what he's asking and then he's giving evidence.

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<v Speaker 1>But you know, I haven't listened to very many types

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<v Speaker 1>of mob bosses, but people tell me that that's what

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<v Speaker 1>it sounds like. They very rarely say outright, you must

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<v Speaker 1>do this. They kind of set it up in a

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<v Speaker 1>certain way that puts pressure. I mean, I think it

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<v Speaker 1>sure looks and feels a lot like asking somebody to

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<v Speaker 1>commit collection fraud. Whether it actually crosses that line, given

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<v Speaker 1>state of mind, and given if you parse it word

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<v Speaker 1>by word, be a closer question that certainly, whatever it is,

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<v Speaker 1>it's totally improper, whether it is an outright crime, and

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<v Speaker 1>there's certainly a case for calling it an outright crime.

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<v Speaker 1>It's the big question also is who would prosecute this crime? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>of course right now general government camp was probably not

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<v Speaker 1>going to prosecuting as the president, but presuming he doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>attempt to pardon himself um, and there is a huge

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<v Speaker 1>debate about whether a president can self pardon. Starting on

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<v Speaker 1>January one, the U S Attorney UH, I guess, starting

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<v Speaker 1>on the afternoon of January he was attorney to bring

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<v Speaker 1>the case. And of course they violates or at least

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<v Speaker 1>there is a good argument that it violates Georgia law.

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<v Speaker 1>And presumably the a local district attorney UM, the attorney

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<v Speaker 1>I guess of the county where the state officials were sitting.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that's Fulton County. UH could also open an investigation.

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<v Speaker 1>And the president cannot pardon himself for a crimes committed

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<v Speaker 1>under state law. But Joe Biden has said that he's

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<v Speaker 1>going to let the Justice Department do what if the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department is supposed to do without any influence from him.

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<v Speaker 1>There's also a political question of whether the Biden administration

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<v Speaker 1>wants to start by prosecuting the former president, right. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>there are prudential questions as to whether this is a

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<v Speaker 1>wise move. I mean, the case for opening in the

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<v Speaker 1>instigation is that this is, Yeah, it's one thing to

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<v Speaker 1>sort of try and have somebody to try and commit

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<v Speaker 1>election for something else from President United States is himself

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<v Speaker 1>involved in a possible election fraud, and so given mistakes,

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<v Speaker 1>there's a lot to be said for saying, you know

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<v Speaker 1>that nobody is above the law. On the other hand,

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<v Speaker 1>I could certainly understand the desire to put it all behind,

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<v Speaker 1>especially since it probably it's ever got into court. It

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<v Speaker 1>probably is not completely open and shut, but there's certainly

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of a lot there that could support an

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<v Speaker 1>investigation and possibly an indictment. So far, we have a

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<v Speaker 1>federal court dismissing the lawsuit that Congressman Louis Gohmert brought

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<v Speaker 1>against Vice President Pans. What did you get from that dismissal? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>they were utterly impatient with it. I mean, I think

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<v Speaker 1>even more than the dismissial by the distrecorded dississial by

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<v Speaker 1>the Court of Appeals, which shouldn't even wait till it

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<v Speaker 1>was briefed, I mean over appealed immediately. Uh. And the

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<v Speaker 1>Court of Appeals knocked it out before even for all

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<v Speaker 1>the papers were filed. Um, it's a pretty preposterous lawsuit.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, it was not decided on the merits. That

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<v Speaker 1>was decided on standing and other technical issues, but on

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<v Speaker 1>the merits. Um. The idea that the vice president has

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<v Speaker 1>a substantive role to play it just makes no sense

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<v Speaker 1>given that you know, in many elections, including this one,

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<v Speaker 1>the vice president himself will be affected by the outcome.

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<v Speaker 1>So the idea that you would give him a role

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<v Speaker 1>in deciding whether or not he wins his own election. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>and given a substantive role, just makes no sense. On Wednesday,

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<v Speaker 1>nearly a dozen Senators are going to be joining with

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<v Speaker 1>dozens of their colleagues in the House and objecting two

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<v Speaker 1>votes from several closely fought states where Trump has claimed

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<v Speaker 1>baselessly that fraud cost him the election. There is a

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<v Speaker 1>legal basis for that, isn't there? Yeah? Um, so under

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<v Speaker 1>the combination of the Constitution and the Electoral Account Act,

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<v Speaker 1>which is the law that Congress adopted to govern the

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<v Speaker 1>this exact process. Um. The the electoral votes are on

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<v Speaker 1>January six, and this is my statute. Congress comes into session. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>The envelopes that contain the submissions from the fifty states

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<v Speaker 1>in district Columbia are opened um by the Vice President,

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<v Speaker 1>who the President of the Senate, the Congress together the House,

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate in one chamber of the House chamber, and

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<v Speaker 1>then they're handed over to the clerks, and the clerks

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<v Speaker 1>then read them in the states in alphabetical order. UM.

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<v Speaker 1>My guess Alabama's first, I forget the number of actoral

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<v Speaker 1>votes Alabama less. I think it's nine in a month.

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<v Speaker 1>The confident of that, and that's accepted unless somebody objects.

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<v Speaker 1>Under the law, you need to have one member of

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<v Speaker 1>the House and one member of the Senate both objects.

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<v Speaker 1>If only somebody from one chamber of objects, nothing happens,

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<v Speaker 1>you need to have one number from each chamber to object.

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<v Speaker 1>If that occurs, then they are supposed to resets. Each

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<v Speaker 1>chamber is supposed to meet separately and debate for up

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<v Speaker 1>to two hours as to whether or not they should

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<v Speaker 1>accept or reject the vote from the the challenge state.

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<v Speaker 1>But under the law, both chambers have to say no

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<v Speaker 1>when presented with a set up with the electoral votes

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<v Speaker 1>of the state if they want to reject it. So

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<v Speaker 1>you would need both the House and the Senate to

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<v Speaker 1>say no. It seems very unlikely that Alice is going

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<v Speaker 1>to say no since House has a narrow Democratic majority,

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<v Speaker 1>and given the number of Republican senators in the Senate

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<v Speaker 1>who said they're not going to say no, it seems

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<v Speaker 1>unlucky the sentup will say no either. But the process

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<v Speaker 1>will take time because not only is there two hours

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<v Speaker 1>of debate, but they actually would need to vote, and

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<v Speaker 1>under COVID circumstances, with the chambers not being full, the

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<v Speaker 1>vote could take some time, particularly in the House, which

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<v Speaker 1>is a very big body. So it's conceivable of the

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<v Speaker 1>vote itself will take an hour or more, and there

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<v Speaker 1>would be a separate vote on each challenge state. And

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<v Speaker 1>we don't know how many states the Republicans intend to challenge.

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<v Speaker 1>I guess we've been hurting here. He read a maximum

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<v Speaker 1>of six six states that were somewhat close and the

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<v Speaker 1>final count. But that could mean that this could take

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<v Speaker 1>at least twelve hours and probably at least eighteen and

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<v Speaker 1>accounting the time it takes to vote, so they could

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<v Speaker 1>be very well debating during the night, and this could

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<v Speaker 1>very well take until the morning or maybe even midday

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<v Speaker 1>on the seventh, until it's results if they really want

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<v Speaker 1>to go ahead and have a debate on each of them,

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<v Speaker 1>and I'm guessing at six states that they might want

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<v Speaker 1>to challenge. So Rich, I have a question about that

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<v Speaker 1>eighties law. Doesn't it contemplate that there's two competing groups

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<v Speaker 1>of electors that are being presented by the state. There

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<v Speaker 1>are two different scenarios. One is if there is one

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<v Speaker 1>set of electors, and what I was describing with a

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<v Speaker 1>scenario for challenging that that's all there is. There's no

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<v Speaker 1>there are no other official submitted electors for many of

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<v Speaker 1>the states. All the states have submitted just one set

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<v Speaker 1>of electors. Other scenario, and this does deal with something

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<v Speaker 1>which occurred in the election which led to the seven law,

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<v Speaker 1>is that there were disagreements in the states, and in

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<v Speaker 1>a couple of the states in the eighteen seventy six

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<v Speaker 1>the governor sent in one set of electors and the

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<v Speaker 1>legislature sent in something else. If it's two dueling sets

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<v Speaker 1>of electors, um, the two chambers have to agree. But

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<v Speaker 1>if if they can't agree, it's supposed to be the

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<v Speaker 1>set that the governor signed, so there is a safety

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<v Speaker 1>valve if they disagree. Or as if it's just one

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<v Speaker 1>set of electors, if they disagree, that those electors count

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<v Speaker 1>because you need both chambers to vote them down. So

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<v Speaker 1>the prevailing wisdom is that there is no possible way

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<v Speaker 1>that the votes won't be counted and Joe Biden won't

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<v Speaker 1>be deemed the winner. Do you agree with no possible way?

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<v Speaker 1>I'm going to say that, given how insane this entire

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<v Speaker 1>year has been, I don't want to say that, UM,

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<v Speaker 1>but I will say that there is no kind of

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<v Speaker 1>legal or constitutional way that all of the law, the

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional and legal provisions, and the votes that we know

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<v Speaker 1>of in Congress all point in the direction that this

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<v Speaker 1>may take longer than normal, longer than ever before, but

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<v Speaker 1>that they will all be, that they will all be

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<v Speaker 1>resolved and Biden will get is what I think. It's

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<v Speaker 1>three hundred and six electoral votes. It might take twenty

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<v Speaker 1>four hours, but that should be the way it works. Out.

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<v Speaker 1>There is reporting that Vice President Pence's aids are developing

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<v Speaker 1>a plan for him to acknowledge the reality of the

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<v Speaker 1>November election, but at the same time making a statement

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<v Speaker 1>about President Trump's claims about election fraud that have been disproven.

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<v Speaker 1>Is their room for him to do that? To make

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<v Speaker 1>a statement? My impressionist that's never happened. But I don't

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<v Speaker 1>know that anything that would stop that. He is the

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<v Speaker 1>presiding officer. He's got the castle, so it would be

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<v Speaker 1>hard to see how he could be stopped. I suppose

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<v Speaker 1>members of Congress could object, but um, since I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think anything like that has happened before, we don't know

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<v Speaker 1>how that scenario would play out. He does that, McCall,

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<v Speaker 1>he is standing up on the rostrum, and it's possible.

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<v Speaker 1>Thanks for being the Bloomberg Law Show. Rich that's Professor

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<v Speaker 1>Richard Rofault of Columbia Law School. A DC federal appellate

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<v Speaker 1>court has ruled that requests for information by Congressional Oversight

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<v Speaker 1>panels don't require the approval of the majority members. The

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<v Speaker 1>two to one decision overturned a district court opinion for

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<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration. The appellate Court's decision affirms the right

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<v Speaker 1>of minorities on the oversight committees at least seven members

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<v Speaker 1>on the House Committee and five in the Senate to

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<v Speaker 1>request information from federal agencies and to get the courts

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<v Speaker 1>to step in if the agencies refused to comply with

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<v Speaker 1>a request for information. That's distinct from the subpoena power

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<v Speaker 1>of congressional committees, which requires a majority of the committee

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<v Speaker 1>joining me. Is David Sklansky, a professor at Stanford Law School,

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<v Speaker 1>start by explaining what the lawsuit was all about. But

0:13:21.040 --> 0:13:26.000
<v Speaker 1>that's the lawsuit filed by Democratic members of the House

0:13:26.000 --> 0:13:31.240
<v Speaker 1>Committee on Oversight and Reform. They sued the General Services

0:13:31.280 --> 0:13:36.719
<v Speaker 1>Administration for failing to give them information that they had

0:13:36.760 --> 0:13:42.280
<v Speaker 1>requested about the lease of the post office building in

0:13:42.320 --> 0:13:47.360
<v Speaker 1>the District of Columbia to Donald Trump and company. So

0:13:47.440 --> 0:13:50.880
<v Speaker 1>now this is under the seven member rule, not about

0:13:50.880 --> 0:13:57.120
<v Speaker 1>a subpoena. That's correct. Um, There's a federal statute that

0:13:57.360 --> 0:14:02.240
<v Speaker 1>says that certain number of members of either the Senate

0:14:02.760 --> 0:14:05.840
<v Speaker 1>oversyche Committee or the House oversych Committee, it's five members

0:14:05.880 --> 0:14:08.560
<v Speaker 1>of the Senate Committee or seven members of the House

0:14:08.559 --> 0:14:14.400
<v Speaker 1>Committee can request information on any matter within the purview

0:14:14.440 --> 0:14:18.800
<v Speaker 1>of the committee from the executive branch and the Executive

0:14:18.800 --> 0:14:23.200
<v Speaker 1>branch has to supply it. That's without a subpoena. The

0:14:23.320 --> 0:14:28.160
<v Speaker 1>lawsuit was brought by seven the Democratic members of the

0:14:28.200 --> 0:14:33.800
<v Speaker 1>House Committee on Oversight and Reform, and they requested information

0:14:33.920 --> 0:14:37.800
<v Speaker 1>pursuance of the federal statute, and the administration refused to

0:14:37.840 --> 0:14:41.120
<v Speaker 1>provide it. So they went to court. So tell us

0:14:41.160 --> 0:14:44.720
<v Speaker 1>what happened at the trial court level. The trial courts,

0:14:44.760 --> 0:14:47.320
<v Speaker 1>the Settle dist the court um in the District of

0:14:47.360 --> 0:14:52.800
<v Speaker 1>Columbia ruled against the plaintiffs because the trial courts said

0:14:52.840 --> 0:14:57.720
<v Speaker 1>that they lacked standing, and standing as a technical legal

0:14:58.440 --> 0:15:05.040
<v Speaker 1>doctrine that says that uh, federal courts can't decide questions

0:15:05.080 --> 0:15:08.720
<v Speaker 1>the abstract. They can only decide questions. They can only

0:15:09.200 --> 0:15:13.640
<v Speaker 1>take on a case when there's something concrete at stake,

0:15:14.320 --> 0:15:17.120
<v Speaker 1>and it has to be at stake between the people

0:15:17.440 --> 0:15:20.320
<v Speaker 1>who are bringing the case and the people who are

0:15:20.360 --> 0:15:26.000
<v Speaker 1>being sued. So I can't see, for example, because I

0:15:26.040 --> 0:15:32.200
<v Speaker 1>think that my son was unfairly taken advantage of or

0:15:33.160 --> 0:15:36.480
<v Speaker 1>he did out of something. And you also can't see

0:15:36.600 --> 0:15:40.480
<v Speaker 1>even if some organization that you're a part of has

0:15:40.520 --> 0:15:43.760
<v Speaker 1>been wrong. So I'm a professor at Stanford, but I

0:15:43.840 --> 0:15:48.760
<v Speaker 1>can't sue because I think Stanford University has a right

0:15:48.880 --> 0:15:53.280
<v Speaker 1>that was infringed on somehow, or Stanford University was unfairly damaged.

0:15:53.600 --> 0:15:56.760
<v Speaker 1>And that's true for members of Congress too. Members of

0:15:56.840 --> 0:16:02.400
<v Speaker 1>Congress generally are not allowed to se because they think

0:16:02.520 --> 0:16:05.480
<v Speaker 1>that Congress is not being treated well, but they can

0:16:05.520 --> 0:16:09.120
<v Speaker 1>sue if they individually have been injured in some way

0:16:09.200 --> 0:16:12.560
<v Speaker 1>that the court has the power to address. So the

0:16:12.600 --> 0:16:18.040
<v Speaker 1>district court said that these members of Congress lack standing

0:16:18.600 --> 0:16:23.720
<v Speaker 1>to complain about a violation of this statute because the

0:16:23.840 --> 0:16:28.960
<v Speaker 1>statute didn't really protect them to protected Congress. So the

0:16:29.000 --> 0:16:33.680
<v Speaker 1>House of Representatives could sue, but these individual members couldn't sue.

0:16:34.200 --> 0:16:37.480
<v Speaker 1>That's what the trial court said. Okay, so tell us

0:16:37.480 --> 0:16:41.240
<v Speaker 1>now what the appellate court said. The Power Court said,

0:16:41.440 --> 0:16:45.960
<v Speaker 1>it's not true that these individual members of Congress weren't

0:16:45.960 --> 0:16:50.720
<v Speaker 1>her they were hurt. This is a statute that gives

0:16:50.800 --> 0:16:57.880
<v Speaker 1>a right two groups of congressional representatives to request information

0:16:58.280 --> 0:17:01.960
<v Speaker 1>from the executive branch, even when they're in the minority.

0:17:02.440 --> 0:17:06.400
<v Speaker 1>So it's an unusual statute in that way. And there

0:17:06.480 --> 0:17:08.480
<v Speaker 1>is something we all have to stay to you. The

0:17:08.560 --> 0:17:13.480
<v Speaker 1>Court of Appeal said, between these individual members and the administration,

0:17:13.600 --> 0:17:16.320
<v Speaker 1>these individual members say we have a right to this

0:17:16.440 --> 0:17:21.280
<v Speaker 1>information under the statutes, and the executive brand said, we're

0:17:21.320 --> 0:17:24.040
<v Speaker 1>not giving it to you. So the Court of Appeal said,

0:17:24.359 --> 0:17:29.479
<v Speaker 1>these members do have standings to pursue this lawsuit. Now,

0:17:29.680 --> 0:17:32.960
<v Speaker 1>that doesn't mean that they're gonna win. It doesn't mean

0:17:33.000 --> 0:17:36.320
<v Speaker 1>that they have a right to the information. It doesn't

0:17:36.400 --> 0:17:41.200
<v Speaker 1>even mean that the court ultimately should decide whether they

0:17:41.240 --> 0:17:44.720
<v Speaker 1>have a right to the information. Because the Court of

0:17:44.720 --> 0:17:50.280
<v Speaker 1>Appeal said that the trial courts can consider uh an

0:17:50.359 --> 0:17:54.800
<v Speaker 1>argument that the Trump administration raised, that it would be

0:17:54.840 --> 0:17:58.560
<v Speaker 1>inappropriate for courts to get involved in this question altogether.

0:17:59.240 --> 0:18:02.120
<v Speaker 1>The trial court also consider an argument that the Trump

0:18:02.160 --> 0:18:07.639
<v Speaker 1>administration raised that this statute doesn't give right to members

0:18:07.640 --> 0:18:12.280
<v Speaker 1>of Congress that they can pursue in court, and the

0:18:12.359 --> 0:18:15.240
<v Speaker 1>trial courts can consider an argument that the Trump administration

0:18:15.320 --> 0:18:19.760
<v Speaker 1>raised um that the kind of information that these members

0:18:19.760 --> 0:18:23.200
<v Speaker 1>were requesting is not the kind of information that the

0:18:23.280 --> 0:18:28.200
<v Speaker 1>statute authorizes them to request. So the Trump administration could

0:18:28.200 --> 0:18:32.159
<v Speaker 1>still win in court when it goes back to the

0:18:32.200 --> 0:18:38.920
<v Speaker 1>trial court, assuming that the administration continues to contest the lawsuits.

0:18:38.960 --> 0:18:42.359
<v Speaker 1>So that the Court of Appeals didn't say that the

0:18:42.400 --> 0:18:45.919
<v Speaker 1>point does automatically win. It just said they don't lose

0:18:45.960 --> 0:18:50.240
<v Speaker 1>on standing grounds. Now, as a practical matter, Um, the

0:18:50.280 --> 0:18:53.240
<v Speaker 1>administration is about the change hands. So there's gonna be

0:18:53.280 --> 0:18:56.840
<v Speaker 1>a new director of the generalman Services Administration and the

0:18:56.920 --> 0:19:01.400
<v Speaker 1>new president, and it's highly unlikely that the new administration

0:19:01.520 --> 0:19:07.000
<v Speaker 1>is going to continue to resist giving this information to Congress,

0:19:07.000 --> 0:19:11.720
<v Speaker 1>so the student is likely to become UH moved once

0:19:12.160 --> 0:19:16.320
<v Speaker 1>the new ministration takes over. Um. What what will stay

0:19:16.320 --> 0:19:20.000
<v Speaker 1>on the books, though, is the decision by the Court

0:19:20.000 --> 0:19:26.200
<v Speaker 1>of Appeals that a minority UH a group of minority

0:19:26.280 --> 0:19:30.720
<v Speaker 1>members of either of the Congressional oversight committees, the Senate

0:19:30.800 --> 0:19:35.719
<v Speaker 1>Oversight Committee or the House Oversight Committee can sue in

0:19:35.840 --> 0:19:41.879
<v Speaker 1>court two force the administration to comply with the requests

0:19:41.880 --> 0:19:47.000
<v Speaker 1>that are made pursue into the Sederal Statute Section type

0:19:47.000 --> 0:19:51.200
<v Speaker 1>of five. Does this ruling fit in with the way

0:19:51.200 --> 0:19:57.840
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court has ruled in cases recently involving Congress suing. Well,

0:19:57.840 --> 0:20:00.520
<v Speaker 1>that's what the Court of Appeals disagreed about. So that's

0:20:00.680 --> 0:20:03.879
<v Speaker 1>the as is normal on a federal Court of Appeals.

0:20:03.920 --> 0:20:06.720
<v Speaker 1>Beside the case, the case is decided by a three

0:20:06.840 --> 0:20:10.000
<v Speaker 1>judge Channel three of the judges on the United States

0:20:10.000 --> 0:20:14.359
<v Speaker 1>Court of Appeals for the discuss Columbius Circuit, and those

0:20:14.480 --> 0:20:19.800
<v Speaker 1>judges slipped to one. Two of the judges thought that

0:20:19.920 --> 0:20:24.000
<v Speaker 1>he requests that these members of Congress we're making and

0:20:24.080 --> 0:20:28.840
<v Speaker 1>the lawsuit that they filed falls within the decisions of

0:20:28.840 --> 0:20:32.119
<v Speaker 1>the United States Screme Court. Is made about when Congress

0:20:32.200 --> 0:20:35.840
<v Speaker 1>is allowed to s and when Congressional committees are allowed

0:20:35.920 --> 0:20:38.320
<v Speaker 1>to because the United States treame Court has made it

0:20:38.359 --> 0:20:44.440
<v Speaker 1>clear that the House of Representatives can sue to get

0:20:44.480 --> 0:20:49.399
<v Speaker 1>traditional enforcement UH, it's right under the law, and Congressional

0:20:49.440 --> 0:20:55.280
<v Speaker 1>committees consue to enforce their subtoenas. On the other hand,

0:20:55.720 --> 0:21:00.720
<v Speaker 1>individual members of Congress can't to complaint, meaning that the

0:21:00.840 --> 0:21:04.720
<v Speaker 1>committee or UH or the House of Representatives as a

0:21:04.760 --> 0:21:08.480
<v Speaker 1>whole or the Senate as a whole was unfairly treated

0:21:08.840 --> 0:21:12.840
<v Speaker 1>and didn't get what they're entitled to under the law.

0:21:13.400 --> 0:21:16.320
<v Speaker 1>So the question in the cases is a group of

0:21:16.920 --> 0:21:20.919
<v Speaker 1>five members of the Senate committee or seven members of

0:21:20.920 --> 0:21:25.720
<v Speaker 1>the House committee, is that UM like UH when those

0:21:25.760 --> 0:21:29.639
<v Speaker 1>people sue. Is that like an individual member of Congress

0:21:29.680 --> 0:21:33.480
<v Speaker 1>doing saying I think Congress has has been injured or

0:21:33.600 --> 0:21:38.080
<v Speaker 1>is it like um individual members of Congress doing when

0:21:38.119 --> 0:21:41.760
<v Speaker 1>they impact themselves have been injured. So there was a

0:21:41.840 --> 0:21:46.000
<v Speaker 1>disagreement among the three judges, and two of them said

0:21:46.520 --> 0:21:51.040
<v Speaker 1>that the Screen courts earlier decisions suggests that these members

0:21:51.080 --> 0:21:54.440
<v Speaker 1>of Congress have standing, and one member of the court

0:21:54.840 --> 0:21:58.840
<v Speaker 1>thought otherwise. He said that the decisions of the United

0:21:58.840 --> 0:22:02.560
<v Speaker 1>Satescreen Corps proper the interpreted suggest that these members don't

0:22:02.600 --> 0:22:07.080
<v Speaker 1>catch standing. Congressional subpoenas seem to be not worth the

0:22:07.119 --> 0:22:10.000
<v Speaker 1>paper they're written on recently, at least in the last

0:22:10.000 --> 0:22:13.399
<v Speaker 1>four years, because it doesn't seem like there's any enforcement power.

0:22:13.440 --> 0:22:14.919
<v Speaker 1>They have to go into the courts and then it

0:22:14.960 --> 0:22:18.200
<v Speaker 1>takes forever. And as we've seen in many cases, the

0:22:18.240 --> 0:22:20.760
<v Speaker 1>Trump administration is coming to an end before some of

0:22:20.800 --> 0:22:23.680
<v Speaker 1>these cases are coming to an end. So is this

0:22:23.840 --> 0:22:27.439
<v Speaker 1>a better way, like for this one oversight committee to

0:22:27.480 --> 0:22:31.640
<v Speaker 1>get information, an easier way than through subpoena? Well, it's

0:22:31.680 --> 0:22:35.040
<v Speaker 1>easier in the sense that the party that is in

0:22:35.119 --> 0:22:41.680
<v Speaker 1>the minority and request of information without getting the committee

0:22:41.680 --> 0:22:45.960
<v Speaker 1>as a whole to approve it. But once the request

0:22:46.080 --> 0:22:49.760
<v Speaker 1>is made, if the administration fails to comply, you have

0:22:49.800 --> 0:22:53.840
<v Speaker 1>the same problem that you have with subpoena. That enforcing

0:22:54.240 --> 0:22:57.080
<v Speaker 1>a right information in federal court can take a long

0:22:57.160 --> 0:23:01.320
<v Speaker 1>time um and the administer ration can run down the clock.

0:23:02.000 --> 0:23:05.480
<v Speaker 1>That's exactly what happened here in this decision is coming

0:23:05.720 --> 0:23:08.840
<v Speaker 1>at the very end of the Trump administration. Now, I

0:23:08.840 --> 0:23:13.000
<v Speaker 1>wouldn't say that that means that it's useless. It happens

0:23:13.080 --> 0:23:15.960
<v Speaker 1>that Trump lost the election and he's on his way out.

0:23:16.560 --> 0:23:19.080
<v Speaker 1>But if he had won the election, he would have

0:23:19.119 --> 0:23:21.400
<v Speaker 1>been in office for another four years, and it would

0:23:21.400 --> 0:23:24.120
<v Speaker 1>have been meaningful that the court had said that there

0:23:24.160 --> 0:23:28.120
<v Speaker 1>was a right to this information. Still, it's unclear how

0:23:28.200 --> 0:23:31.920
<v Speaker 1>quickly they would have gotten the information even with this ruling, because,

0:23:31.920 --> 0:23:35.480
<v Speaker 1>as I mentioned, the ruling just says that that the

0:23:35.600 --> 0:23:39.880
<v Speaker 1>standing doctrine doesn't block this too, the administration still had

0:23:40.000 --> 0:23:43.520
<v Speaker 1>other arguments for why the lawsuits shouldn't be allowed and

0:23:43.560 --> 0:23:46.440
<v Speaker 1>why they shouldn't be required to turn over the information,

0:23:46.760 --> 0:23:50.280
<v Speaker 1>and it could well be that litigating those additional issues

0:23:50.440 --> 0:23:52.879
<v Speaker 1>would have taken another four years. Thanks so much for

0:23:52.920 --> 0:23:56.800
<v Speaker 1>being on the show. That's David Skolanski, professor at Stanford

0:23:56.880 --> 0:23:59.280
<v Speaker 1>Law School. And that's it for the addition of the

0:23:59.320 --> 0:24:03.120
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Law podcast. I'm June Grosso. Thanks so much. For listening,

0:24:03.520 --> 0:24:05.840
<v Speaker 1>and remember you can always get the latest legal news

0:24:05.920 --> 0:24:08.679
<v Speaker 1>on our Bloomberg Law podcast. You can find them on

0:24:08.760 --> 0:24:13.160
<v Speaker 1>Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and wherever you get your favorite podcasts.

0:24:13.480 --> 0:24:16.400
<v Speaker 1>And please listen to The Bloomberg Lawn Show every weeknight

0:24:16.400 --> 0:24:18.879
<v Speaker 1>at ten pm Eastern on Bloomberg Radio