WEBVTT - Why It's Really Hard to Create a New Currency in a Revolution

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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to another episode of the Odd Lots Podcast.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Joe Wisenthal and I'm Tracy Alloway. How are you doing, Tracy?

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<v Speaker 1>I think I'm like dying of consumption or something. Consumption

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<v Speaker 1>is a thing, right, Yeah, I think I think I

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<v Speaker 1>think it used to be a thing and now there's

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<v Speaker 1>probably another name for it. Anyway, Sorry to hear that. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>So we've had a lot of bleak episodes lately. We

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<v Speaker 1>just finished a sequence of episodes on money and crime

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<v Speaker 1>and terrorism and the black market and stuff like that,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think today's is also kind of going to

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<v Speaker 1>be pretty bleak because we're gonna be talking about the

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<v Speaker 1>French Revolution. People died of consumption in the French Revolution,

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<v Speaker 1>right they probably did. Yeah, it's a good way to

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<v Speaker 1>connect connect our episode to your current your current ailment. Okay, Joe,

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<v Speaker 1>in all seriousness, Um, that that is very bleak. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>We seem to be on something of a very dark

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<v Speaker 1>thematic pathway for two thousand seventeen. Yeah, maybe it says

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<v Speaker 1>something about our times, but of course we're we're taking

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<v Speaker 1>an angle that is relevant to past episodes that we've done,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think it's one of my favorite questions and

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<v Speaker 1>one of your favorite questions, which is what is money exactly?

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<v Speaker 1>And the French Revolution will tell us something about what

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<v Speaker 1>money is, right because every time in history, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the subject of coming up with a monetary system is important.

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<v Speaker 1>And you know, economists and historians and people on financial

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<v Speaker 1>markets tend to I think, sort of abstract away the

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<v Speaker 1>question of money, and they just sort of come up

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<v Speaker 1>with these models that take it for a given. And uh,

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<v Speaker 1>it often seems to be the case that they people

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<v Speaker 1>should go the other way, start by looking at the

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<v Speaker 1>form of money and seeing what it says about the time. Right. Well, Also,

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<v Speaker 1>people forget that money is intricately linked with power and

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<v Speaker 1>therefore with politics, and sometimes money can be um, I guess,

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<v Speaker 1>either reinforcing force um of the existing social structure or

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<v Speaker 1>an instrument of change, right, right, And people money makes

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<v Speaker 1>people do things that seem irrational. I mean, in theory,

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<v Speaker 1>people should just want to increase their wealth and material wealth,

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<v Speaker 1>but sometimes people just want to run up the score,

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<v Speaker 1>so to speak. Okay, so I'm intrigued. So who is

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<v Speaker 1>going to be um connecting the idea of money with

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<v Speaker 1>the French Revolution for us, Well, there's the perfect guest

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<v Speaker 1>We're going to be talking to Rebecca Spang. She is

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<v Speaker 1>a professor of history at Indiana University, and she actually

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<v Speaker 1>wrote a book called Stuff and Money in the Time

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<v Speaker 1>of the French Revolution, which is essentially a monetary history

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<v Speaker 1>of the French Revolution, looking specifically at how they dealt

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<v Speaker 1>with what is money and how that really shed some

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<v Speaker 1>interesting light on a on this period in history. Very cool, Okay,

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<v Speaker 1>So I have a feeling, in addition to asking about

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<v Speaker 1>the French Revolution and money during that era of time,

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to have a whole bunch of questions about

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<v Speaker 1>money now as well, right, like things like bitcoin you, yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>Trump's relationship with gold, um, all sorts of current events

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<v Speaker 1>stuff too, so much, so much we can take from

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<v Speaker 1>the past to apply the present. So without further ado, Rebecca,

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<v Speaker 1>thank you very much for joining us. Oh, thank you

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<v Speaker 1>for inviting me. I'm delighted to be here. So let's, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>let's start with the question of why this angle on

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<v Speaker 1>studying the French Revolution. No doubt there have been numerous books, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>much academic study about this period of time. Why explore

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<v Speaker 1>it through the monetary system. There's a well established way

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<v Speaker 1>of thinking about the relation of money and the French Revolution,

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<v Speaker 1>which is to say that the French revolutionaries were utopian

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<v Speaker 1>philosophers who had little understanding of the practicality of government,

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<v Speaker 1>and so one of the ill advised things they are

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<v Speaker 1>caricatured having done was to issue paper currency in great quantities. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>It was issued in such quantities that so called hyper

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<v Speaker 1>inflation resulted and the whole system collapsed. And that is

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<v Speaker 1>something that historians, economists, and policy makers, ever since the

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<v Speaker 1>debate on the green back in the aftermath of the

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<v Speaker 1>American Civil War, that is a story that people know

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<v Speaker 1>and are familiar with and site as true. I went back,

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<v Speaker 1>everybody takes it for granted exactly um, And so the

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<v Speaker 1>French Revolution can always be offered as an example of

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<v Speaker 1>why fiat currency is a bad idea. I wanted to

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<v Speaker 1>go back to that episode re examine it, and I

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<v Speaker 1>think I've come up with something different to say. Can

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<v Speaker 1>you maybe explain for those who aren't entirely familiar with

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<v Speaker 1>the subject exactly what the money system was during the

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<v Speaker 1>time of the French Revolution and how it went wrong

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<v Speaker 1>and how it became this lynchpin for people to focus

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<v Speaker 1>their fiat currency criticisms around what you need to know

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<v Speaker 1>is that the French Revolution is precipitated UM by a

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<v Speaker 1>very heated political debate about government debt, and it's a

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<v Speaker 1>lot like recent debates we've seen. It has more to

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<v Speaker 1>do with politics than it does with the actual viability

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<v Speaker 1>of the state's finances. Nonetheless, when the representatives who formed

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<v Speaker 1>the first French National Assembly, this is in seventeen eighty

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<v Speaker 1>nine UM, declare themselves to be a national Assembly, they

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<v Speaker 1>face a considerable debt they want to repay it. They

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<v Speaker 1>also have an operating deficit. They can't fail, and so

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<v Speaker 1>they decide that what they're going to do is they're

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<v Speaker 1>going to nationalize land formerly held by the Catholic Church.

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<v Speaker 1>This amounts to probably about ten percent of the property

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<v Speaker 1>in France. They do this because, after all, they say,

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<v Speaker 1>Jesus doesn't say to the disciples go forth and be

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<v Speaker 1>property developers. So why does the Catholic Church have all

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<v Speaker 1>this wealth the nation? The state is going to take

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<v Speaker 1>over the property. In exchange, it will also pay the priests,

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<v Speaker 1>it will do all the charity work, and it will

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<v Speaker 1>then pay off its debts with this land. But you know,

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<v Speaker 1>people don't necessarily want to be be paid in land.

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<v Speaker 1>It's not always the case that you know, an armament

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<v Speaker 1>supplier wants a used monastery in Brittany. Say. So what

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<v Speaker 1>they say is, we'll have this piece of paper that's

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<v Speaker 1>worth leavre that was the unit of account at the time, um,

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<v Speaker 1>and that's backed by a used monastery in Brittany, say,

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<v Speaker 1>and will issue the paper and then when somebody wants

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<v Speaker 1>to buy the used monastery, it will come back into

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<v Speaker 1>the central government. So we won't have created paper. We're

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<v Speaker 1>just creating land in a form that can circulate. And

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<v Speaker 1>the that was supposed to be and these physical bills

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<v Speaker 1>their paper money, they were called a and so they

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<v Speaker 1>explain to us a little bit more the mechanism by

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<v Speaker 1>which they were ostensibly backed by the land. Did they

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<v Speaker 1>pay any sort of dividend or yield or anything like

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<v Speaker 1>that or they how did uh, how did the actual

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<v Speaker 1>backing work? Okay, So actually that's interesting. For the first

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<v Speaker 1>six months they were supposed to be interest bearing, and

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<v Speaker 1>that's really complicated because imagine that you've got a bill

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<v Speaker 1>for a thousand leave and it's going to carry four

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<v Speaker 1>percent annual interest. So that means that after six months

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<v Speaker 1>it's actually worth a little bit more than a thousand

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<v Speaker 1>so how do you make change for that? Um So

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<v Speaker 1>after the first six months when these are supposed to

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<v Speaker 1>be interest bearing, the government decides now they're not going

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<v Speaker 1>to be interest bearing, and they introduced some other changes

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<v Speaker 1>as well. UM. In fact, there were some who argued

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<v Speaker 1>that the best way to make them widely accepted would

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<v Speaker 1>be for each bill to be backed by a very

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<v Speaker 1>specific piece of land, so that they would in effec

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<v Speaker 1>to be real estate trading cards. The problem with that

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<v Speaker 1>is that it would have greatly complicated making any exchange,

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<v Speaker 1>because while somebody might be happy to take a bill

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<v Speaker 1>backed by five hundred livre worth worth of land, there

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<v Speaker 1>might be much more skeptical about a piece of bill

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<v Speaker 1>that's only this little corner of a wheat field, because

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<v Speaker 1>then everybody has to become an expert on all the

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<v Speaker 1>different pieces of land exactly, and then there's going to

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<v Speaker 1>be people who say, oh, well, I don't want that

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<v Speaker 1>five hundred, I want that five hundred. So it creates

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<v Speaker 1>non equivalency. At the very least, though you would have

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<v Speaker 1>expected that um these papers or certificates backed by land

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<v Speaker 1>would have been relatively stable in value, right like land

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<v Speaker 1>is usually pretty stable, so creating money backed by land

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<v Speaker 1>should have made some sense, but I'm guessing it it

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<v Speaker 1>all went wrong, right. So that was exactly the logic

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<v Speaker 1>of the French revolutionaries. They say the price of land

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<v Speaker 1>is stable. They say the land is ours, nobody can

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<v Speaker 1>take it away from us. What they didn't think through

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<v Speaker 1>very well, um, was that by having taken the land

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<v Speaker 1>that once belonged to the Catholic Church, they had created

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<v Speaker 1>politically controversial money. So something like fifty of the population

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<v Speaker 1>of France right from the get go, says these bills

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<v Speaker 1>are illegitimate because the state never had the right to

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<v Speaker 1>the land. The land belongs to the church. It would

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<v Speaker 1>be a sin to take one of these bills. So

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<v Speaker 1>how did you know Initially these starts you were very

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<v Speaker 1>high denomination bills, right, not. These were not designed to

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<v Speaker 1>be money that you could go to the store and

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<v Speaker 1>buy some apples or buy a loaf of breadwidth So

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<v Speaker 1>how did they become go from these sort of essentially

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<v Speaker 1>paper money, very big or you know, bills at very

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<v Speaker 1>high denominations, to money that started to circulate and be used.

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<v Speaker 1>That's a really good question, um. In the beginning, they're

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<v Speaker 1>large denominations because they represent pieces of land and really

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<v Speaker 1>you can't get very much land for a dollar and

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<v Speaker 1>a half, say um. But as you say, it's just

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<v Speaker 1>not practical if they are also supposed to be a

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<v Speaker 1>medium of exchange to only have five hundred and a

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<v Speaker 1>thousand as the smallest denominations in circulation. Um. So at

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<v Speaker 1>the beginning, what happens is that all across France, literally

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<v Speaker 1>thousands of bodies, municipalities, counties, for profit banks, they say, well,

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<v Speaker 1>will make small change. We'll take this bill that's good

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<v Speaker 1>for a thousand, and we're going to lock it up

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<v Speaker 1>in our safe, and we will issue a thousand of

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<v Speaker 1>our own bills, each of which is equal to one,

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<v Speaker 1>and then those can circulate, and when they all come

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<v Speaker 1>back into us eventually, then we can take the thousand

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<v Speaker 1>out of the safe. So what ends up happening in

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<v Speaker 1>the course of is that you get this proliferation of

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<v Speaker 1>different issuers of small change, which the central government enthusiastically

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<v Speaker 1>welcomes as people doing their patriotic duty and evidence of

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<v Speaker 1>what ingenious people will do in a country that has

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<v Speaker 1>freedom and liberty. That also sounds like a recipe for

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<v Speaker 1>lots of confusion and potentially counterfeiters as well. It's a

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<v Speaker 1>recipe for both of those, because imagine that you live

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<v Speaker 1>in a small town in the north of France and

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<v Speaker 1>there are these locally issued, very small denomination bills that

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<v Speaker 1>have been signed by the mayor and um some other

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<v Speaker 1>patriotic officials, and maybe even you know your cousin and

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<v Speaker 1>you know what it is. But then somebody who's traveling

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<v Speaker 1>across the country, a merchant or by s a soldier,

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<v Speaker 1>comes with a small bill issued in a different part

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<v Speaker 1>of the country, signed by different people. Well, you don't

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<v Speaker 1>know who those people are. You don't know if that

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<v Speaker 1>bill is legitimate. It could just have been made up

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<v Speaker 1>on the spot. So there's enormous increase in the information

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<v Speaker 1>costs of any transaction because people have to verify these

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<v Speaker 1>many different bills they see in front of them. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>there were some people who thought there was a benefit

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<v Speaker 1>to the skepticism around this money in the sense there

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<v Speaker 1>you know, if you silver and old, you can export those,

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<v Speaker 1>you can take those out of the country. But if

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<v Speaker 1>there's some sort of paperback money, or it's and it's

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<v Speaker 1>only local credibility, you can at least be sure that

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<v Speaker 1>that will stay in France and only circulate in France.

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<v Speaker 1>That's right, That is the argument for a national money.

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<v Speaker 1>And remember that throughout the medieval and early modern period

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of the currency in circulation um it's gold,

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<v Speaker 1>it's silver, and it circulates by weight, so it's not

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<v Speaker 1>national money. We're talking about the era in which money

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<v Speaker 1>really begins to be identified with the nation. And so

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<v Speaker 1>one argument for that, and this goes back to sort

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<v Speaker 1>of Rousseau's ideas about self sufficiency, is if we issue

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<v Speaker 1>a paper that nobody else wants because they don't believe

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<v Speaker 1>in our politics, well that's great because it stays in

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<v Speaker 1>the country. It's a sort of by American venture. That

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<v Speaker 1>sounds familiar, Yes it does. So. So it's the ultimate

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<v Speaker 1>argument that the assignat that they failed because they were

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<v Speaker 1>politically controversial forms of money, or is it that they

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<v Speaker 1>failed because they were poorly designed forms of money? Good question.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's a little bit of both. They were

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<v Speaker 1>politically controversial, and for nearly all of the seventeen nineties,

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<v Speaker 1>with an exception of a few months, French revolutionaries really

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<v Speaker 1>endorsed the idea of free trade to the point of

0:15:33.280 --> 0:15:37.960
<v Speaker 1>allowing the free trade in money. So while this paper

0:15:38.080 --> 0:15:41.800
<v Speaker 1>is being issued, except for a few months, they never

0:15:41.840 --> 0:15:45.239
<v Speaker 1>say that you have to take the paper and coins

0:15:45.600 --> 0:15:48.640
<v Speaker 1>at a one to one exchange value. So what you

0:15:48.760 --> 0:15:53.440
<v Speaker 1>end up getting our situations in which a merchant might say, sure,

0:15:53.840 --> 0:15:58.840
<v Speaker 1>you can have that for two in coins or two

0:15:58.960 --> 0:16:04.520
<v Speaker 1>hundred in paper. So over and over again, there are

0:16:04.560 --> 0:16:10.640
<v Speaker 1>these controversies about how the money backed by land relates

0:16:10.680 --> 0:16:13.800
<v Speaker 1>to the money that was already in circulation. Could they

0:16:13.840 --> 0:16:16.720
<v Speaker 1>have just taken a stronger stance on it, and would

0:16:16.720 --> 0:16:19.960
<v Speaker 1>that have been effective. We say this is absolutely money.

0:16:20.040 --> 0:16:23.240
<v Speaker 1>It is illegal to trade them at a different price

0:16:23.280 --> 0:16:26.360
<v Speaker 1>than any other money with the same denomination, and you

0:16:26.400 --> 0:16:30.760
<v Speaker 1>have to accept this. Would that have worked, that's interesting question.

0:16:31.280 --> 0:16:37.360
<v Speaker 1>If they had done that from seventeen, there would have

0:16:37.640 --> 0:16:41.600
<v Speaker 1>been immediate objections, as I said, on the part of

0:16:41.600 --> 0:16:45.040
<v Speaker 1>the Catholics who see this as not all Catholics, but

0:16:45.040 --> 0:16:49.480
<v Speaker 1>those Catholics that did see it um as sacrilegious. On

0:16:49.560 --> 0:16:51.920
<v Speaker 1>the other hand, I think it would have made for

0:16:52.000 --> 0:16:57.800
<v Speaker 1>a much more coherent policy. UM. A lot of what

0:16:57.960 --> 0:17:01.240
<v Speaker 1>radicalizes the French Revolution, and we see this in other

0:17:01.320 --> 0:17:06.320
<v Speaker 1>historical episodes as well, is policymakers thinking oh, well, that

0:17:06.359 --> 0:17:09.560
<v Speaker 1>didn't work, why don't we try this, and then they

0:17:09.600 --> 0:17:11.680
<v Speaker 1>try something for a couple of months and that doesn't work,

0:17:11.720 --> 0:17:14.320
<v Speaker 1>and they say, Okay, let's try this, And that's a

0:17:14.520 --> 0:17:21.359
<v Speaker 1>really bad way to build trust in a monetary or

0:17:21.400 --> 0:17:24.879
<v Speaker 1>a political system. So this gives to something that you know,

0:17:24.960 --> 0:17:28.119
<v Speaker 1>you hear echoes of this in current politics, which is

0:17:28.480 --> 0:17:32.800
<v Speaker 1>the idea of monetary innovation, or the idea that the

0:17:32.840 --> 0:17:36.679
<v Speaker 1>price of money could fluctuate. Even though our money system

0:17:36.760 --> 0:17:38.560
<v Speaker 1>is pretty stable in the US and has been for

0:17:38.600 --> 0:17:40.880
<v Speaker 1>a while, it's still there are a lot of people

0:17:40.880 --> 0:17:44.040
<v Speaker 1>who get very concerned. They get really inflation. The idea

0:17:44.040 --> 0:17:47.679
<v Speaker 1>of inflation sets people off. The idea of quantitative easing

0:17:47.760 --> 0:17:52.680
<v Speaker 1>makes people nervous. What is it due to society when

0:17:52.800 --> 0:17:56.439
<v Speaker 1>the money itself is perceived to be traded on a

0:17:56.520 --> 0:17:59.679
<v Speaker 1>market and volatile, so that beyond just the price of

0:17:59.720 --> 0:18:02.239
<v Speaker 1>good going up and down, they don't feel that the

0:18:02.320 --> 0:18:06.359
<v Speaker 1>money is a stable store of value. Very good question. Um.

0:18:06.400 --> 0:18:11.159
<v Speaker 1>I was fascinated to discover that through the nineteen thirties

0:18:11.400 --> 0:18:15.240
<v Speaker 1>it was possible for political figures in the United States

0:18:15.320 --> 0:18:20.880
<v Speaker 1>to be pro inflation. You could be pro inflation because

0:18:20.960 --> 0:18:23.479
<v Speaker 1>you were thinking of yourself and the people around you

0:18:23.560 --> 0:18:26.760
<v Speaker 1>as producers. You wanted prices to go up it's when

0:18:26.760 --> 0:18:29.760
<v Speaker 1>we all start thinking of ourselves as consumers and only

0:18:29.880 --> 0:18:33.200
<v Speaker 1>consumers that inflate, which goes back, of course to Tracy's

0:18:33.280 --> 0:18:38.080
<v Speaker 1>terrible affliction with consumption. Uh. That's the point at which

0:18:38.119 --> 0:18:43.240
<v Speaker 1>inflation becomes this awful, terrible bug bear. Now in societies

0:18:43.240 --> 0:18:48.560
<v Speaker 1>that experience dramatic inflation, so of course we think about Vimar, Germany,

0:18:48.680 --> 0:18:52.920
<v Speaker 1>or Hungary after the Second World War, um, many other

0:18:53.160 --> 0:18:57.359
<v Speaker 1>historic examples. What happens is that people tend to think

0:18:57.440 --> 0:19:01.439
<v Speaker 1>that they need to get their wealth of money and

0:19:01.640 --> 0:19:07.080
<v Speaker 1>into something that will last, so they might buy land. Uh,

0:19:07.119 --> 0:19:10.760
<v Speaker 1>they try to buy any sort of physical object that

0:19:10.840 --> 0:19:13.640
<v Speaker 1>they think will hold its value. It's a point which

0:19:13.680 --> 0:19:17.000
<v Speaker 1>money is no longer believed to be a store of value.

0:19:17.040 --> 0:19:19.560
<v Speaker 1>It doesn't serve that function. Rebecca, I want to go

0:19:19.600 --> 0:19:25.120
<v Speaker 1>back to the politically controversial aspect of this discussion and

0:19:25.320 --> 0:19:29.159
<v Speaker 1>ask you to connect what happened in the French Revolution

0:19:29.240 --> 0:19:33.639
<v Speaker 1>with the assignat to potentially what might happen today with

0:19:33.720 --> 0:19:36.240
<v Speaker 1>the Eurozone and the euro which is of course a

0:19:36.320 --> 0:19:40.200
<v Speaker 1>currency um which seems to even though it's stable in

0:19:40.320 --> 0:19:43.280
<v Speaker 1>terms of the actual market, at least for now, it

0:19:43.440 --> 0:19:47.160
<v Speaker 1>seems to be becoming ever more controversial UM in its

0:19:47.200 --> 0:19:50.760
<v Speaker 1>basic ideals. I guess what do you think will happen there?

0:19:51.520 --> 0:19:56.200
<v Speaker 1>What's fascinating about the euro is that I don't think

0:19:56.560 --> 0:20:05.640
<v Speaker 1>it's the political ideals that it was want to embody cooperation, UM,

0:20:05.640 --> 0:20:13.520
<v Speaker 1>the movement of people. UH. Europe as not divided by

0:20:13.560 --> 0:20:17.639
<v Speaker 1>the sort of nationalism and xenophobia that destroyed it in

0:20:17.680 --> 0:20:22.600
<v Speaker 1>the Two World Wars. Those political ideals, while they're under

0:20:22.640 --> 0:20:26.320
<v Speaker 1>attack from the extreme right, I don't think those are

0:20:26.400 --> 0:20:30.840
<v Speaker 1>things that people generally disagree with. What's happened is that

0:20:30.880 --> 0:20:39.600
<v Speaker 1>those political ideals got yoked to certain fiscal monetary criteria

0:20:40.520 --> 0:20:48.240
<v Speaker 1>about debt, about taxation. UH. That meant that those political

0:20:48.280 --> 0:20:53.399
<v Speaker 1>ideals really could not be achieved with the euro UM.

0:20:53.480 --> 0:20:56.760
<v Speaker 1>So it's hard to say what's going to happen. So

0:20:56.960 --> 0:21:00.000
<v Speaker 1>the takeaway, the big takeaway that I got from your book,

0:21:00.040 --> 0:21:02.640
<v Speaker 1>and it's it touches on a theme that we've discussed

0:21:02.680 --> 0:21:05.560
<v Speaker 1>a lot of times on this podcast, which is that

0:21:05.680 --> 0:21:11.000
<v Speaker 1>like money is essentially a social network, and it it

0:21:11.160 --> 0:21:15.360
<v Speaker 1>establishes its value once we essentially all accept that it

0:21:15.720 --> 0:21:18.760
<v Speaker 1>establishes its value once we all accept that dollars are

0:21:18.760 --> 0:21:22.000
<v Speaker 1>worth something. Dollars are worth something, but that it's really

0:21:22.080 --> 0:21:26.840
<v Speaker 1>hard to just sort of manufacture that social acceptance x niolo.

0:21:26.960 --> 0:21:31.680
<v Speaker 1>It takes momentum, it takes good uh governance, it takes laws,

0:21:31.760 --> 0:21:34.880
<v Speaker 1>it takes certain trust, and that in a time of

0:21:34.920 --> 0:21:38.920
<v Speaker 1>extreme sort of social disorder, when the government is weak,

0:21:39.000 --> 0:21:41.359
<v Speaker 1>when a lot of people don't trust each other, the

0:21:41.400 --> 0:21:44.680
<v Speaker 1>monetary system is just going to sort of be a

0:21:44.680 --> 0:21:49.560
<v Speaker 1>mirror to that. That's absolutely very insightful as a reading

0:21:49.600 --> 0:21:51.880
<v Speaker 1>in my book, what I would say is that at

0:21:51.920 --> 0:21:59.200
<v Speaker 1>a time when political legitimacy is in doubt, when people

0:21:59.320 --> 0:22:03.400
<v Speaker 1>wonder if the government really has their interests at heart,

0:22:03.720 --> 0:22:08.080
<v Speaker 1>that is the worst time to attempt any kind of

0:22:08.119 --> 0:22:12.840
<v Speaker 1>monetary innovation, because it then calls the monitor. I mean,

0:22:13.200 --> 0:22:16.240
<v Speaker 1>on that note, we we can't. We have to ask

0:22:16.280 --> 0:22:19.879
<v Speaker 1>you about bitcoin, right because of course bitcoin kind of

0:22:20.000 --> 0:22:23.200
<v Speaker 1>rose um from the ashes of the financial crisis, during

0:22:23.200 --> 0:22:26.800
<v Speaker 1>a period of great upheaval in markets and within the world,

0:22:27.200 --> 0:22:30.400
<v Speaker 1>and the idea was that it could offer something different

0:22:30.600 --> 0:22:35.520
<v Speaker 1>to national currencies. Do you see any prospect of success

0:22:35.560 --> 0:22:39.680
<v Speaker 1>on that front. I'm actually a bit worried about that.

0:22:40.200 --> 0:22:44.320
<v Speaker 1>Only think that what we're seeing in the continued interest

0:22:44.760 --> 0:22:53.200
<v Speaker 1>in bitcoin is one fantasy of money that is completely

0:22:53.359 --> 0:23:01.400
<v Speaker 1>divorced from regulation, policy, government, the state. UM. And while

0:23:01.440 --> 0:23:05.199
<v Speaker 1>that doesn't necessarily mean that it's only going to be

0:23:05.320 --> 0:23:11.280
<v Speaker 1>used for black market or illegal transactions, it does mean

0:23:11.640 --> 0:23:17.080
<v Speaker 1>that those people who are left, perhaps for reasons of poverty, um,

0:23:17.119 --> 0:23:22.000
<v Speaker 1>dependent on the money issued by the state are going

0:23:22.040 --> 0:23:24.359
<v Speaker 1>to be in a worse and worse position. So what

0:23:24.400 --> 0:23:28.240
<v Speaker 1>I worry about is that we see perhaps a growing

0:23:28.800 --> 0:23:36.360
<v Speaker 1>possibility for monetary systems that are really very strongly different

0:23:36.800 --> 0:23:38.439
<v Speaker 1>for the rich and the poor. I mean, they're like

0:23:38.480 --> 0:23:42.840
<v Speaker 1>that today. UM. The example I always use is just

0:23:43.040 --> 0:23:49.000
<v Speaker 1>imagine your homeless person, you've amassed quite a few quarters,

0:23:49.400 --> 0:23:51.800
<v Speaker 1>and you go to try to buy a plane ticket

0:23:51.880 --> 0:23:56.960
<v Speaker 1>with your change. It's almost legally impossible to buy a

0:23:56.960 --> 0:23:59.840
<v Speaker 1>plane ticket with cash these days, Tracy. We should try

0:23:59.880 --> 0:24:04.120
<v Speaker 1>to do that episode by a plane ticket with quarters. Yes,

0:24:04.119 --> 0:24:10.240
<v Speaker 1>you should. Uh. I mean I used to cover fintech,

0:24:10.280 --> 0:24:12.840
<v Speaker 1>and I know a lot of fintech companies that were

0:24:12.880 --> 0:24:15.800
<v Speaker 1>created specifically to try to address this problem. But that's

0:24:15.840 --> 0:24:20.280
<v Speaker 1>probably a topic for a whole another episode. Rebecca Spang,

0:24:20.520 --> 0:24:23.920
<v Speaker 1>the book is Stuff and Money in the French Revolution,

0:24:24.000 --> 0:24:27.320
<v Speaker 1>and the paperback copy is just about to come out right,

0:24:27.680 --> 0:24:30.440
<v Speaker 1>Yes it is next week. Well, it's a fascinating book.

0:24:30.480 --> 0:24:34.320
<v Speaker 1>I highly recommend people read it and really appreciate you

0:24:34.400 --> 0:24:47.199
<v Speaker 1>coming on the episode. Thank you so, Tracy. When we

0:24:47.200 --> 0:24:51.040
<v Speaker 1>were first talking about doing this episode of monetary policy

0:24:51.119 --> 0:24:53.359
<v Speaker 1>during the French Revolution, I was thinking of it as

0:24:53.440 --> 0:24:57.320
<v Speaker 1>sort of this uh, you know, historical curiosity. But it

0:24:57.400 --> 0:25:00.440
<v Speaker 1>definitely seems like there's a lot of relevant events to

0:25:01.080 --> 0:25:03.960
<v Speaker 1>things going on these days. Oh yeah, for sure. I

0:25:03.960 --> 0:25:06.600
<v Speaker 1>mean I think purely on the political front, you could

0:25:06.600 --> 0:25:10.360
<v Speaker 1>probably draw a lot of connections between what's happening now, um,

0:25:10.400 --> 0:25:13.679
<v Speaker 1>certainly in Europe and the French Revolution. Right, like a

0:25:13.720 --> 0:25:16.000
<v Speaker 1>bunch of people, a bunch of rich people like the

0:25:16.080 --> 0:25:19.800
<v Speaker 1>Catholic Church, didn't really want to contribute more into the

0:25:19.840 --> 0:25:23.159
<v Speaker 1>taxation system, and so they hijacked this argument that they

0:25:23.160 --> 0:25:26.440
<v Speaker 1>were going to fight for the good of the people, um,

0:25:26.520 --> 0:25:29.359
<v Speaker 1>in order to fight against paying their fair share. And

0:25:29.400 --> 0:25:32.639
<v Speaker 1>I think there's some who would say maybe that that

0:25:32.720 --> 0:25:36.040
<v Speaker 1>reflects a little bit what Brexit supporters have been doing.

0:25:37.359 --> 0:25:40.359
<v Speaker 1>And also the euro is an interesting example because normally

0:25:40.440 --> 0:25:45.240
<v Speaker 1>when we talk about currency movements or currencies, they tend

0:25:45.240 --> 0:25:47.880
<v Speaker 1>to be driven, at least in the shortened medium term

0:25:47.960 --> 0:25:52.840
<v Speaker 1>by sort of plain vanilla economic data points, so whether

0:25:52.880 --> 0:25:55.880
<v Speaker 1>inflation comes in strong, or whether GDP comes in strong,

0:25:55.960 --> 0:25:58.639
<v Speaker 1>or whether the Fed hyps or cuts rates. But we

0:25:58.760 --> 0:26:03.919
<v Speaker 1>don't really talk much about sort of the existential case

0:26:04.080 --> 0:26:08.040
<v Speaker 1>for this currency or that. But as more stress is

0:26:08.160 --> 0:26:13.240
<v Speaker 1>placed on politics, uh, in one way or another, it's

0:26:13.280 --> 0:26:16.600
<v Speaker 1>you know, you could imagine that we'll start to see

0:26:16.800 --> 0:26:21.560
<v Speaker 1>more stresses placed on different currencies. Yeah, I mean I

0:26:21.600 --> 0:26:26.439
<v Speaker 1>also liked Rebecca's idea of currencies for the rich and

0:26:26.560 --> 0:26:31.040
<v Speaker 1>currencies for the poor. That was really fascinating. It's something

0:26:31.040 --> 0:26:34.159
<v Speaker 1>that we kind of already see playing out thanks to

0:26:34.520 --> 0:26:38.920
<v Speaker 1>technology that basically either gives you access to certain things

0:26:39.040 --> 0:26:42.440
<v Speaker 1>or prevents you from accessing certain things, right right. I mean,

0:26:42.480 --> 0:26:45.119
<v Speaker 1>there was the article in the New York or recently

0:26:45.320 --> 0:26:50.040
<v Speaker 1>about all the rich tech and finance executives all getting

0:26:50.080 --> 0:26:54.840
<v Speaker 1>into becoming preppers with their with their real estate and

0:26:54.920 --> 0:26:59.760
<v Speaker 1>New Zealand and their you know, home home solar and

0:27:00.040 --> 0:27:02.760
<v Speaker 1>telecom networks. And it's sort of this sort of early

0:27:02.880 --> 0:27:06.960
<v Speaker 1>indication of people wanting to have insurance that sort of

0:27:06.960 --> 0:27:11.000
<v Speaker 1>outside the existing financial system in case things really fall apart,

0:27:11.240 --> 0:27:13.800
<v Speaker 1>right right, So maybe they'll come up with like their

0:27:13.840 --> 0:27:16.600
<v Speaker 1>own special currency in which to do that, right or

0:27:16.600 --> 0:27:18.840
<v Speaker 1>would or would everyone just go back to using gold?

0:27:19.000 --> 0:27:24.200
<v Speaker 1>I don't place your bets now, Okay, all right, well

0:27:24.520 --> 0:27:28.119
<v Speaker 1>this has been another episode of the Odd Lots Podcast.

0:27:28.240 --> 0:27:31.040
<v Speaker 1>I'm Joe Wisn't though. You could follow me on Twitter

0:27:31.200 --> 0:27:34.199
<v Speaker 1>at the Stalwarts, and I'm Tracy Alloway. I'm on Twitter

0:27:34.320 --> 0:27:37.600
<v Speaker 1>at Tracy Alloway. And you can find Rebecca Spang on

0:27:37.640 --> 0:27:40.600
<v Speaker 1>Twitter at Rebecca Spain. Thanks for listening