WEBVTT - 2020 Election is a Legal Logjam

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>It's a high stakes election and it's on track to

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<v Speaker 1>be one of the most litigated in US history. It's

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<v Speaker 1>been complicated by changes to balloting prompted by the coronavirus

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<v Speaker 1>and President Trump repeating misinformation about voting by mail. But

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<v Speaker 1>the mail in voting with a mail indiscriminately millions and

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<v Speaker 1>millions of ballots to people you're never gonna know who

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<v Speaker 1>one day election. You can't have that. There are a

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<v Speaker 1>flood of lawsuits in forty two states and d C

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<v Speaker 1>that will determine how easy or hard it will be

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<v Speaker 1>to cast your ballot. Joining me is election law expert

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<v Speaker 1>Justin Levitt, a professor at Loyola Law School. So, Justin,

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<v Speaker 1>you've actually been tracking the cases, and at last count,

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<v Speaker 1>there were one nine cases. I want to be clear,

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<v Speaker 1>that's not just election law cases. There are more than that.

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<v Speaker 1>That's only election law cases that say the pandemic change things.

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<v Speaker 1>If you add up the disputes that were still pending

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<v Speaker 1>before COVID nineteen were those that don't depend on the pandemic.

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<v Speaker 1>There are quite a few more. It's a very ligitious season.

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<v Speaker 1>It certainly is. I see your list grows all the time.

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<v Speaker 1>Briefly or broadly described what the cases are that are

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<v Speaker 1>non pandemic related. There's something that are still lingering from

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<v Speaker 1>before March. If your listeners remember there was a time

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<v Speaker 1>before March, and I know it's hard, It's really hard

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<v Speaker 1>to get back there now. There were disputes over the

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<v Speaker 1>rules of elections in and apart from the pandemic, about whether,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, absentee balloting rules were too strict, about whether

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<v Speaker 1>there were processes for notifying people about mistakes, about whether

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<v Speaker 1>people with convictions were entitled to vote or not, or

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<v Speaker 1>whether the state knew whether they were entitled to vote

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<v Speaker 1>or not. There's an ongoing to spudent Florida that boils

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<v Speaker 1>down to can the state restrict your right to vote

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<v Speaker 1>until you've paid off fines and fees for a conviction

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<v Speaker 1>when the state can't tell you how much you owe.

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<v Speaker 1>A horrible state of affairs. But it has nothing to

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<v Speaker 1>do with the pandemic. So let's turn to the pandemic cases.

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<v Speaker 1>They also cover a broad range of issues, and most

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<v Speaker 1>of them seem to relate to mail in balloting. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>I'd say there are three or four big blocks of cases,

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<v Speaker 1>and mail in balloting is a super big one. The

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<v Speaker 1>first thing easiest to understand maybe cases that have to

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<v Speaker 1>do with the primaries or petitioning on to the general election,

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<v Speaker 1>where you have to get signatures. So lots of minor

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<v Speaker 1>party candidates, some major party candidates, um some initiatives and

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<v Speaker 1>citizens initiatives want to know if they can get onto

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<v Speaker 1>the ballot or not. The main way we do that

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<v Speaker 1>is by getting signatures and having people stand out and

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<v Speaker 1>collect people's innatures as they walk by into large gatherings.

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<v Speaker 1>We're have any large gatherings anymore, and so it's really

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<v Speaker 1>hard to collect those signatures, and there's been a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of litigation about that. There's been a lot of litigation about,

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<v Speaker 1>as you say, the mail in ballot system about well,

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<v Speaker 1>on one end, whether it is as available as it

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<v Speaker 1>needs to be in a pandemic, things like they need

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<v Speaker 1>to get notaries or witness signatures, Things like deadlines for

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<v Speaker 1>when to request or when to submit, things like whether

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<v Speaker 1>you need to submit with postage, things like whether you

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<v Speaker 1>need an excuse. Those are all under contest. There are

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<v Speaker 1>also a few pieces of litigation about emergency steps that

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<v Speaker 1>executives have taken public health officials, governors or secretaries of

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<v Speaker 1>state expanding access to mail balance and litigation over whether

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<v Speaker 1>those officials had the right to do that either in

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<v Speaker 1>the seeral constitution of the state constitution. And then there's

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<v Speaker 1>a fourth set of issues around the in person process,

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<v Speaker 1>because we will still have any in person process even

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<v Speaker 1>with all of these mail ballots. The goal is not

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<v Speaker 1>to shut out or shut down any in person baloting.

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<v Speaker 1>It's to leave space for in person balloting for those

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<v Speaker 1>who need it most. So there will still be people

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<v Speaker 1>at the polls, and there's still some litigations over the

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<v Speaker 1>conditions for actually going to the polls. This notever, election

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<v Speaker 1>officials in many places want to consolidate the polling places

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<v Speaker 1>to reduce in person voting, which would lead to more

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<v Speaker 1>lines and perhaps less people voting. Well, I want to

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<v Speaker 1>put back on that a little bit. The consolidation is right,

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<v Speaker 1>So I think many, many, many, many many officials want

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<v Speaker 1>there to be fewer locations, but that's not necessarily a

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<v Speaker 1>bad thing. So just take two examples. One is a

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<v Speaker 1>jurisdiction where there are lots of pulling places, but you

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<v Speaker 1>have to vote at your neighborhood polling place, and that

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<v Speaker 1>means that they have to spread out resources all over

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<v Speaker 1>the place, which means maybe, um, your poll workers are

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<v Speaker 1>the best trained. Maybe you're pulling place doesn't have the

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<v Speaker 1>best disability access. Maybe you're pulling place doesn't have language access.

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<v Speaker 1>If something breaks, it can be difficult to get to

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<v Speaker 1>your polling place to fix it because it's decentralized. Maybe

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<v Speaker 1>they run out of ballots right there. There are lots

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<v Speaker 1>of pros to lots of neighborhood polling places, but also

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<v Speaker 1>some downside. Compare that to a jurisdiction that has fewer

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<v Speaker 1>locations that are a little more centralized, but where you

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<v Speaker 1>can choose to go to any of them, where they're

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<v Speaker 1>better staffed, more accessible, better resources, easier to fix. Because

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<v Speaker 1>there are fewer locations that are bigger, they may be

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<v Speaker 1>that may actually be a better voting experience. UM. So,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't want to suggest that the sheer number of

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<v Speaker 1>locations alone is despositive. Sometimes less is more, sometimes less

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<v Speaker 1>is less, and sometimes more is more. It all depends

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<v Speaker 1>on how you actually design these things. I mean, we

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<v Speaker 1>saw in Milwaukee in the primary, Um, they all of

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<v Speaker 1>a sudden, I had a whole bunch of pole workers

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<v Speaker 1>quit and a whole bunch of locations they couldn't offer,

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<v Speaker 1>and going from more to less without planning for it

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<v Speaker 1>is a disaster. There's absolutely no question Milwaukee was a nightmare.

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<v Speaker 1>Louisville is an interesting alternative. In June, Louisville had an

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<v Speaker 1>election and they had one pulling place because they couldn't

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<v Speaker 1>get enough pull workers. It's really hard to be a

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<v Speaker 1>pull worker right now. Um. Because they couldn't get enough

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<v Speaker 1>pull workers, they decided to consolidate resources as best they

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<v Speaker 1>could in the convention center, and so it was this

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<v Speaker 1>cavernous space where everybody could be socially distant, where they

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<v Speaker 1>could have a relatively lean staff serving an awful lot

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<v Speaker 1>of people, and it seemed to go really well with

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<v Speaker 1>one point in place. So the sheer number isn't the

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<v Speaker 1>important thing. The planning for the number is the important thing.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think an awful lot of election officials are

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<v Speaker 1>now yes trying to consolidate because they know they're going

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<v Speaker 1>to have fewer people volunteering and fewer spaces that are open,

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<v Speaker 1>and they're trying to plan how best to serve the

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<v Speaker 1>voters in those circumstances. And this is a broad generalization

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<v Speaker 1>but as I look through these different lines of lawsuits

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<v Speaker 1>and the challenges to election procedures, it seems as if

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<v Speaker 1>the main ground is that it would lead to voter fraud.

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<v Speaker 1>So there are two different types of election cases out there.

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<v Speaker 1>Some are trying to open the system up a bit

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<v Speaker 1>because the current system we have wasn't designed for a pandemic,

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<v Speaker 1>and so they're trying to create flexibility based on the pandemic.

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<v Speaker 1>And those are based on burdens to the voters. There

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<v Speaker 1>are another set of cases that are trying to close

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<v Speaker 1>things down a bit. Let's say that the steps the

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<v Speaker 1>states have taken are going too far. There are fewer

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<v Speaker 1>of those cases. It's by no means the majority. I

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<v Speaker 1>would say there are roughly ten eleven twelve are trying

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<v Speaker 1>to shut things down. But you do see in the

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<v Speaker 1>litigation over opening things up, you see people opposing that

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<v Speaker 1>also making the same arguments, and that is, either you

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<v Speaker 1>state official don't have the power under state law to

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<v Speaker 1>do what you're doing. It's got to be an other

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<v Speaker 1>body like the legislature or whoever has got the power

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<v Speaker 1>to do it. This is going to create the conditions

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<v Speaker 1>for lack of security, for fraud in the process. I

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<v Speaker 1>will say the courts have not been kind to that

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<v Speaker 1>argument without proof. Again, it's one thing to stand up

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<v Speaker 1>in the public and assert that there will be more

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<v Speaker 1>fraud if X or Y, or assert that things are

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<v Speaker 1>less to effects or why. It's quite another thing to

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<v Speaker 1>have to prove to a court that this method is

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<v Speaker 1>that you're contesting is so problematic that the election now

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<v Speaker 1>come is going to be and the courts so far

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<v Speaker 1>really haven't thought it. You mentioned. It's one thing to

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<v Speaker 1>a certain public. President Trump has repeatedly said that mail

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<v Speaker 1>in ballots except in Florida are subject to massive fraud

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<v Speaker 1>in his campaign, issuing the state of Nevada is mail

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<v Speaker 1>in balloting subject to more fraud than in person balloting. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>these kinds are one of the President's less charming characteristics.

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<v Speaker 1>I would say there is a nugget of truth, but

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's a nugget that has been wrapped in

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<v Speaker 1>a pile of horse maneur. So the sorts of massive

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<v Speaker 1>national scale rigging that the President is talking about, there's

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<v Speaker 1>absolutely no evidence to support that. I would say there

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<v Speaker 1>is incremental risk in the mail in balloting process that

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<v Speaker 1>something will go awry, but that's more like if the

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<v Speaker 1>in person voting process is a one, then the mail

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<v Speaker 1>in balloting process maybe a three on a scale of

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<v Speaker 1>a hundred or five. Things do go wrong from time

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<v Speaker 1>to time, and they are more likely to go wrong

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<v Speaker 1>in the mail in process than in the in person process,

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<v Speaker 1>but not by much, and not on this is really important,

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<v Speaker 1>not on the scale that the presidents are. Certainly on

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<v Speaker 1>the rare occasions that you do see things go wrong

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<v Speaker 1>in the absolute process. There either individual ballots, people casting

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<v Speaker 1>a ballot for a dearly departed relative because they know

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<v Speaker 1>that's how they would have wanted to vote, or in

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<v Speaker 1>some way coercing a family member. But those are really

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<v Speaker 1>one off things. When on the very rare occasions where

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<v Speaker 1>there's any sort of conspiracy to rig an election of

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<v Speaker 1>steal an election, it's invariably a local election, of municipal elections,

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<v Speaker 1>a county election. That's not forgivable, but it's more understandable

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<v Speaker 1>because there are simply fewer ballots that you would have

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<v Speaker 1>to steal, and that means a less expansive conspiracy. It happens,

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<v Speaker 1>everyone's in a bloo moon. It happened in North Carolina

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<v Speaker 1>a few years ago. There was a big scandal in

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<v Speaker 1>north sellin is Bladen County about taking absidency ballots and

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<v Speaker 1>either ripping them up or rewriting them. But it didn't

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<v Speaker 1>really affect matters statewide, and it sure wouldn't have affected

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<v Speaker 1>matters in the national. It's incredibly hard. I mean, we

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<v Speaker 1>have a very resilient election system. There's a good thing.

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<v Speaker 1>The president seems to be doing his best to break it.

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<v Speaker 1>But we have an election system that is very resilient,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly eight four statewide races and national races, and is

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<v Speaker 1>really quite resilient the vast majority of the time for

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<v Speaker 1>races that are more local than that. Pennsylvania has drop

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<v Speaker 1>off boxes for ballots, and it's being sued over them.

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<v Speaker 1>Tell us about that. So I think most people can

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<v Speaker 1>think of ballot drop boxes as just like a postal

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<v Speaker 1>box a mailbox when you go down to the corner

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<v Speaker 1>and you open up the spot and you drop your

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<v Speaker 1>mail in. UM. They are sort of semi permanent, secure

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<v Speaker 1>locations where people can put important stuff that they want

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<v Speaker 1>to get delivered. Most of the time it's mail, and

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<v Speaker 1>then for elections, election officials will occasionally put up separate

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<v Speaker 1>ballot drop boxes. Just as you describe UM. They are

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<v Speaker 1>ways to drop off an absent key ballot if you

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<v Speaker 1>don't have to stamp. UM. They're ways to drop off

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<v Speaker 1>and aps and key ballot. If you can't find a

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<v Speaker 1>post office, there are ways to drop off and absent

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<v Speaker 1>key ballot if a post office doesn't happen to be

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<v Speaker 1>very accessible in your neighborhood. So there are ways for

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<v Speaker 1>very rural, we're very urban populations to find a place

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<v Speaker 1>to drop off a ballot, where finding a po box

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<v Speaker 1>or finding a mailbox maybe actually harder. Um. It's a

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<v Speaker 1>way of giving people a little added security that your

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<v Speaker 1>ballot is going to get there, because election workers go

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<v Speaker 1>around and pick up everything that's dropped in these drop

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<v Speaker 1>boxes at the end of the day, actually several times

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<v Speaker 1>a day in some jurisdictions. UM. So it's a way

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<v Speaker 1>of giving people insurance that your ballot is going to

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<v Speaker 1>get there without having to stand in line at a

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<v Speaker 1>pollony place. If you've got a ballot that you can

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<v Speaker 1>still out and drop off ahead of time, how will

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<v Speaker 1>the court decide that kind of a case? I think so.

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<v Speaker 1>So this is a case that's been brought in Pennsylvania. UM.

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<v Speaker 1>And the keys that's been brought is by the Trump

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<v Speaker 1>campaigns and it's attempting to stop the state from putting

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<v Speaker 1>out these drop boxes. I don't think there's very good

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<v Speaker 1>um legal support for that attempt, and so I suspect

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<v Speaker 1>that the challenge will fail. The ostensible concern is that

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<v Speaker 1>these drop boxes aren't secure, but there's very little proof

0:13:17.160 --> 0:13:19.880
<v Speaker 1>of that. I think it's unlikely that some of the

0:13:20.040 --> 0:13:23.120
<v Speaker 1>arguments that are made in the public sphere are going

0:13:23.200 --> 0:13:25.760
<v Speaker 1>to fly with judges who are going to demand some evidence.

0:13:26.080 --> 0:13:27.960
<v Speaker 1>Do you think the Supreme Court will have a role

0:13:27.960 --> 0:13:31.120
<v Speaker 1>in the upcoming election. There will certainly be more things

0:13:31.160 --> 0:13:33.960
<v Speaker 1>presented to the Supreme Court. And yet the thing that

0:13:34.040 --> 0:13:37.200
<v Speaker 1>they've done is actually one of the more aggravating parts

0:13:37.240 --> 0:13:41.160
<v Speaker 1>of this process. They haven't actually ruled on much. The

0:13:41.320 --> 0:13:43.760
<v Speaker 1>one case was they issued a ruling and it was

0:13:43.800 --> 0:13:46.920
<v Speaker 1>really just a modification of an order. Below was in Wisconsin.

0:13:47.080 --> 0:13:52.000
<v Speaker 1>In the flurry of last minute pandemic caused adjustments or

0:13:52.040 --> 0:13:56.000
<v Speaker 1>lack of adjustment to Wisconsin's primary election, which was a disaster.

0:13:56.320 --> 0:13:58.640
<v Speaker 1>An awful lot of things went wrong because people didn't

0:13:58.679 --> 0:14:01.440
<v Speaker 1>plan for the flexibility early in US. Of course, those

0:14:01.480 --> 0:14:03.760
<v Speaker 1>were still in the early days. That primary was in

0:14:03.800 --> 0:14:07.160
<v Speaker 1>the first week of April, and things were moving very quickly.

0:14:07.160 --> 0:14:09.480
<v Speaker 1>At that point, much of the country had just entered

0:14:09.480 --> 0:14:12.880
<v Speaker 1>the shutdown pays. The Supreme Court stepped into that decision

0:14:13.080 --> 0:14:16.440
<v Speaker 1>in a relatively modest way. They have weighed in in

0:14:16.520 --> 0:14:19.080
<v Speaker 1>other cases, but what they've done hasn't been a ruler.

0:14:19.360 --> 0:14:22.840
<v Speaker 1>What they've done has largely been either a stay of

0:14:22.880 --> 0:14:26.800
<v Speaker 1>an injunction below or a refusal to vacate a stay

0:14:26.800 --> 0:14:28.960
<v Speaker 1>that was put in place by an apelate court. That is,

0:14:29.120 --> 0:14:32.520
<v Speaker 1>it's really been pressing the pause button or failing to

0:14:32.720 --> 0:14:36.920
<v Speaker 1>unpress the pause button, rather than issuing rulings on cases.

0:14:37.520 --> 0:14:40.480
<v Speaker 1>Most of the cases have been resolved at lower courts.

0:14:40.480 --> 0:14:43.280
<v Speaker 1>That will continue to be the case. Occasionally, the Supreme

0:14:43.280 --> 0:14:46.600
<v Speaker 1>Court may step into press pause, but when they've done so,

0:14:47.040 --> 0:14:50.360
<v Speaker 1>they've done so without issuing an opinion telling anybody why,

0:14:50.720 --> 0:14:55.000
<v Speaker 1>and that is increasingly looking like power rather than law.

0:14:55.320 --> 0:14:57.840
<v Speaker 1>When there's a real dispute over whether to press pause

0:14:58.160 --> 0:15:01.200
<v Speaker 1>and the Supreme Court just says stop because I said so,

0:15:01.640 --> 0:15:04.920
<v Speaker 1>without explaining why. There will probably be a number of

0:15:04.920 --> 0:15:07.880
<v Speaker 1>other opportunities for the Supreme Court to press pause in

0:15:07.920 --> 0:15:10.400
<v Speaker 1>the months ahead. I don't have a sense for its

0:15:10.480 --> 0:15:12.880
<v Speaker 1>appetite for doing so. When it will decide to do so.

0:15:12.960 --> 0:15:16.880
<v Speaker 1>Wedding won't. There's relatively little that will sort of go

0:15:17.000 --> 0:15:19.720
<v Speaker 1>up for resolution by the Supreme Court rather than this

0:15:19.840 --> 0:15:24.320
<v Speaker 1>procedural pause before November. I suspect does the increased number

0:15:24.320 --> 0:15:26.120
<v Speaker 1>of mail and ballots we're going to see in the

0:15:26.200 --> 0:15:31.160
<v Speaker 1>presidential election necessarily mean there'll be a delay in reporting

0:15:31.200 --> 0:15:34.600
<v Speaker 1>the results. There may well be a delay in reporting

0:15:34.600 --> 0:15:39.320
<v Speaker 1>the result. Is not a break in the system. That's

0:15:39.400 --> 0:15:44.960
<v Speaker 1>the system working. So we actually have procedures for counting

0:15:44.960 --> 0:15:47.640
<v Speaker 1>the vote, procedures for counting the vote on election day.

0:15:47.680 --> 0:15:50.080
<v Speaker 1>We have procedures for counting the apps and key ballot

0:15:50.080 --> 0:15:54.000
<v Speaker 1>of the mail ballot that arrives beforehand. Um It is

0:15:55.320 --> 0:16:00.040
<v Speaker 1>some jurisdictions allow local offices to get started counting the

0:16:00.120 --> 0:16:05.800
<v Speaker 1>mail ballots before election day, but inevitably, just like my

0:16:05.840 --> 0:16:08.280
<v Speaker 1>students wait until the day before an exam to start,

0:16:08.800 --> 0:16:11.120
<v Speaker 1>just like we all wait to file our taxes on

0:16:11.160 --> 0:16:14.320
<v Speaker 1>the last day, people will wait to file their absent

0:16:14.360 --> 0:16:16.800
<v Speaker 1>key ballots until the end of the process. That's inevitable,

0:16:16.840 --> 0:16:18.520
<v Speaker 1>and so there'll be a lot of absence of ballots

0:16:18.600 --> 0:16:22.120
<v Speaker 1>coming in at the end of the cycle. Um PS,

0:16:22.360 --> 0:16:25.760
<v Speaker 1>check the rules in your states. Different states have different

0:16:25.760 --> 0:16:27.880
<v Speaker 1>deadlines for when those absent key ballots have to be

0:16:27.920 --> 0:16:30.760
<v Speaker 1>in UM. That's one of the things that there's a

0:16:30.800 --> 0:16:33.480
<v Speaker 1>lot of litigation over right now, and so in some

0:16:33.520 --> 0:16:35.960
<v Speaker 1>states you actually have to have your ballot in by

0:16:36.000 --> 0:16:38.440
<v Speaker 1>election day. If you really wait until the last minute,

0:16:38.440 --> 0:16:41.760
<v Speaker 1>you might be out of luck. But under anything anail

0:16:42.000 --> 0:16:44.560
<v Speaker 1>that means will be an awful lot of mail in

0:16:44.640 --> 0:16:49.200
<v Speaker 1>ballots arriving late in the process, and they're harder to count.

0:16:49.480 --> 0:16:51.760
<v Speaker 1>They're just more conversome account and more timely to account

0:16:52.320 --> 0:16:56.160
<v Speaker 1>um than the votes on election day. And what that

0:16:56.200 --> 0:16:58.960
<v Speaker 1>means is, yes, we may be waiting a little bit

0:16:59.120 --> 0:17:03.200
<v Speaker 1>to find out who one if a state is particularly close,

0:17:03.360 --> 0:17:05.720
<v Speaker 1>and there will likely be a few states where things

0:17:05.720 --> 0:17:10.359
<v Speaker 1>are particularly close. But it's really important to remember that

0:17:10.480 --> 0:17:13.679
<v Speaker 1>that delay in the results doesn't mean the system is broken.

0:17:13.720 --> 0:17:17.919
<v Speaker 1>It means the system is working. It means nonpartisan people

0:17:18.280 --> 0:17:21.600
<v Speaker 1>are behind the scenes trying to figure out who cast

0:17:21.640 --> 0:17:25.600
<v Speaker 1>ballots for whom, and that's something where we the American

0:17:25.640 --> 0:17:28.439
<v Speaker 1>people are going to have to learn a great degree

0:17:28.480 --> 0:17:32.040
<v Speaker 1>of patients. We're used to seeing the countdown clock to win,

0:17:32.080 --> 0:17:34.560
<v Speaker 1>the polls closed, and we're used to getting an answer

0:17:34.600 --> 0:17:38.640
<v Speaker 1>about who won instantly. Those answers have never been official.

0:17:39.200 --> 0:17:42.199
<v Speaker 1>When CNN says we announced that X has one the

0:17:42.240 --> 0:17:45.760
<v Speaker 1>great state of Wherever states, that's never official. That's a

0:17:45.880 --> 0:17:49.520
<v Speaker 1>projection and an estimate. The official numbers come in a

0:17:49.560 --> 0:17:53.560
<v Speaker 1>couple of weeks later, after the nonpartisan be encounters have

0:17:53.640 --> 0:17:55.679
<v Speaker 1>had their time in the back room sorting out what

0:17:55.760 --> 0:18:00.080
<v Speaker 1>the actual results were. We may have fewer projections this

0:18:00.200 --> 0:18:04.399
<v Speaker 1>time because there will be fewer votes cast in person,

0:18:04.520 --> 0:18:09.119
<v Speaker 1>because the modeling for figuring out who probably won won't

0:18:09.119 --> 0:18:13.119
<v Speaker 1>be quite as robust. And if that's true, that just

0:18:13.240 --> 0:18:15.400
<v Speaker 1>means that we're all going to have to be more

0:18:15.440 --> 0:18:18.600
<v Speaker 1>patients in relying on the real process to work rather

0:18:18.640 --> 0:18:23.280
<v Speaker 1>than getting the advanced sneak estimate answer. Thanks Justin. That's

0:18:23.359 --> 0:18:26.800
<v Speaker 1>Justin Levitt, Professor, Loyola Law School. And that's it for

0:18:26.840 --> 0:18:29.960
<v Speaker 1>the sedition of Bloomberg Law. I'm June Grosso. Thanks so

0:18:30.040 --> 0:18:32.840
<v Speaker 1>much for listening, and remember to change the Bloomberg Law

0:18:32.880 --> 0:18:34.639
<v Speaker 1>Show every week not at ten p m. E s

0:18:34.680 --> 0:18:36.680
<v Speaker 1>journey right here on Bloomberg Radio.