WEBVTT - Fed Governor Resigns & Tariff Battles

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grosseo from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>I have an open spot or the Federal Reserve Board.

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<v Speaker 2>I'm very happy about that.

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<v Speaker 1>President Donald Trump suddenly has a chance to fill an

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<v Speaker 1>opening at the Federal Reserve earlier than expected, after FED

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<v Speaker 1>Governor Adrianna Kugler announced her resignation on Friday. Kugler's exit

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<v Speaker 1>unfolds amid unprecedented political pressure from the White House on

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<v Speaker 1>the Central Bank over monetary policy, with Trump often launching

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<v Speaker 1>personal insults at your own Powell. The current chair joining

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<v Speaker 1>me is Catherine Judge, a professor at Columbia Law School. Kate,

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<v Speaker 1>what's your reaction to Kugler's departure.

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<v Speaker 3>I was surprised she is the next governor to leave. Naturally,

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<v Speaker 3>her term expires early in twenty twenty six, so it's

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<v Speaker 3>clearly a spot that President Trump is going to be

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<v Speaker 3>able to have available in the relatively near future. But

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<v Speaker 3>this short window of time changes dynamics in a meaningful way.

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<v Speaker 3>Among other things, her spot was seen as a like

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<v Speaker 3>b position for the person that President Trump would like

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<v Speaker 3>to bring in to be the next chair, So this

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<v Speaker 3>really potentially accelerates that process and could lead to even

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<v Speaker 3>more intense pressure on Powell to step down from his

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<v Speaker 3>position as chair.

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<v Speaker 1>When President Trump was leaving the White House on Friday,

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<v Speaker 1>he said that he was very happy to have an

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<v Speaker 1>open spot, and he told reporters that she was stepping

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<v Speaker 1>down because she disagreed with quote too late on the

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<v Speaker 1>interest rates. That's his derogatory term for Powell. But does

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<v Speaker 1>that align with her publicly stated views.

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<v Speaker 3>We have not seen anything to that effect in what

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<v Speaker 3>she has stated publicly. We have seen disagreement with Van

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<v Speaker 3>Koogler and Michael Barr on the one hand, and other

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<v Speaker 3>members of the board on the other hand. Are matters

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<v Speaker 3>of regulation, and it does look as though the current board,

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<v Speaker 3>under the effective leadership of a vice chare for supervision

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<v Speaker 3>Michelle Bowman, is going to engage in a deregulatory agenda.

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<v Speaker 3>So on that front, it does look like there was

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<v Speaker 3>a difference of opinion, But that's not necessarily a reason

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<v Speaker 3>for her to accelerate her departure. If anything, that's the

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<v Speaker 3>reason for her to stick around and to let her

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<v Speaker 3>voice and vote be heard.

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<v Speaker 1>Trump says he's going to appoint the next FED governor.

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<v Speaker 1>Will you explain why he basically has to appoint the

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<v Speaker 1>next FED governor to fill her spot, so.

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<v Speaker 3>He has to choose the chair among the governors. Powell's

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<v Speaker 3>term as chair expires in May of next year. His

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<v Speaker 3>term his governor doesn't expire until twenty twenty eight. It

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<v Speaker 3>is possible that Powell stepped down as governor at the

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<v Speaker 3>same time he sets down share, but that is by

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<v Speaker 3>no means guaranteed, and because there are no other additional

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<v Speaker 3>slots open, Chris Waller, who's a Republican who Trump previously

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<v Speaker 3>put on the Board of Governors, is a possibility or

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<v Speaker 3>FED chair, as if he wants to promote Waller, then

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<v Speaker 3>he wouldn't need to use this slot for purposes of

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<v Speaker 3>introducing somebody who would then take over as chair. But

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<v Speaker 3>if he does want Kevin Hassett or Kevin warsh or

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<v Speaker 3>any of the other names that have been bandied about,

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<v Speaker 3>this slot might be his critical opportunity.

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<v Speaker 1>Are there any indications as to whom he's favoring for

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<v Speaker 1>the role.

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<v Speaker 3>There's been rumors that hast has been taking over as lead.

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<v Speaker 3>Kevin Worsh's names has been around for a long time.

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<v Speaker 3>We have certainly seen both of them actively campaigning for

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<v Speaker 3>the job in their public statements have been very supportive

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<v Speaker 3>of the lower interesting streat policies that Trump would otherwise

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<v Speaker 3>like to see in place, But we have heard nothing

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<v Speaker 3>official from the White House the respect who's likely to

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<v Speaker 3>be the next comanee.

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<v Speaker 1>The Open Market Committee voted nine to two to leave

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<v Speaker 1>rates unchanged, so one more vote won't necessarily make a difference.

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<v Speaker 3>It's hard to know. I mean, then this is really hard.

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<v Speaker 3>So first of all, the site is already facing an

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<v Speaker 3>environment in which they might be changing course independent of

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<v Speaker 3>a new chair coming in. The most recent jobs numbers

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<v Speaker 3>look weaker than they expected, and there have been some

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<v Speaker 3>revisions for a variety of reasons to think that there

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<v Speaker 3>might have already been a modest changing course underway. But

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<v Speaker 3>you're right, I mean, one of the key things to

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<v Speaker 3>keep in mind is the Federal Open Market Committee is

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<v Speaker 3>a twelve member committee, and the chair or kind of

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<v Speaker 3>the expected chair, is only one of those votes. As

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<v Speaker 3>one of the things that Trump past to kind of

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<v Speaker 3>keep in mind, and that we all have to keep

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<v Speaker 3>in mind as we're watching, is how effective is the

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<v Speaker 3>new going to be garnering support for a meaningfully different

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<v Speaker 3>trajectory for policy. And that's going to be one of

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<v Speaker 3>the open questions as something new comes in, both what

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<v Speaker 3>is the interest rate corrector they want to see and

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<v Speaker 3>what are the tools they're going to use to try

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<v Speaker 3>to convince fella members of the Federal Open Market Committee,

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<v Speaker 3>But actually a different policy courses for the best in.

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<v Speaker 1>The past have fed Governor's not been able to convince

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<v Speaker 1>the Open Market Committee to do what they want.

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<v Speaker 3>What we haven't seen in the past is quite as

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<v Speaker 3>clear of a mismatch between what the President wants to

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<v Speaker 3>see happen and what the current interust rate policy is.

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<v Speaker 3>So we've certainly seen nominees come in because they are

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<v Speaker 3>meant to kind of change the directory. Paul Volker famously

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<v Speaker 3>was appointed because there was suddenly an appreciation that inflation

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<v Speaker 3>and managing inflation had to be the priority. That being said,

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<v Speaker 3>that was an insight that the Board also shared and

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<v Speaker 3>that President shared. So we did have some struggle at

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<v Speaker 3>times with aspects of his policy getting the level of

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<v Speaker 3>support he wanted. On the other hand, he was actually

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<v Speaker 3>pushing against the president, pushing against short term political will

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<v Speaker 3>and pushing for kind of a longer term vision than

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<v Speaker 3>aligned with the core mission of the Federal Reserve, which

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<v Speaker 3>is fighting inflation and promoting maximum employment. So in that instance,

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<v Speaker 3>it was a very different set of dynamics. So this

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<v Speaker 3>is a different type of transition because we have a

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<v Speaker 3>president who had just been so outspoken for such a

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<v Speaker 3>long time about wanting monetary policy to look dramatically different

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<v Speaker 3>than it has.

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<v Speaker 1>Have you ever seen this kind of pressure from the

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<v Speaker 1>White House on the FED.

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<v Speaker 3>Chair, No, No one has. We've certainly seen pressure from

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<v Speaker 3>the White House on the FED chair in the past,

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<v Speaker 3>and on the pig reserve in the past. The classic

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<v Speaker 3>concern is that the president always wants monetary policy to

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<v Speaker 3>be some more accommodative than the said oftentimes wants it

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<v Speaker 3>to be. There's certain times that those interests are allives.

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<v Speaker 3>During a depression, during difficult times, accommodated monetary policy is

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<v Speaker 3>the right policy given the FEDS du a manadate. But

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<v Speaker 3>in moments like now, where the Fed's looking long term

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<v Speaker 3>and trying to think about what does it need to

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<v Speaker 3>do to make sure that it successfully fights off the

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<v Speaker 3>reason bout of inflation, there's a possibility for conflict, and

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<v Speaker 3>so LBJ famously kind of pushed around William mcchezie martinin.

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<v Speaker 3>So we've certainly seen presidents in those past that have

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<v Speaker 3>pushed around FED chairs and pushed around the FED, and

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<v Speaker 3>that's because they oftentimes do want monetary policy to be

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<v Speaker 3>somewhat more commodative. Then is prudence given the medium to

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<v Speaker 3>longer term interest in trying to mainstain stable prices. And

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<v Speaker 3>that's when those conflicts have come into place. But what

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<v Speaker 3>we haven't seen is this type of continual pressure where

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<v Speaker 3>the FED chair is really targeted in an ongoing and

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<v Speaker 3>repeated way, and where the President isn't just suggesting that

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<v Speaker 3>rate should be a little lower or that monetary condition

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<v Speaker 3>should be somewhat more accommodative, but is really seeking but

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<v Speaker 3>seems to be a very different approach to monetary policy

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<v Speaker 3>than the current Federal Reserve is pursuing at a time

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<v Speaker 3>where there is still some reason at least to worry

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<v Speaker 3>about inflation.

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<v Speaker 1>The nominee, whoever Trump chooses, will have to be confirmed

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<v Speaker 1>by the Senate. But if that person is then chosen

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<v Speaker 1>as the chair that does or doesn't need Senate confirmation.

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<v Speaker 3>That also is a Senate confirmation process. And there's also

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<v Speaker 3>this additional oddity this person is going to face kind

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<v Speaker 3>of the ringer. There's a Senate confirmation to fulfill the

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<v Speaker 3>remainder of Coogler's term. But the way this sat a

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<v Speaker 3>reserve works oftentimes for agencies, once you are confirmed, you

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<v Speaker 3>have a period in office that dates from when you

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<v Speaker 3>are confirms You might have five years from the time

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<v Speaker 3>you actually take office. For example. The way the fatal

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<v Speaker 3>reserve works is there are these fourteen year terms on

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<v Speaker 3>a staggered basis, and they are fourteen year terms in

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<v Speaker 3>part to limit the ability of anyone president to appoint

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<v Speaker 3>too many different governors, but partly because of that distinct

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<v Speaker 3>staggered structure. When somebody is nominated to fulfill a seat

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<v Speaker 3>for somebody who's leaving before their end of the term,

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<v Speaker 3>as Cooper is, they only are confirmed to the end

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<v Speaker 3>of that term. So in theory, if this person manages

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<v Speaker 3>to go through hearings and confirmations in time to fill

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<v Speaker 3>the seat before it naturally become vacant, there might have

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<v Speaker 3>to be a nominal second process to have a person

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<v Speaker 3>actually confirmed again when the term expires.

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<v Speaker 1>Trump on Friday call for the Board of Governors to

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<v Speaker 1>usurp the power of the FED chair. He said in

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<v Speaker 1>all caps, the board should assume control and do what

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<v Speaker 1>everyone knows has to do be done.

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<v Speaker 3>I mean, there's a lot of things to say there.

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<v Speaker 3>So first of all, as we were discussing earlier, each

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<v Speaker 3>member of the FMC is not just the board the FOMC.

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<v Speaker 3>The Federal Up the Market Committee, which determines monetary policy,

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<v Speaker 3>is a twelve member committee, so all seven members of

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<v Speaker 3>the board governors have votes on that committee, but so

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<v Speaker 3>do five presidents. So the policy makers involved are not

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<v Speaker 3>just governors, and the governors are exercising their independent judgments.

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<v Speaker 3>We saw two governors actually dissent and they did suggest

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<v Speaker 3>that more accommodative monetary policy was appropriate, but we saw

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<v Speaker 3>the rest of the governors go along and actually agree

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<v Speaker 3>with Powell that the preferred approach was the right approach

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<v Speaker 3>to take.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court in a May decision suggested that Trump

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<v Speaker 1>couldn't remove Powell because of policy disagreements. Is there any

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<v Speaker 1>feeling for whether the administration is still trying to get

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<v Speaker 1>him removed.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, there's two different issues. So one we did to

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<v Speaker 3>be this effort with the renovations, which really looks pretextable. Right.

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<v Speaker 3>What we know is Trump wants lower interest rates. He

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<v Speaker 3>blames Powells for the interest rates being what they are,

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<v Speaker 3>and so he was looking at the cost overruns and

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<v Speaker 3>trying to use that as potentially a basist for removing

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<v Speaker 3>Powell for cause that has seemed to have passed at

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<v Speaker 3>least modestly passed. But it does suggest that Trump might

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<v Speaker 3>still be on the lookout for other pretextual grounds for removal.

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<v Speaker 3>The other issue that remains an issue particularly and actually

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<v Speaker 3>becomes more of a live issue since Coopler is stepping down,

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<v Speaker 3>is might he try to appoint somebody else as chair

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<v Speaker 3>and not remove Powell but merely demote Powell? And here

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<v Speaker 3>are the laws little tricky and the Supreme Court decision

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<v Speaker 3>which wasn't even really a decision as part of their

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<v Speaker 3>shadow docket, did it resolve the question of whether Powell

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<v Speaker 3>can be devoted. The statutory language is very clear governors

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<v Speaker 3>of the SUTA Reserve can be moved from the role

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<v Speaker 3>of governors only for cost, so there's very clear statutory protection.

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<v Speaker 3>There By contrast, the chair and the various vie chairs

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<v Speaker 3>have four year terms. The vote is to fourteen year

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<v Speaker 3>terms and there's no explicit four cause removal protection. There's

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<v Speaker 3>arguments that he can still be demoted only for cause

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<v Speaker 3>and not for policy. Differences, but there is a real

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<v Speaker 3>risk that that legal question will be tested in a

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<v Speaker 3>more pressing way now that the window of time between

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<v Speaker 3>when he can get a new nominee onto the board

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<v Speaker 3>and when Powell's terms chair comes to a natural end.

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<v Speaker 3>Now that the window is to come Bonger, this falls.

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<v Speaker 1>Into the more questions than answers category. Thanks so much, Catherine.

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<v Speaker 1>That's Professor Catherine Judge of Columbia Law School.

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<v Speaker 2>The US Treasury has taken in one hundred and fifty

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<v Speaker 2>billion dollars from tariffs, and we'll be adding about two

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<v Speaker 2>hundred billion dollars next month, four totals that nobody's ever

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<v Speaker 2>seen before.

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<v Speaker 1>Frankly, the challengers to President Trump's tariffs say they rest

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<v Speaker 1>on a quote breath taking claim to power that no

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<v Speaker 1>president has asserted in two hundred years, and a federal

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<v Speaker 1>appeals court appeared skeptical about Trump's authority to issue the

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<v Speaker 1>sweeping global tariffs under an emergency law that has never

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<v Speaker 1>been used for that purpose and doesn't even mention tariffs.

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<v Speaker 1>In May, the U s Court of International Trade ruled

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<v Speaker 1>that the vast majority of President Trump's levies were issued

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<v Speaker 1>illegally and ordered them blocked. The Federal Circuit Court of

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<v Speaker 1>Appeals gave the Trump administration a temporary reprieve, but during

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<v Speaker 1>the high stakes oral arguments last week before the circuit's

0:13:44.520 --> 0:13:48.920
<v Speaker 1>entire slate of eleven active judges, it appeared that several

0:13:49.000 --> 0:13:54.200
<v Speaker 1>were skeptical of the government's arguments. A decision finding against

0:13:54.240 --> 0:13:58.480
<v Speaker 1>the tariffs will almost certainly be appealed to the Supreme Court.

0:13:59.320 --> 0:14:02.320
<v Speaker 1>My guest is Simmy Garula, a professor at Notre Dame

0:14:02.400 --> 0:14:06.360
<v Speaker 1>Law School and the former Undersecretary for Enforcement at the

0:14:06.360 --> 0:14:10.280
<v Speaker 1>Department of the Treasury. Jimmy, will you start by explaining

0:14:10.800 --> 0:14:15.760
<v Speaker 1>what authority President Trump is using to impose these tariffs.

0:14:16.320 --> 0:14:20.520
<v Speaker 4>Now, President Trump is using a law called the International

0:14:20.560 --> 0:14:25.720
<v Speaker 4>Emergency Economic Powers Act, and it goes by the acrony

0:14:25.920 --> 0:14:32.720
<v Speaker 4>i EPA, and IIPA does authorize the President to impose

0:14:33.280 --> 0:14:39.000
<v Speaker 4>economic sanctions on individuals, entities, even countries in response to

0:14:39.600 --> 0:14:45.720
<v Speaker 4>an unusual and extraordinary emergency. So that's the precondition for

0:14:45.960 --> 0:14:50.840
<v Speaker 4>the exercise of these economic sanctions. The President has to

0:14:50.840 --> 0:14:55.720
<v Speaker 4>declare that there is an unusual and extraordinary emergency that

0:14:55.840 --> 0:14:59.280
<v Speaker 4>has its source in whole or in substantial part outside

0:14:59.360 --> 0:15:05.400
<v Speaker 4>the United State, and further that threatens national security, foreign policy,

0:15:05.600 --> 0:15:09.240
<v Speaker 4>or the economy of the United States. So that's the

0:15:09.280 --> 0:15:13.080
<v Speaker 4>statute that the president is relying upon. There's a couple

0:15:13.120 --> 0:15:17.240
<v Speaker 4>of very serious problems with using IIPA. First and foremost,

0:15:17.360 --> 0:15:22.520
<v Speaker 4>AIPA never mentions tariffs. The word tariff does not occur

0:15:23.280 --> 0:15:28.240
<v Speaker 4>even one time in the text of the statute. And second,

0:15:28.840 --> 0:15:34.000
<v Speaker 4>AIPA was enacted to Congress in nineteen seventy seven, and

0:15:34.480 --> 0:15:39.360
<v Speaker 4>no president in the history of AIPA has ever cited

0:15:39.400 --> 0:15:44.040
<v Speaker 4>AIPA as the authority to authorize the position of tariffs.

0:15:44.080 --> 0:15:47.200
<v Speaker 4>So this is the only president in the entire history

0:15:47.760 --> 0:15:53.359
<v Speaker 4>of AIPA that's ever cited aipa's authority for imposing tariffs

0:15:53.480 --> 0:15:54.480
<v Speaker 4>on foreign countries.

0:15:55.040 --> 0:15:58.800
<v Speaker 1>The challenges here were a group of democratic led states

0:15:58.840 --> 0:16:02.360
<v Speaker 1>and small businesses. Is what was their basic argument.

0:16:03.440 --> 0:16:07.320
<v Speaker 4>Their basic argument was, first that a EPA just doesn't apply,

0:16:07.880 --> 0:16:10.800
<v Speaker 4>that it does not provide authority for the president to

0:16:10.840 --> 0:16:13.880
<v Speaker 4>impose economic sanctions. And again for the reason the basic

0:16:13.960 --> 0:16:17.720
<v Speaker 4>particulate character i'll mention of the statute, no president has

0:16:17.720 --> 0:16:21.600
<v Speaker 4>ever used a EPA to justify the imposition of terrorists,

0:16:21.640 --> 0:16:24.440
<v Speaker 4>So that's argument number one. Argument number two is that

0:16:24.560 --> 0:16:28.680
<v Speaker 4>even if AEFA did apply that there's some serious questions

0:16:28.720 --> 0:16:32.080
<v Speaker 4>about whether or not the president is properly using or

0:16:32.200 --> 0:16:35.440
<v Speaker 4>satisfied the requirements of a EPA. You know, for example,

0:16:36.040 --> 0:16:43.520
<v Speaker 4>what is the unusual and extraordinary emergency that justifies economic

0:16:43.640 --> 0:16:49.120
<v Speaker 4>sanctions in the form of terrorists? And here the president

0:16:49.760 --> 0:16:57.200
<v Speaker 4>has articulated many different so called emergency. On the one hand,

0:16:57.480 --> 0:17:00.520
<v Speaker 4>it's a trade deficit, you know, that's the unusual exurin

0:17:00.600 --> 0:17:05.000
<v Speaker 4>or emergency. On the other hand, it's the fetanyl crisis,

0:17:05.240 --> 0:17:10.000
<v Speaker 4>the importation of the fetanyl from Mexico, Canada and China.

0:17:10.840 --> 0:17:14.520
<v Speaker 4>And the third yes, and even cited immigration. You know,

0:17:14.560 --> 0:17:20.040
<v Speaker 4>the immigration is the emergency. But first there's a question about, well,

0:17:20.760 --> 0:17:25.400
<v Speaker 4>is a trade deficit really an unusual insternary emergency. We've

0:17:25.400 --> 0:17:30.160
<v Speaker 4>had trade deficits with countries around the world for decades.

0:17:30.240 --> 0:17:33.800
<v Speaker 4>I mean, that's nothing new. Trade deficit with China, trade

0:17:33.800 --> 0:17:38.320
<v Speaker 4>deficit with Mexico, Canada, with the EU, that's nothing new.

0:17:38.560 --> 0:17:43.760
<v Speaker 4>So what is so usual and extraordinary about trade deficits today?

0:17:44.240 --> 0:17:48.080
<v Speaker 4>That again triggers the application of a EPOS. And then

0:17:48.200 --> 0:17:51.280
<v Speaker 4>there's another problem with the actual application of the statute.

0:17:51.480 --> 0:17:53.800
<v Speaker 4>And when we look at the feedinyl crisis, for example,

0:17:54.520 --> 0:17:58.919
<v Speaker 4>approximately eighty eight percent of fetanol that consumed in the

0:17:59.000 --> 0:18:02.560
<v Speaker 4>United States comes to across the Mexican border, the border

0:18:02.920 --> 0:18:07.280
<v Speaker 4>with the US and Mexico. Only eight percent comes across

0:18:07.320 --> 0:18:11.720
<v Speaker 4>the Canadian board. So if AIPA is being used or

0:18:11.760 --> 0:18:18.280
<v Speaker 4>the emergency is fetnol involving the importation from Canada, Canada

0:18:18.600 --> 0:18:22.480
<v Speaker 4>is only responsible for a very small percentage of fetnol

0:18:22.920 --> 0:18:26.600
<v Speaker 4>coming across the US Canada borders. But there doesn't appear

0:18:26.720 --> 0:18:30.080
<v Speaker 4>to be a nexus or a close nexus between the

0:18:30.080 --> 0:18:34.440
<v Speaker 4>so called crisis and the targets of the tariffs and

0:18:34.480 --> 0:18:37.400
<v Speaker 4>the sanctioned They are being closed on various countries.

0:18:37.760 --> 0:18:40.280
<v Speaker 1>So what was the government's response to that.

0:18:41.080 --> 0:18:45.960
<v Speaker 4>One response is that, well, this involves foreign affairs, and

0:18:46.040 --> 0:18:49.080
<v Speaker 4>in the area of foreign affairs, the Supreme Court is

0:18:49.119 --> 0:18:52.919
<v Speaker 4>recognized that the president has sundery powers. You know, the

0:18:52.960 --> 0:18:56.119
<v Speaker 4>government needs to speak with one voice in dealing with

0:18:56.200 --> 0:19:00.280
<v Speaker 4>foreign affairs, and that one voice should be of them,

0:19:00.400 --> 0:19:03.680
<v Speaker 4>you know, the executive branch. So it's again the president

0:19:03.760 --> 0:19:08.520
<v Speaker 4>has plenary, you know, virtually unlimited powers in dealing with

0:19:08.560 --> 0:19:12.080
<v Speaker 4>other countries. On the other hand, that argument runs into

0:19:12.080 --> 0:19:15.520
<v Speaker 4>a serious problem, and that serious problem is the US

0:19:15.600 --> 0:19:21.119
<v Speaker 4>Constitution itself because Article Launce, Section eight was one state

0:19:21.320 --> 0:19:26.720
<v Speaker 4>that Congress shall have the power to lay collect taxes. Duties, infosts,

0:19:26.760 --> 0:19:30.920
<v Speaker 4>and excises and tariffs are really a form of attax.

0:19:31.480 --> 0:19:35.439
<v Speaker 4>It's a form of attax. And therefore the power to

0:19:36.280 --> 0:19:40.680
<v Speaker 4>lay and collect taxes fall within the power of comus,

0:19:41.200 --> 0:19:44.240
<v Speaker 4>you know, not the present. And I think there's one

0:19:44.280 --> 0:19:47.240
<v Speaker 4>other very important argument, and I don't think it came

0:19:47.359 --> 0:19:50.199
<v Speaker 4>up in this recent argument before the US Court of

0:19:50.200 --> 0:19:52.919
<v Speaker 4>Appeals for the Federal Circuit, and it's a very basic

0:19:53.000 --> 0:19:58.480
<v Speaker 4>fundamental principle of our democracy and our founding fathers. We're

0:19:58.600 --> 0:20:02.800
<v Speaker 4>very concerned about too much power residing in the hands

0:20:02.840 --> 0:20:06.000
<v Speaker 4>of any one person or any one branch of government.

0:20:06.480 --> 0:20:09.640
<v Speaker 4>And that's why we have a democracy based upon separation

0:20:09.720 --> 0:20:12.959
<v Speaker 4>of powers. And here, if you follow the government, it's

0:20:13.000 --> 0:20:17.400
<v Speaker 4>all even reasoning. Then the president has this unwomaned power.

0:20:17.520 --> 0:20:22.639
<v Speaker 4>One person can decide to impose tariffs on any country

0:20:23.359 --> 0:20:27.480
<v Speaker 4>or every country in the world, can decide what the

0:20:28.080 --> 0:20:31.320
<v Speaker 4>percentage of the tariff should be, should be, ten percent,

0:20:31.680 --> 0:20:35.880
<v Speaker 4>should be, twenty and twenty five percent against what countries

0:20:35.920 --> 0:20:38.600
<v Speaker 4>and for what we And so it seems to me

0:20:38.920 --> 0:20:42.080
<v Speaker 4>that the president's position really flies in the base of

0:20:42.240 --> 0:20:47.080
<v Speaker 4>this very fundamental bedrock principle of separation of powers on

0:20:47.240 --> 0:20:48.679
<v Speaker 4>which are democracy is based.

0:20:49.520 --> 0:20:53.800
<v Speaker 1>So the panel of judges seem to sharply question the

0:20:53.800 --> 0:20:57.639
<v Speaker 1>government's position. One judge said, tariffs seemed to have no

0:20:57.840 --> 0:21:01.240
<v Speaker 1>friends in the text of the emergent see law. Do

0:21:01.320 --> 0:21:05.240
<v Speaker 1>you think that a majority of the judges might rule

0:21:05.280 --> 0:21:06.560
<v Speaker 1>against the tariffs?

0:21:07.359 --> 0:21:10.240
<v Speaker 4>I think, based upon the questions and the tenor and

0:21:10.320 --> 0:21:12.919
<v Speaker 4>some of the questions that were asked me the oral argument,

0:21:13.440 --> 0:21:16.960
<v Speaker 4>I think the Federal opelate Court is very skeptical of

0:21:17.000 --> 0:21:22.240
<v Speaker 4>the government's position that i provides authority from the President

0:21:22.280 --> 0:21:28.959
<v Speaker 4>to impose terriffs. So I'm cautiously optimistic that the appelic

0:21:29.040 --> 0:21:34.320
<v Speaker 4>Court will likely reject the government's argument and then find

0:21:34.359 --> 0:21:37.159
<v Speaker 4>that i APE has been in a supply here. So

0:21:37.200 --> 0:21:40.679
<v Speaker 4>then the credible next question, the credibal next step is

0:21:40.720 --> 0:21:43.280
<v Speaker 4>going to be before the Supreme Court, because if the

0:21:43.280 --> 0:21:46.680
<v Speaker 4>government loses, there's no question that they'll appeal the matter

0:21:47.040 --> 0:21:50.880
<v Speaker 4>to the United States Supreme Court, and there the outcome

0:21:51.400 --> 0:21:53.040
<v Speaker 4>is really up in the air.

0:21:53.359 --> 0:21:56.280
<v Speaker 1>Because it's an on bank panel, the decision here can

0:21:56.320 --> 0:21:58.440
<v Speaker 1>be appealed directly to the Supreme Court.

0:21:59.200 --> 0:22:02.240
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, and there. What we've seen is that, you know, historically,

0:22:02.400 --> 0:22:04.719
<v Speaker 4>just you know, the first six months of the Trump administration,

0:22:05.080 --> 0:22:07.760
<v Speaker 4>the US Supreme Court has been very differential to the

0:22:07.800 --> 0:22:13.280
<v Speaker 4>executive branch with respect to claims of executive authority or

0:22:13.359 --> 0:22:18.320
<v Speaker 4>Trump adminspiration. The Supreme Court determined, first and foremost, the

0:22:18.359 --> 0:22:24.160
<v Speaker 4>president is immutial from criminal prosecution excepting very very rare

0:22:24.200 --> 0:22:29.359
<v Speaker 4>limited exceptions, and the President can on his own dismantled

0:22:29.400 --> 0:22:33.960
<v Speaker 4>federalations without consulting with or attaining the approval of Commerce,

0:22:34.160 --> 0:22:37.280
<v Speaker 4>and with whole bonds that have been appropriated by commers

0:22:37.480 --> 0:22:42.040
<v Speaker 4>and fire Inspector General and fire other key government personnelities

0:22:42.080 --> 0:22:46.800
<v Speaker 4>without any consultation or approval from Congress. And so the

0:22:46.840 --> 0:22:51.240
<v Speaker 4>president might be a more favorable audience imported Supreme Court

0:22:51.880 --> 0:22:55.520
<v Speaker 4>than he received before the US Court of Appeals for

0:22:55.560 --> 0:22:56.280
<v Speaker 4>the Federal.

0:22:55.960 --> 0:23:01.600
<v Speaker 1>Circuit is Supreme Court president. On the Challengers, they cited

0:23:01.640 --> 0:23:06.240
<v Speaker 1>two of the Biden administration's biggest losses before the Supreme Court,

0:23:06.680 --> 0:23:12.320
<v Speaker 1>in fights over restrictions on pandemic era evictions and canceling

0:23:12.440 --> 0:23:16.160
<v Speaker 1>federal student loan debt to support their position that Trump

0:23:16.600 --> 0:23:20.200
<v Speaker 1>now can't try to read more power into the economic

0:23:20.359 --> 0:23:23.919
<v Speaker 1>emergency law than it offers on its face.

0:23:24.440 --> 0:23:27.200
<v Speaker 4>Well, here's a difference. I think the difference here is

0:23:27.280 --> 0:23:30.879
<v Speaker 4>that the Supreme Court again could focus on the fact

0:23:31.400 --> 0:23:37.200
<v Speaker 4>that these tariffs involve foreign affairs and the president's ole

0:23:37.280 --> 0:23:42.960
<v Speaker 4>oregon for the country on issues involving international affairs. The

0:23:43.040 --> 0:23:47.400
<v Speaker 4>cases that you cited involved domestic statutes, you know, domestic law,

0:23:47.840 --> 0:23:52.480
<v Speaker 4>not international foreign affairs. And so here the court might

0:23:52.560 --> 0:23:56.280
<v Speaker 4>seize on that recognized and the president has those plenary

0:23:56.320 --> 0:23:59.560
<v Speaker 4>powers in the field of foreign affairs, and again be

0:23:59.640 --> 0:24:03.200
<v Speaker 4>more pathetic, you know, to the argument. At the same time,

0:24:03.640 --> 0:24:06.520
<v Speaker 4>I mean, if the Court were to rule against the president,

0:24:06.760 --> 0:24:09.199
<v Speaker 4>I mean, just think of the repercussions of that ruling

0:24:09.520 --> 0:24:13.080
<v Speaker 4>with respect to the tariffs that the President has set,

0:24:13.359 --> 0:24:16.040
<v Speaker 4>the tariffs that have gone into effect, the tariffs that

0:24:16.040 --> 0:24:18.080
<v Speaker 4>are going to be going into effect in a few weeks.

0:24:18.119 --> 0:24:22.200
<v Speaker 4>I mean, they would have just literally global ramification of

0:24:22.320 --> 0:24:24.919
<v Speaker 4>the Supreme Court held that the President did not have

0:24:25.000 --> 0:24:29.840
<v Speaker 4>the authority to impose these tariffs foreign countries across across

0:24:29.840 --> 0:24:30.320
<v Speaker 4>the globe.

0:24:30.640 --> 0:24:34.480
<v Speaker 1>Could the US then be forced to refund duties that

0:24:34.640 --> 0:24:38.800
<v Speaker 1>have already been collected, Would the ruling be retroactive?

0:24:38.920 --> 0:24:42.840
<v Speaker 4>Would really just be you know, perspective, and so the

0:24:42.920 --> 0:24:45.520
<v Speaker 4>scope of the ruling we would have to see, you know,

0:24:45.560 --> 0:24:47.920
<v Speaker 4>what the application scope of the ruling would be. But

0:24:48.080 --> 0:24:50.240
<v Speaker 4>that certainly could be one of the one of the

0:24:50.280 --> 0:24:53.439
<v Speaker 4>implications if it rules against against the president. And so

0:24:53.600 --> 0:24:56.840
<v Speaker 4>maybe again the Supreme Court just doesn't want to take

0:24:56.880 --> 0:24:59.920
<v Speaker 4>that on. They don't want to rule in a way

0:25:00.240 --> 0:25:04.320
<v Speaker 4>it's going to create these kinds of political and economic

0:25:04.560 --> 0:25:06.800
<v Speaker 4>and you know, sea waves across the globe.

0:25:07.280 --> 0:25:10.520
<v Speaker 1>Does Trump have other tools to impose tariffs?

0:25:10.880 --> 0:25:12.679
<v Speaker 4>The tool would be the I think the appropriately too,

0:25:12.680 --> 0:25:14.639
<v Speaker 4>it would be just simply to build to Congress. And

0:25:14.720 --> 0:25:18.000
<v Speaker 4>so there's certainly nothing that prohibits the president from going

0:25:18.040 --> 0:25:22.680
<v Speaker 4>to Congress and actually Congress to enact legislation that would

0:25:22.720 --> 0:25:26.960
<v Speaker 4>authorize the president to impose tariffs of particular countries for

0:25:27.000 --> 0:25:30.080
<v Speaker 4>particular reasons. You would think, in light of the fact

0:25:30.119 --> 0:25:33.880
<v Speaker 4>that that both the House and the Senate are controlled

0:25:33.880 --> 0:25:37.200
<v Speaker 4>by the Republican Party, that he would receive a very

0:25:37.520 --> 0:25:42.679
<v Speaker 4>receptive audience there and they would respond accordingly. And the

0:25:42.760 --> 0:25:47.840
<v Speaker 4>legislation that the president has a question. But here I think,

0:25:48.080 --> 0:25:51.360
<v Speaker 4>you know, there's maybe something more you know, more fundamental,

0:25:51.720 --> 0:25:55.639
<v Speaker 4>more basic. That's that play here, and that's again the

0:25:55.680 --> 0:25:59.440
<v Speaker 4>power of the of the executive branch. And we've seen

0:25:59.440 --> 0:26:02.720
<v Speaker 4>a president that has been really pushing and stretching the

0:26:02.800 --> 0:26:06.960
<v Speaker 4>limits to his Article to powers. So maybe that's even

0:26:07.560 --> 0:26:10.119
<v Speaker 4>more important to the Presidence being able to say no,

0:26:10.240 --> 0:26:12.280
<v Speaker 4>I have it, or I don't have to go to confrege.

0:26:12.600 --> 0:26:14.240
<v Speaker 4>I can do this on my own. I don't need

0:26:14.280 --> 0:26:16.520
<v Speaker 4>Congress and support. But at the end of the days,

0:26:16.520 --> 0:26:19.720
<v Speaker 4>the pragmatic matter, he could accomplish what he's trying to

0:26:19.760 --> 0:26:23.840
<v Speaker 4>accomplish by going to Congress, the course and process would

0:26:23.880 --> 0:26:29.680
<v Speaker 4>be much slower in enacting the necessary legislation and procedurally.

0:26:30.000 --> 0:26:33.480
<v Speaker 1>This is an appeal from a decision in May of

0:26:33.560 --> 0:26:38.040
<v Speaker 1>the US Court of International Trade which struck down both

0:26:38.040 --> 0:26:43.560
<v Speaker 1>the April second Liberation Day tariffs and the migration related tariffs.

0:26:44.320 --> 0:26:47.960
<v Speaker 1>Was that a forceful decision from the US Court of

0:26:47.960 --> 0:26:49.160
<v Speaker 1>International Trade?

0:26:49.320 --> 0:26:54.280
<v Speaker 4>I think it was the written opinion articulated many of

0:26:54.320 --> 0:26:57.960
<v Speaker 4>the reasons and many of the arguments that will raised

0:26:58.000 --> 0:27:02.560
<v Speaker 4>again before the Pellet Court the Federal of Pelt Court,

0:27:02.680 --> 0:27:06.960
<v Speaker 4>and which the Federal of Pelt Coort seemed to agree

0:27:07.320 --> 0:27:11.280
<v Speaker 4>that those arguments also seem to resonate with the Federal Circuit,

0:27:12.000 --> 0:27:14.679
<v Speaker 4>and so I think I think the underlying decision is

0:27:14.800 --> 0:27:19.199
<v Speaker 4>sound based upon oral argument here before the Federal Circuit

0:27:19.320 --> 0:27:22.879
<v Speaker 4>Court of Appeals, it appears that they're probably going to

0:27:23.119 --> 0:27:26.760
<v Speaker 4>be incorporating many of those arguments and reasons that were

0:27:26.840 --> 0:27:30.400
<v Speaker 4>articulated below in their opinion if in fact they rule

0:27:30.440 --> 0:27:31.320
<v Speaker 4>against the President.

0:27:31.880 --> 0:27:34.800
<v Speaker 1>You dealt with tariffs when you work for the government,

0:27:35.359 --> 0:27:37.320
<v Speaker 1>what struck you about these?

0:27:38.640 --> 0:27:40.480
<v Speaker 4>I found it significant. I did a little bit of

0:27:40.600 --> 0:27:45.639
<v Speaker 4>due diligence on the opioid crisis in fetanol, and the

0:27:46.720 --> 0:27:51.159
<v Speaker 4>CDC in twenty twenty four reported there's been a twenty

0:27:51.200 --> 0:27:56.280
<v Speaker 4>seven percent decrease in overdoes death from fetanol compared to

0:27:56.359 --> 0:27:59.879
<v Speaker 4>twenty twenty three. And so even that that argument, the

0:28:00.680 --> 0:28:06.720
<v Speaker 4>unusual extraordinary emergency is the fedenyl crisis that has seemed

0:28:06.720 --> 0:28:12.399
<v Speaker 4>to have subsided or reduced significantly over the last couple

0:28:12.440 --> 0:28:15.639
<v Speaker 4>of years. Last year it is twenty twenty four, and

0:28:15.680 --> 0:28:19.280
<v Speaker 4>so I think it further under touch. The presidents claimed that,

0:28:19.440 --> 0:28:22.399
<v Speaker 4>you know, that's an emergency that justifies the imposition of

0:28:22.480 --> 0:28:26.160
<v Speaker 4>carols against Mexico, China, and Canada.

0:28:26.320 --> 0:28:29.280
<v Speaker 1>It will probably be several weeks before we hear a

0:28:29.320 --> 0:28:35.479
<v Speaker 1>decision from the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals. Thanks so much, Jimmy.

0:28:35.920 --> 0:28:39.280
<v Speaker 1>That's Professor Jimmy Garoule of Notre Dame Law School. And

0:28:39.320 --> 0:28:41.480
<v Speaker 1>that's it for this edition of The Bloomberg Law Show.

0:28:41.840 --> 0:28:44.160
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:28:44.240 --> 0:28:48.520
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:28:48.680 --> 0:28:53.720
<v Speaker 1>and at www dot bloomberg dot com slash podcast Slash Law,

0:28:54.120 --> 0:28:56.720
<v Speaker 1>and remember to tune into The Bloomberg Law Show every

0:28:56.760 --> 0:29:00.880
<v Speaker 1>weeknight at ten pm Wall Street Time. You're Grosso and

0:29:00.920 --> 0:29:02.400
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0:29:07.040 --> 0:29:07.440
<v Speaker 4>Mhmm.