WEBVTT - Why It Won't Be a Blockbuster Supreme Court Term

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Was a blockbuster year at the Supreme Court, with major

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<v Speaker 1>decisions on lgbt Q rights, presidential powers, abortion rights, religious liberties,

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<v Speaker 1>and dhaka. But don't expect such epic decisions this year

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<v Speaker 1>that justices are switching from blockbusters social matters to lower

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<v Speaker 1>profile staples when they resume in January. Joining me is

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<v Speaker 1>Neil kin Call, a professor at the Georgia State University

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<v Speaker 1>College of Law. Broadly speaking, Neal, when you look at

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<v Speaker 1>the docket coming up, does it seem as if there

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<v Speaker 1>are fewer blockbusters this year? Yes, it seems like there

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<v Speaker 1>are many fewer blockbusters. Um, in part that's kind of

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<v Speaker 1>an unfair comparison to which had an extraordinary number of blockbusters.

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<v Speaker 1>So comparing almost any year to is going to look boring.

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<v Speaker 1>But I think it's also a conscious decision on the

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<v Speaker 1>part of particular pularly Chief Justice Roberts to pull back

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<v Speaker 1>a bit from controversy. Controversy is not good for the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme courts public image and it's not great for their standing,

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<v Speaker 1>and so I think Justice Roberts in particular is acutely

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<v Speaker 1>aware of all of that and serves the courts sort

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<v Speaker 1>of public image and its legitimacy to pull back a

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<v Speaker 1>bit from controversy, let things die down a bit before

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<v Speaker 1>they start taking on the real hot button issues again.

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<v Speaker 1>So the conservative wing of the Court must agree with him, right,

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<v Speaker 1>because it only takes four justices, and they certainly have

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<v Speaker 1>four justices there to take a case that's right, at

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<v Speaker 1>least so far. But I think Justice Roberts still has

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<v Speaker 1>some some real influence within within the conservative set of justices,

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<v Speaker 1>even though he can be and I'm sure will be

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<v Speaker 1>outvoted by them and that they will move further right

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<v Speaker 1>and move more quickly than he wants to, But he

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<v Speaker 1>still has real influence, and so I think we see

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<v Speaker 1>that with this. How much does this have to do

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<v Speaker 1>with the change of administrations coming up? Well, it may

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<v Speaker 1>have to do with the change of administrations in that

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of the issues coming out of the Trump

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<v Speaker 1>administration are likely to be mooted with the Biden administration

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<v Speaker 1>coming in. So some of the controversial moves that were

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<v Speaker 1>being challenged in court um will be withdrawn under the

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<v Speaker 1>Biden administration. I'm thinking of things like the legality of

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<v Speaker 1>Trump's decision to build the border wall on the southern

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<v Speaker 1>border to use an emergency designation of military construction funds

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<v Speaker 1>to do that, and the legality of that order is

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<v Speaker 1>really dubious and is pending in the courts, But that's

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<v Speaker 1>certain to become moot once Biden comes in. There are

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<v Speaker 1>a number of other of those sorts of measures that

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<v Speaker 1>Trump has already taken that I think will quickly become moot.

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<v Speaker 1>And there may be others in the waning days of

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<v Speaker 1>the administration that will follow that mole. What is the

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<v Speaker 1>procedure exactly, and let's say the border wall. Does the

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<v Speaker 1>Biden administrations say we're going to retract this case or

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<v Speaker 1>does the court have to say it's moot? Um? Both

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<v Speaker 1>of those will happen. So the court, so the the

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<v Speaker 1>the Abiden administration and the Justice Department can can say, um,

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<v Speaker 1>we're no longer proceeding with this action, so please dismiss

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<v Speaker 1>the cases moot, and the court will have to agree um.

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<v Speaker 1>And in those sorts of cases, the court's agreement is routine.

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<v Speaker 1>There can be situations where the court has a kind

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<v Speaker 1>of oversight role um and so might not agree to

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<v Speaker 1>dismiss the case even though the Justice Department is asking

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<v Speaker 1>for that UM. And here I'm thinking of the Michael

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<v Speaker 1>Flynn prosecution UM. At that point, Michael Flynn had already

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<v Speaker 1>pleaded guilty UM, and so the court had real supervision

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<v Speaker 1>over what kind of sentence to give UM, and was

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<v Speaker 1>continuing to exercise that role until finally Trump issued the

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<v Speaker 1>pardon that rendered the whole thing move UM. So there

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<v Speaker 1>are those kinds of unusual situations where a court can

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<v Speaker 1>decide to keep a case even though the Justice Department

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<v Speaker 1>wants it to go away. But for the most part,

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<v Speaker 1>those are extraordinary circumstances. For the most part, um, if

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<v Speaker 1>the administration decides to stop pursuing a particular course, the

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<v Speaker 1>courts are only too happy to have it dismissed. Cases

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<v Speaker 1>coming up that may prove controversial or probably will prove controversial.

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<v Speaker 1>Cases involving voting rights. Two cases from Arizona tell us

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<v Speaker 1>what they're about. So the Arizona cases involve fundamentally questions

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<v Speaker 1>about the application of Section two of the Voting Rights Act,

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<v Speaker 1>which is a section that protects voting rights and particularly

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<v Speaker 1>protects against the delusion voting rights. And so the Arizona

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<v Speaker 1>cases involved fairly technical questions of voting procedures. And these

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<v Speaker 1>are important because the Supreme Court some years ago struck

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<v Speaker 1>down Section five of the Voting Rights Act. Section five

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<v Speaker 1>was the preclearance provision, so certain jurisdictions, particularly here in

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<v Speaker 1>the South, time in Atlanta, were required to pre clear

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<v Speaker 1>any changes in their voting procedures because of the long

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<v Speaker 1>history of discrimination and particularly race based discrimination in the

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<v Speaker 1>covered jurisdictions. The Supreme Court struck that section down, and

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<v Speaker 1>so all that's left is Section two. And Section two

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't require preclearance. It allows jurisdictions to adopt their rule

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<v Speaker 1>changes and then have them litigated. And so now we're

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<v Speaker 1>going to see what kind of role the courts are

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<v Speaker 1>going to play in terms of oversight. Will they be

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<v Speaker 1>protective of people's fundamental right to vote or will they

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<v Speaker 1>be deferential to the states and the state's decisions to

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<v Speaker 1>change procedures and those very technical changes in voting procedures

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<v Speaker 1>I think we've seen through the recent national elections can

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<v Speaker 1>have dramatic consequences for the outcome, particularly in states like

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<v Speaker 1>Arizona where it seems to be closely divided Republicans and Democrats,

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<v Speaker 1>where the states are very purple, very much in play,

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<v Speaker 1>and so Arizona is at to be a battleground for

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<v Speaker 1>voting rights and for manipulation of voting procedures moving forward. Georgia,

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<v Speaker 1>my state is, is another of those. And so I

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<v Speaker 1>think that case will be a real sort of tip

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<v Speaker 1>of the Supreme Court's hand about which way they're going

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<v Speaker 1>to come down, states rights or individual voting rights. I

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<v Speaker 1>remember Justice Robert's opinion in the case you refer to

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<v Speaker 1>the Shelby County case with the racial injustice marches this

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<v Speaker 1>past year. Do you think that his reasoning in that

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<v Speaker 1>case false flat? Well? Yes, um, I think the reasoning

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<v Speaker 1>in that case fell flat the day it was issued.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a remarkable act of judicial invention. Um. He

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<v Speaker 1>made up this doctrine, called the equal footing doctrine UM,

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<v Speaker 1>out of whole cloth, saying that federal rules have to

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<v Speaker 1>treat the states equally. That is a doctrine that had

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<v Speaker 1>been completely unknown in constitutional law until Justice Roberts invented

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<v Speaker 1>it for purposes of Shelby County. There was a different

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<v Speaker 1>equal footing doctrine that applied before that that had to

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<v Speaker 1>do with admitting new states. Shelby County had nothing to

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<v Speaker 1>do with that, and Justice Roberts just made up this

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<v Speaker 1>doctrine and gave it the same name as if it

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<v Speaker 1>had anything to do with the previous cases. So that

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<v Speaker 1>opinion has always been one of really questionable principle. But

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<v Speaker 1>you're you're quite right to say the events of the

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<v Speaker 1>last year show in a very practical way just how

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<v Speaker 1>bankrupt the reasoning of that of that opinion was, and

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<v Speaker 1>now just how consequential that bankrupt opinion has always been.

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<v Speaker 1>Wasn't the Shelby County case the case where Justice Ruth

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<v Speaker 1>Bader Ginsburg sort of earned the notorious RBG reputation for

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<v Speaker 1>her dissent there, It was a classic, So that that's

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<v Speaker 1>certainly one of them where she earned that reputation um

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<v Speaker 1>where she helped make famous her descent dicky. So yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>that's that's a that's a classic moment in the RBG canon.

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<v Speaker 1>There are also some cases involving separation of powers, involving

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<v Speaker 1>administrative patenter DGEs and social security administration judges, not cases

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<v Speaker 1>that you normally think we're going to draw a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of attention, but in this term it may draw attention.

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<v Speaker 1>Tell us why those cases will draw attention in this term,

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<v Speaker 1>because there aren't the blockbusters of last term to sort

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<v Speaker 1>of draw the attention away from them. These are the

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<v Speaker 1>kinds of seemingly technical and inconsequential cases that really are

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<v Speaker 1>extremely consequential um and really important, And so they're being

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<v Speaker 1>a sort of spotlight on these cases I think is good.

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<v Speaker 1>The reason these cases are important is that they have

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<v Speaker 1>a lot to do with the status of administrative law judges,

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<v Speaker 1>which you know, just me saying those words probably puts

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<v Speaker 1>your listeners to sleep, but I would hope, but I

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<v Speaker 1>would hope they'll stay awake and pay attention to these

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<v Speaker 1>cases because so much of the work of the government

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<v Speaker 1>is done through these kinds of EFFICI shoals, And what

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<v Speaker 1>these cases ultimately are part of is a really important

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<v Speaker 1>question about just how much power the president has over

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<v Speaker 1>these functionaries. Right, So people who, for example, determine whether

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<v Speaker 1>or not you have eligibility to receive social security benefits,

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<v Speaker 1>or whether a particular immigrant who's applying for asylum or

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<v Speaker 1>for refugee status actually has that status recognized. Right, These

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<v Speaker 1>are important decisions, and under current law, they're supposed to

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<v Speaker 1>be made according to legal principles and through a judicial

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<v Speaker 1>process that's independent of political inputs. But Throughout the Trump administration,

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<v Speaker 1>there was a concerted effort to corrupt the decision making

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<v Speaker 1>process and to introduce um policy values and political values

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<v Speaker 1>into how these administrative figures did their jobs. Determined whether

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<v Speaker 1>or not individuals are eligible for benefits, determine whether or

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<v Speaker 1>not individuals are eligible for asylum, that that should be

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<v Speaker 1>determined not according to the principles of law, but rather

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<v Speaker 1>to Donald Trump's own political preferences. UM. And so these

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<v Speaker 1>cases very fundamentally deal with that question of just how

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<v Speaker 1>far into um the administrative state the president can impose

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<v Speaker 1>his political preferences. Right, So these are very fundamentally important questions,

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<v Speaker 1>even though they arise in a context that sounds deeply

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<v Speaker 1>inside baseball and boring. So, looking at the way the

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<v Speaker 1>Court has ruled in priar cases and taken into account

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<v Speaker 1>the fact that you have an even more conservative court

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<v Speaker 1>now and there's been a lot of talk about the

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<v Speaker 1>administrative state, any idea how they might rule. Yes, So

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court's current majority is strongly in favor of

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<v Speaker 1>the unitary executive theory. And if that theory is put

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<v Speaker 1>into play in these cases, and I suspect it will

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<v Speaker 1>be UM, they are going to expand the ability of

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<v Speaker 1>the president two essentially politicize the administration of laws and

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<v Speaker 1>the enforcement of laws. Um. The the countervailing consideration, I

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<v Speaker 1>would say, Um, the thing that would make me hesitate

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<v Speaker 1>in making that prediction is that these cases will be

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<v Speaker 1>decided under abiden administration, and the conservative majority of the

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<v Speaker 1>Court is going to be a little reluctant to unleash

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<v Speaker 1>its theories of executive power when there is a democratic

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<v Speaker 1>president and offer us right. So I think those are

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<v Speaker 1>the two forces at play in principle. Um, the six

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<v Speaker 1>conservatives on the Supreme Court are strongly in favor of

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<v Speaker 1>executive power, but they're not strongly in favor of Biden

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<v Speaker 1>exercising executive power. Right, So those will be the two

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<v Speaker 1>things competing against each other when those justices beside these cases,

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<v Speaker 1>if they don't follow what you expect, Won't that be

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<v Speaker 1>a declaration that politics is at work here at the court? Yes,

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<v Speaker 1>if people see it. Right. So, because these issues come

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<v Speaker 1>up in obscure cases dealing with administrative law judges and

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<v Speaker 1>patent law judges, Um, it's apt to evade public notice.

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<v Speaker 1>But sure that that would be the declaration, But it

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't be the first time the Court has made it UM.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, I can think there are plenty of cases

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<v Speaker 1>from the Commy years when you know, Justice Roberts in

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<v Speaker 1>spite of his commitment to the unitary executive theory and

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<v Speaker 1>found that the president didn't have certain powers um. And

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<v Speaker 1>so you know, there would be nothing new about that,

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<v Speaker 1>that move to apply political values instead of um legal principles.

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<v Speaker 1>They're not done filling out their docket for the remainder

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<v Speaker 1>of this year, and there's a case involving Mississippi's fifteen

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<v Speaker 1>week abortion band that's been rescheduled over and over again

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<v Speaker 1>at conference, and I'm wondering what the forces are for

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<v Speaker 1>taking that versus not taking that, because that would certainly

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<v Speaker 1>become the most controversial case of the term. Yeah. So,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, there's been a lot of speculation about what

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court is going to do on abortion now

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<v Speaker 1>that there's a six justice conservative majority. And so the

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<v Speaker 1>two schools of thought are one that the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>is going to take a ghost slow approach, an approach

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<v Speaker 1>that doesn't directly confront row versus Way, and instead the

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<v Speaker 1>Court will hollow out row versus Way, sort of cut

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<v Speaker 1>back on it to the point where it exists on paper,

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<v Speaker 1>but as a practical matter, states can regulate abortions out

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<v Speaker 1>of existence. The other school of thought is that the

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<v Speaker 1>sixth Justice conservative majority is going to say, if not now, when,

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<v Speaker 1>and if not Row, what are we doing here? And

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<v Speaker 1>so on that theory, the justices would vote directly to

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<v Speaker 1>overrule Roll versus Weight, And I think that's very much

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<v Speaker 1>a debate that's playing out. I suspect, for what it's

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<v Speaker 1>worth that the Supreme Court is going to directly confront

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<v Speaker 1>Row and overrule it. And if they're going to do that,

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<v Speaker 1>I think they've got to be thinking sooner rather than later,

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<v Speaker 1>because they don't particularly want this to be a big

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<v Speaker 1>issue in a presidential election, and so making that kind

0:16:06.480 --> 0:16:11.960
<v Speaker 1>of decision farther from a presidential election is better. Thanks

0:16:11.960 --> 0:16:14.480
<v Speaker 1>for being on the show, Neil. That's Neil Kincaugh, a

0:16:14.520 --> 0:16:19.040
<v Speaker 1>professor at the Georgia State University College of Law. Joe

0:16:19.080 --> 0:16:22.480
<v Speaker 1>Biden was formally recognized by Congress as the next president

0:16:22.520 --> 0:16:25.840
<v Speaker 1>of the United States early Thursday, and in two months

0:16:25.840 --> 0:16:29.440
<v Speaker 1>of fail legal challenges by Donald Trump that exploded into

0:16:29.600 --> 0:16:32.920
<v Speaker 1>violence at the US capital as lawmakers meant to ratify

0:16:32.960 --> 0:16:36.640
<v Speaker 1>the election result, joining me as elections law expert Derek Muller,

0:16:36.840 --> 0:16:39.920
<v Speaker 1>a professor at the University of Iowa Law School, looking

0:16:39.920 --> 0:16:43.600
<v Speaker 1>at it from the perspective of the law and election law,

0:16:43.680 --> 0:16:48.840
<v Speaker 1>how would you describe this election season? Yeah, I mean,

0:16:49.200 --> 0:16:52.600
<v Speaker 1>you know, in theory, every presidential election is unprecedented, and

0:16:52.680 --> 0:16:55.080
<v Speaker 1>we can use that in different ways. You know, this one,

0:16:55.520 --> 0:16:59.000
<v Speaker 1>you know, was driven extensively over the last couple of

0:16:59.040 --> 0:17:03.880
<v Speaker 1>months by principally some conspiracy theories and things that have

0:17:04.080 --> 0:17:07.119
<v Speaker 1>just never really carried any weight and never should have

0:17:07.160 --> 0:17:09.960
<v Speaker 1>seen the light of day, but continue to get perpetuated.

0:17:10.080 --> 0:17:13.600
<v Speaker 1>And that's not to set aside some people serious grievances

0:17:13.600 --> 0:17:17.399
<v Speaker 1>with things like late breaking changes to certain laws that

0:17:17.440 --> 0:17:20.440
<v Speaker 1>were enacted in things like that, But but the sheer

0:17:20.520 --> 0:17:25.720
<v Speaker 1>volume of misinformation out there and just the inability of

0:17:25.760 --> 0:17:30.320
<v Speaker 1>those closest to the president to rely on sort of

0:17:30.359 --> 0:17:33.240
<v Speaker 1>the objective and careful work of so many election professionals

0:17:33.240 --> 0:17:36.240
<v Speaker 1>around the country, in addition to all of the double

0:17:36.320 --> 0:17:38.520
<v Speaker 1>checks and triple checks in our process. You know, I've

0:17:38.680 --> 0:17:41.240
<v Speaker 1>certainly been the most disheartening thing and certainly came to

0:17:41.359 --> 0:17:43.840
<v Speaker 1>ahead in the in the riot that that happened on

0:17:43.920 --> 0:17:46.760
<v Speaker 1>January six in the Capital are the riots what made

0:17:46.800 --> 0:17:51.000
<v Speaker 1>it fizzle out? Or are there checks in the system

0:17:51.080 --> 0:17:53.360
<v Speaker 1>that would have made it fizzle out? Yeah, I mean

0:17:53.800 --> 0:17:57.240
<v Speaker 1>so my anticipation based upon all of the politics leading

0:17:57.320 --> 0:17:58.600
<v Speaker 1>up to the moment, and right, a lot of it

0:17:58.680 --> 0:18:02.359
<v Speaker 1>is political, but out of politics leading up to January six,

0:18:02.400 --> 0:18:04.760
<v Speaker 1>I anticipated we would have had a long day, you know,

0:18:04.880 --> 0:18:09.800
<v Speaker 1>probably ten hours, probably three plates of electors formally objected to,

0:18:10.119 --> 0:18:12.680
<v Speaker 1>with two hours debate each and votes on them, but

0:18:12.800 --> 0:18:15.200
<v Speaker 1>all of them would have been counted, So we would

0:18:15.240 --> 0:18:17.679
<v Speaker 1>have had some stress on the system. And that's how

0:18:17.720 --> 0:18:19.679
<v Speaker 1>to say we haven't seen it before. You know, I've

0:18:19.720 --> 0:18:22.320
<v Speaker 1>written about some democratic attempts that ended up now we

0:18:22.400 --> 0:18:24.760
<v Speaker 1>see much smaller in scale over the last twenty years,

0:18:24.760 --> 0:18:27.640
<v Speaker 1>and the ones that Republicans put forth on January six.

0:18:27.760 --> 0:18:29.440
<v Speaker 1>But the system would have played out so that there

0:18:29.440 --> 0:18:34.040
<v Speaker 1>would have been some some really theoretical, um fantastic kinds

0:18:34.040 --> 0:18:37.480
<v Speaker 1>of scenarios. Right if if Vice President Mike Penns had

0:18:37.560 --> 0:18:42.080
<v Speaker 1>done something truly extraordinary, essentially recalcitrant in the face of

0:18:42.119 --> 0:18:45.320
<v Speaker 1>Congress in terms of how to handle electoral votes or

0:18:45.560 --> 0:18:49.720
<v Speaker 1>individuals objecting to every single state and its electors, which

0:18:49.840 --> 0:18:52.440
<v Speaker 1>forces two hours of debate each and every time. Right,

0:18:52.480 --> 0:18:56.000
<v Speaker 1>So there are these sort of theoretical provisions, but again,

0:18:56.040 --> 0:18:59.479
<v Speaker 1>we still are a country of laws. Um, you know.

0:18:59.760 --> 0:19:03.000
<v Speaker 1>I I I'm grateful for the Vice President's decision making

0:19:03.040 --> 0:19:07.280
<v Speaker 1>and deference to the Senate parliamentarians and the legal advisors

0:19:07.320 --> 0:19:11.040
<v Speaker 1>around him. And I think there's also the political pressure

0:19:11.119 --> 0:19:14.679
<v Speaker 1>that that attends members of Congress. And while some of

0:19:14.720 --> 0:19:17.200
<v Speaker 1>them thought raising objections as a wise thing, I think

0:19:17.200 --> 0:19:19.399
<v Speaker 1>a lot realized it was not a wise thing, certainly

0:19:19.440 --> 0:19:23.040
<v Speaker 1>many more so after the riots. And so, you know,

0:19:23.080 --> 0:19:25.480
<v Speaker 1>there have always been some political checks, but there's no

0:19:25.600 --> 0:19:29.560
<v Speaker 1>question now I think we've you've seen this steady escalation

0:19:29.640 --> 0:19:32.360
<v Speaker 1>in the last twenty years, um, you know. And yesterday

0:19:32.400 --> 0:19:36.840
<v Speaker 1>was a significant escalate escalation of this county of electoral

0:19:36.920 --> 0:19:39.840
<v Speaker 1>votes as a moment to protest the presidential election. And

0:19:39.840 --> 0:19:42.720
<v Speaker 1>that is, um, that is worrisome, and that's something that

0:19:42.760 --> 0:19:46.919
<v Speaker 1>I you know, several Senators in particular, were concerned about

0:19:47.080 --> 0:19:49.879
<v Speaker 1>the precedent that this sets for the future. UM. So

0:19:49.960 --> 0:19:52.159
<v Speaker 1>I don't know how that's going to be handled in

0:19:52.160 --> 0:19:55.280
<v Speaker 1>the future. I don't know if there will be opportunities

0:19:55.320 --> 0:19:58.840
<v Speaker 1>to amend the Electoral Account Act to reduce the chances

0:19:59.040 --> 0:20:01.440
<v Speaker 1>of such things happening in the future. I just I

0:20:01.760 --> 0:20:05.840
<v Speaker 1>just don't know. You know, the political checks worked, uh

0:20:05.880 --> 0:20:09.639
<v Speaker 1>you know this time. Um, you know they prolonged and stuff,

0:20:09.640 --> 0:20:12.680
<v Speaker 1>but they worked. The question is how how that works

0:20:12.680 --> 0:20:15.080
<v Speaker 1>in the future. What should be done now? I mean

0:20:15.080 --> 0:20:18.480
<v Speaker 1>people are talking about exhibitions and what should be done?

0:20:18.560 --> 0:20:22.760
<v Speaker 1>Is there any clear path? Yeah? I mean I think

0:20:22.800 --> 0:20:24.760
<v Speaker 1>a lot of depends on you know, where people think

0:20:24.760 --> 0:20:28.960
<v Speaker 1>the problem is. Um, if people, especially Republicans this time,

0:20:29.359 --> 0:20:32.240
<v Speaker 1>have a lot of distrust in what was happening in state,

0:20:32.560 --> 0:20:34.480
<v Speaker 1>you know that there are two solutions. There's one is

0:20:34.520 --> 0:20:36.960
<v Speaker 1>to go to those states and say, provide greater clarity,

0:20:37.040 --> 0:20:40.600
<v Speaker 1>greater guidance, Um, you know, more robust remedies in your

0:20:40.680 --> 0:20:45.080
<v Speaker 1>judicial system. Uh, you know, more acts anti sort of

0:20:45.200 --> 0:20:48.240
<v Speaker 1>questions that can be answered by the legislature. Um, you

0:20:48.280 --> 0:20:50.879
<v Speaker 1>know things like that. You know that that would be

0:20:50.920 --> 0:20:53.399
<v Speaker 1>one way to go. Another is that the federal government

0:20:53.400 --> 0:20:55.280
<v Speaker 1>wants to look at these questions and say We're going

0:20:55.320 --> 0:20:59.840
<v Speaker 1>to enact some greater uniformities and legislation that provides some

0:21:00.600 --> 0:21:03.760
<v Speaker 1>higher levels of uniformity. That's something that might instill some

0:21:03.840 --> 0:21:07.320
<v Speaker 1>confidence if we can find some bipartisan solutions on that front.

0:21:07.320 --> 0:21:10.439
<v Speaker 1>And the problem is it typically tends to be uh

0:21:10.800 --> 0:21:13.199
<v Speaker 1>partisan solutions, which is the problem, right that that a

0:21:13.200 --> 0:21:17.200
<v Speaker 1>lot of you know, HR One, which is sort of uh,

0:21:17.359 --> 0:21:20.960
<v Speaker 1>the the We the People Act promulgated by Speaker Pelosi

0:21:21.040 --> 0:21:24.280
<v Speaker 1>and others, has been sort of a democratic which list

0:21:24.320 --> 0:21:27.000
<v Speaker 1>of of election of objectives that a lot of Republicans

0:21:27.000 --> 0:21:29.440
<v Speaker 1>are going to oppose. And so trying to find either

0:21:29.680 --> 0:21:33.320
<v Speaker 1>a bargain or some sort of neutral agreement about how

0:21:33.320 --> 0:21:36.080
<v Speaker 1>to proceed forward is going to be it's gonna be difficult,

0:21:36.119 --> 0:21:38.440
<v Speaker 1>I think. Um. So at this point, there's gonna be

0:21:38.480 --> 0:21:42.160
<v Speaker 1>a lot of shows about having commissions and integrity projects

0:21:42.160 --> 0:21:45.400
<v Speaker 1>and things like that, but you know, we've done those before. Um,

0:21:45.440 --> 0:21:47.000
<v Speaker 1>A lot of them don't go anywhere. We had to

0:21:47.000 --> 0:21:49.199
<v Speaker 1>help America Vote Act of two thousand two, which was

0:21:49.280 --> 0:21:52.200
<v Speaker 1>designed to help solve some of the problems from two

0:21:52.240 --> 0:21:55.720
<v Speaker 1>thousand UM and punch cards and things like that. And

0:21:55.720 --> 0:21:57.880
<v Speaker 1>and maybe we'll have a little bit of of sort

0:21:57.880 --> 0:22:02.520
<v Speaker 1>of good governance efforts going forward on the optical scan ballots,

0:22:02.560 --> 0:22:06.160
<v Speaker 1>on you know, requiring audits of elections, things like that.

0:22:06.400 --> 0:22:07.879
<v Speaker 1>But you know, with it, with all these things, you

0:22:07.920 --> 0:22:10.680
<v Speaker 1>can what might be a small bill can quickly steamroll

0:22:10.760 --> 0:22:12.639
<v Speaker 1>into a large bill if people want to put a

0:22:12.640 --> 0:22:14.960
<v Speaker 1>little bit of everything election related, and that can be

0:22:15.000 --> 0:22:18.159
<v Speaker 1>harder to get bipartisan consensus on. And the speeches that

0:22:18.240 --> 0:22:22.560
<v Speaker 1>you heard from Republicans who are objecting, was there anything

0:22:22.600 --> 0:22:26.720
<v Speaker 1>of substance? Yeah, I mean again, I think one of

0:22:26.720 --> 0:22:28.480
<v Speaker 1>the one of the harder things that's thinking about the

0:22:28.520 --> 0:22:32.920
<v Speaker 1>role of the legislature and the role of other UM

0:22:33.200 --> 0:22:35.800
<v Speaker 1>wings of the government. Right. And there's no question that

0:22:35.880 --> 0:22:41.760
<v Speaker 1>this election required states to be nimble. UM. COVID put

0:22:41.800 --> 0:22:44.639
<v Speaker 1>a lot of strain on the system. And while there

0:22:44.680 --> 0:22:46.840
<v Speaker 1>were a lot of state legislatures that took some action,

0:22:46.920 --> 0:22:51.000
<v Speaker 1>there were also a lot of things that executive officials did. UM.

0:22:51.040 --> 0:22:53.480
<v Speaker 1>You know, either where the law was silent or potentially,

0:22:53.520 --> 0:22:55.719
<v Speaker 1>depending on the state, I have been a little bit

0:22:55.760 --> 0:22:59.240
<v Speaker 1>contrary to what the legislature had intended. And so that,

0:22:59.640 --> 0:23:01.159
<v Speaker 1>you know, there are a lot of things about fraud

0:23:01.160 --> 0:23:02.800
<v Speaker 1>that I don't think Harriet the Day or you know,

0:23:02.880 --> 0:23:06.240
<v Speaker 1>had any weight signature checks things like that. UM. But

0:23:06.280 --> 0:23:08.639
<v Speaker 1>you're talking about this sort of allocation of responsibility in

0:23:08.680 --> 0:23:12.560
<v Speaker 1>the states. UM. You know, there's a little there's a

0:23:12.560 --> 0:23:15.680
<v Speaker 1>little smoke there to say, uh, you know, the state

0:23:15.760 --> 0:23:19.320
<v Speaker 1>legislatures were um, you know, getting kind of run over

0:23:19.480 --> 0:23:24.760
<v Speaker 1>by certain kinds of decisions from executive actors or consent

0:23:24.880 --> 0:23:29.800
<v Speaker 1>decrees entered into by uh, you know, executives with plaintiffs

0:23:29.800 --> 0:23:32.680
<v Speaker 1>groups that sued them. UM. But again, you know, I think,

0:23:32.880 --> 0:23:34.879
<v Speaker 1>you know, people look back at the election and a

0:23:34.920 --> 0:23:37.439
<v Speaker 1>lot of people participated, a lot of people were happy

0:23:37.480 --> 0:23:40.080
<v Speaker 1>with the options they had. UM. There were very low

0:23:40.200 --> 0:23:44.200
<v Speaker 1>rejection rates for absentee ballots with campbel opportunity to submit them.

0:23:44.240 --> 0:23:45.960
<v Speaker 1>You know, we had a lot of worries about post

0:23:45.960 --> 0:23:48.840
<v Speaker 1>office fiascos that never came through. So in terms of

0:23:48.840 --> 0:23:51.800
<v Speaker 1>the administration side, it all came through. UM. But you know,

0:23:51.880 --> 0:23:54.040
<v Speaker 1>when when a side loses and they look back and

0:23:54.080 --> 0:23:57.840
<v Speaker 1>they see those sorts of discrepancies between what what executive

0:23:57.840 --> 0:24:00.800
<v Speaker 1>officials did and what might have been the express legislative scheme,

0:24:00.840 --> 0:24:03.119
<v Speaker 1>and there's a lot of pressure. UM. So again I

0:24:03.119 --> 0:24:05.960
<v Speaker 1>think sometimes when courts considered these challenges. There's one from

0:24:06.000 --> 0:24:09.920
<v Speaker 1>Pennsylvania that went to the Supreme Court before election day, UM,

0:24:09.960 --> 0:24:12.440
<v Speaker 1>and the ballots haven't encountered yet. From from those from

0:24:12.440 --> 0:24:15.359
<v Speaker 1>those votes, UM, there's one sort of small challenge that

0:24:15.400 --> 0:24:17.560
<v Speaker 1>I think is the most interesting, and a lot of

0:24:17.560 --> 0:24:21.159
<v Speaker 1>others courts have rejected. Courts have looked at and said, now,

0:24:21.200 --> 0:24:24.320
<v Speaker 1>the executive has this authority. The legislature gave them the authority,

0:24:24.320 --> 0:24:27.879
<v Speaker 1>all these kinds of things. So, um, you know a

0:24:27.920 --> 0:24:31.360
<v Speaker 1>lot of the critiques just didn't didn't carry the day

0:24:31.119 --> 0:24:35.200
<v Speaker 1>in my view, um, despite the smallest kernel of truth

0:24:35.359 --> 0:24:39.199
<v Speaker 1>in some of them. And turning to Georgia, was it

0:24:39.320 --> 0:24:43.040
<v Speaker 1>the turnout? A lot of people are crediting Stacy Abrams

0:24:43.080 --> 0:24:47.080
<v Speaker 1>with the turnout. What's your take on what happened in Georgia? Yeah,

0:24:47.080 --> 0:24:49.600
<v Speaker 1>I mean, so many political questions to think about. There's

0:24:49.600 --> 0:24:51.399
<v Speaker 1>no question vot registration has gone up. Some of that

0:24:51.520 --> 0:24:54.880
<v Speaker 1>is probably attributable Stacey Abrams, but they've also instituted automatic

0:24:54.960 --> 0:24:57.639
<v Speaker 1>voter registration in the state of Georgia. So that's dramatically

0:24:57.640 --> 0:25:01.520
<v Speaker 1>increased vote registration. UM. George is precisely the kind of

0:25:01.560 --> 0:25:04.440
<v Speaker 1>state UM that's been you know over the last four

0:25:04.520 --> 0:25:08.000
<v Speaker 1>years that would be more attractive to Democratic candidates UM

0:25:08.119 --> 0:25:13.679
<v Speaker 1>as upwardly socially mobile, economically mobile, uh sort of state

0:25:13.920 --> 0:25:17.360
<v Speaker 1>that uh, you know, it's precisely the kind of suburban

0:25:17.440 --> 0:25:20.000
<v Speaker 1>voters the Democrats have been winning in droves over the

0:25:20.040 --> 0:25:23.119
<v Speaker 1>last four years. And so you look at the fact

0:25:23.119 --> 0:25:27.159
<v Speaker 1>that you know, President Trump lost, Arizona, lost Georgia, that

0:25:27.240 --> 0:25:29.840
<v Speaker 1>there was an Senate election in Alabama that was lost

0:25:30.040 --> 0:25:33.560
<v Speaker 1>right in toy seventeen, and maybe look at the candidates

0:25:33.560 --> 0:25:36.720
<v Speaker 1>in Georgia, especially uh when where one of them was

0:25:37.320 --> 0:25:40.280
<v Speaker 1>an appointment by the governor. H there was an appointment

0:25:40.280 --> 0:25:42.920
<v Speaker 1>by the governor in Arizona, or the candidate lost in

0:25:43.040 --> 0:25:45.520
<v Speaker 1>an election in the same way, um, and there was

0:25:45.520 --> 0:25:48.920
<v Speaker 1>an appointment by the governor who lost in Alabama and

0:25:48.920 --> 0:25:52.280
<v Speaker 1>toy seventeen. You know, sometimes the candidates matter and sometimes

0:25:52.320 --> 0:25:54.760
<v Speaker 1>it's it's just sort of the politics of the place.

0:25:54.800 --> 0:25:56.639
<v Speaker 1>So you know, we look at Georgia, there were there

0:25:56.680 --> 0:25:59.840
<v Speaker 1>was a Republican who won a statewide state election in

0:25:59.880 --> 0:26:02.480
<v Speaker 1>the same race that two Democratic senators in the United

0:26:02.480 --> 0:26:05.719
<v Speaker 1>States won that race. So it's a state that, you know,

0:26:05.760 --> 0:26:07.679
<v Speaker 1>like a lot of states, is more complicated. May have

0:26:07.840 --> 0:26:10.200
<v Speaker 1>to give it credit for and and we'll just see

0:26:10.240 --> 0:26:14.840
<v Speaker 1>what kinds of recruitment and and interest there is in

0:26:14.840 --> 0:26:18.120
<v Speaker 1>in the politics of that state going forward. Because the

0:26:18.160 --> 0:26:22.919
<v Speaker 1>results for us Off and Warnock were so close, I

0:26:22.920 --> 0:26:25.600
<v Speaker 1>mean they were still alike. Does it seem as if

0:26:25.640 --> 0:26:30.040
<v Speaker 1>people in Georgia were voting Democratic Republican, they weren't necessarily

0:26:30.119 --> 0:26:33.120
<v Speaker 1>voting for the person. Yeah. I mean, you very rarely

0:26:33.200 --> 0:26:35.880
<v Speaker 1>get what's described as a double barrel election, right where

0:26:35.920 --> 0:26:39.680
<v Speaker 1>you get to Senate candidates on the ballot running running

0:26:39.680 --> 0:26:42.080
<v Speaker 1>at the same time. And a lot of people have

0:26:42.119 --> 0:26:45.280
<v Speaker 1>written about the increased nationalization of politics over the last

0:26:45.400 --> 0:26:48.280
<v Speaker 1>forty years and that increasingly, you know, we viewed this

0:26:48.320 --> 0:26:50.920
<v Speaker 1>a sort of Democratic Republican and you know, in this

0:26:51.040 --> 0:26:53.399
<v Speaker 1>race in particular, it was kind of changed and defined

0:26:53.520 --> 0:26:56.120
<v Speaker 1>control of the Senate if it's both Democrats or not.

0:26:56.359 --> 0:26:58.800
<v Speaker 1>So I think that only sort of heightened the kind

0:26:58.800 --> 0:27:01.720
<v Speaker 1>of stakes for a race like this. It's remarkable to

0:27:01.800 --> 0:27:04.840
<v Speaker 1>meet a nationalization of politics. To think about these elections,

0:27:04.880 --> 0:27:08.320
<v Speaker 1>that the most expensive Senate elections in history, that we're

0:27:08.320 --> 0:27:11.240
<v Speaker 1>spending a long time talking about. You think it's it's

0:27:11.240 --> 0:27:13.480
<v Speaker 1>a Georgia Senate election, it's just George general. But but

0:27:13.600 --> 0:27:15.679
<v Speaker 1>you think about the impact that it has, and I

0:27:15.720 --> 0:27:18.120
<v Speaker 1>think that this has driven a lot of the focus

0:27:18.160 --> 0:27:21.359
<v Speaker 1>and the turnout that happens. Thanks Derek, that's Derek Muller,

0:27:21.440 --> 0:27:24.520
<v Speaker 1>Professor at the University of Iowa Law School. And that's

0:27:24.560 --> 0:27:26.800
<v Speaker 1>it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show. I'm

0:27:26.880 --> 0:27:29.840
<v Speaker 1>June Grasso. Thanks so much for listening, and please join

0:27:29.920 --> 0:27:32.920
<v Speaker 1>us at ten pm Eastern every night for The Bloomberg

0:27:33.000 --> 0:27:34.920
<v Speaker 1>Law Show right here on Bloomberg Radio.