WEBVTT - DACA Appears in Jeopardy at Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes of the Bloomberg Law Podcast on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. It's one of

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<v Speaker 1>the biggest cases of the Supreme Court's term, involving presidential

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<v Speaker 1>powers and the fate of seven hundred thousands so called dreamers,

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<v Speaker 1>and in oral arguments the Supreme Courts conservative justices seemed

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<v Speaker 1>inclined to let President Trump cancel the DOCCA program that

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<v Speaker 1>shields those young undocumented immigrants from deportation. Justice Sonya Soto Mayora,

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<v Speaker 1>like some of the other liberal justices, expressed concern about

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<v Speaker 1>the reliance dreamers placed on the DOCCA program. I think

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<v Speaker 1>my colleagues have rightly pointed there's a whole lot of

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<v Speaker 1>reliance interests that were looked at, including the very president

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<v Speaker 1>of current president telling DOCTA eligible people that they were

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<v Speaker 1>safe under him and that he would find a way

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<v Speaker 1>to keep them here, and so he hasn't and instead

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<v Speaker 1>he's done this, and that I think has something to

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<v Speaker 1>be considered before you resend a policy right, not just

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<v Speaker 1>saying I'll give you six months to do it right,

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<v Speaker 1>to destroy your lives. But some conservative justices accepted the

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<v Speaker 1>administration's reasons for terminating DACA. Others saw no point in

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<v Speaker 1>making the Trump administration provide more elaborate reasoning in the future.

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<v Speaker 1>Here's Justice Neil Gorsch. I think your your friend on

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<v Speaker 1>the other side, would say, we did addrest for Alliance

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<v Speaker 1>interrists in a paragraph, and we could do it in

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<v Speaker 1>fifteen pages. But we'd say pretty much the same thing

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<v Speaker 1>at the end of the day, and it takes another

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<v Speaker 1>six years, and it would leave this class of persons

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<v Speaker 1>under a continuing cloud of uncertainty and continue stasis in

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<v Speaker 1>the political branches because they would not have a baseline

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<v Speaker 1>rule of decision from this court. Joining me is Neil Kinkoff,

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<v Speaker 1>a professor of constitutional law at Georgia State University College

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<v Speaker 1>of Law, explain the issue before the justices. The issue

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<v Speaker 1>is a fairly technical issue relating to the agency's discretion

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<v Speaker 1>to rescind the DACCA program. And really it turns on

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<v Speaker 1>the question of why the administration is rescinding the DOCCA program.

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<v Speaker 1>If it's doing it just as a matter of policy, discretion,

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<v Speaker 1>then that decision is essentially unreviewable by the courts. If,

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<v Speaker 1>on the other hand, it's doing it because it thinks

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<v Speaker 1>DACA was illegal, then the court can review that decision.

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<v Speaker 1>And so a lot of the argument had to do

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<v Speaker 1>with that. And one of the arguments that gets made is, well,

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<v Speaker 1>why should it matter. The administration clearly wants to rescind this,

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<v Speaker 1>so who cares whether it's for reasons of law or

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<v Speaker 1>reasons of policy discretion. And the answer is twofold. First

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<v Speaker 1>of all, the agency's decision leaned very heavily on the

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<v Speaker 1>supposed illegality of DHAKA and gave only very brief attention

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<v Speaker 1>to policy reasons. And in fact, President Trump himself has

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<v Speaker 1>said that as a matter of policy, he wants to

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<v Speaker 1>adhere to something like DACA. So if it's based only

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<v Speaker 1>on policy, it's not actually clear that the administration would

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<v Speaker 1>rescind data. And so in fact, their emphasis has been

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<v Speaker 1>on the argument that well, it was illegal, it really

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<v Speaker 1>unlikely to be true reading of the law. And so

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<v Speaker 1>the court is wrestling with this question of whether or

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<v Speaker 1>not they should force the administration to own the policy,

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<v Speaker 1>which is ultimately the stakes in this case. Transparency the

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<v Speaker 1>administration if it wants to rescind Daca can but it

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<v Speaker 1>needs to say we are doing it, and we are

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<v Speaker 1>doing it as a matter of policy, and not hide

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<v Speaker 1>behind a lawyer's legal opinion. Didn't a solicitor general say

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<v Speaker 1>at the arguments we own the policy. He did, But

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<v Speaker 1>that's hardly a sort of official pronouncement to the public

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<v Speaker 1>from the administration. Right, So the solicitor General saying this

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<v Speaker 1>in the cosseted warrens of the Supreme Court doesn't have

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<v Speaker 1>the same kind of transparency as the Secretary of the

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<v Speaker 1>Department of Homeland Security or the President actually in a

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<v Speaker 1>press conference saying on camera, we are rescinding the Dacca

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<v Speaker 1>policy because we are opposed to this policy. Right, That's

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<v Speaker 1>a position, in fact, the President has never been willing

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<v Speaker 1>to take, and every public pronouncement he's made is one

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<v Speaker 1>of sympathy for Dacca and for the dreamers. So the

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<v Speaker 1>insequence of a Supreme Court ruling should be that if

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<v Speaker 1>the president wants to do that, the president has to

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<v Speaker 1>own it. So Neil. It seems from everyone who was

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<v Speaker 1>watching the arguments that the conservative justices seem to support

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<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration in this and seem to be willing

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<v Speaker 1>to rule that DACA is illegal. Well, I'm not sure

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<v Speaker 1>they're going to be willing to rule that DOCCA is illegal.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's pretty clear that the conservative justices want

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<v Speaker 1>to just say, well, the president can resend this policy

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<v Speaker 1>if the president wants to, and we'd really rather not

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<v Speaker 1>get into the reasons. Some of the conservative justices said

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<v Speaker 1>they think DOCCA is illegal, although it's awfully hard to

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<v Speaker 1>square that conclusion with their conclusion that President Trump's travel

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<v Speaker 1>ban was permissible. Right, I mean, it's not the same

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<v Speaker 1>section of the immigration law, but it is still the

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<v Speaker 1>immigration law, and the underpinning of that case. The reasoning

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<v Speaker 1>for that case was the immigration law gives the president

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<v Speaker 1>great discretion with respect to who comes in and who

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<v Speaker 1>stays in, and if that's right, the same reasoning leads

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<v Speaker 1>to the conclusion that President Obama's decision about whom to

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<v Speaker 1>deport is well within the kind of discretion that the

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<v Speaker 1>immigration law gives to the president. And in fact, there's

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<v Speaker 1>an awful lot of precedent from president's Republican and democratic

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<v Speaker 1>doing exactly the kind of thing the President Obama did.

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<v Speaker 1>So I don't think the Court is actually very eager

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<v Speaker 1>to get at the legality of Dhaka itself. So might

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<v Speaker 1>the Conservative justices be willing then to say that the

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<v Speaker 1>reasoning for it, the policy reasons behind it, were legitimate.

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<v Speaker 1>It could The problem of them doing that is the

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<v Speaker 1>policy reasons articulated we're really really thin. And so if

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<v Speaker 1>the administration is going to resend Dhaka on policy grounds,

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<v Speaker 1>the Administrative Procedure Act makes it pretty clear they need

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<v Speaker 1>to say what those crowns are right, They need to

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<v Speaker 1>actually do the policy analysis and not say, well, this

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<v Speaker 1>is some political promise from the President that that we're

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<v Speaker 1>trying to enforce. So where do you think the court

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<v Speaker 1>will come down. I think ultimately they're going to issue

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<v Speaker 1>a not very clear opinion that has the conclusion that

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<v Speaker 1>the President can rassind Dhaka. I don't think it's going

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<v Speaker 1>to be very clear exactly why they're letting him do that,

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<v Speaker 1>other than to say, well, the President has discretion here

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<v Speaker 1>and we don't want to get involved in interfering with that.

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<v Speaker 1>Is it going to be dependent on Chief Justice Robert

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<v Speaker 1>because you mentioned the travel ban, so he was with

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<v Speaker 1>the Conservatives and the travel band case, but he was

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<v Speaker 1>with the liberals in the census question case. So is

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<v Speaker 1>it up to him. Well, he's the obvious justice that

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes swings against presidential power. So he's he's the fit

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<v Speaker 1>vote that I think, for the most part, people are

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<v Speaker 1>looking for. I think certainly Justice Kavanaugh is not going

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<v Speaker 1>to vote for the Dreamers. I don't think Thomas will

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<v Speaker 1>Gore such an Alito are are possible as well. So

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think Roberts is the only potential swing vote,

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<v Speaker 1>but he's the most likely. Justice. Sonia Soto Mayor said,

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<v Speaker 1>this is not about the law. This is about our

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<v Speaker 1>choice to destroy lives. If it's not about the law,

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<v Speaker 1>then why is it before the Supreme Court? And is

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<v Speaker 1>she going outside? You know the confines of what's before

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<v Speaker 1>the court. Well, the law requires the administrative agency to

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<v Speaker 1>make a reasoned decision, and so the reasons it gives

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<v Speaker 1>relate to the dramatic consequences that follow from ending DAKA,

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<v Speaker 1>and so I think what Justice Soto Mayor was getting

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<v Speaker 1>at there is it is the proper role of the

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<v Speaker 1>courts to force the administration to consider the consequences of

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<v Speaker 1>its action. They can't tell them not to take the action,

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<v Speaker 1>but the administration has to consider and justify those consequences.

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<v Speaker 1>And if you look at the actual policy rationale it gave.

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<v Speaker 1>Like I said, it's incredibly thin. It notices that there

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<v Speaker 1>would be dramatic consequences to deporting all the Dreamers, and

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<v Speaker 1>then says, essentially, our hands are tied because Dacca was illegal. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>if that's wrong, that Dacca was illegal, now it has

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<v Speaker 1>to consider whether or not it's willing to voluntarily impose

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<v Speaker 1>those consequences. And nothing in their rationale indicated that they

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<v Speaker 1>were willing voluntarily to impose those consequences. Only that g

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<v Speaker 1>We're sorry, our hands are tied because Dacca was illegal.

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<v Speaker 1>What impressed you about the arguments? The impression I came

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<v Speaker 1>away with was just how how much the conservative justices

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<v Speaker 1>really wanted to defer to the executive branch. I think

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<v Speaker 1>that has real foreboding for a lot of cases that

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<v Speaker 1>are coming down the pike, not just the Dreamer case,

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<v Speaker 1>which deals with an important, even almost existential question for

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<v Speaker 1>hundreds of thousands of Americans. I don't want to minimize

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<v Speaker 1>the importance of that case, but when we think about it,

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<v Speaker 1>saying the context of the ongoing impeachment and all of

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<v Speaker 1>the legal questions relating to that, I think the posture

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<v Speaker 1>that the conservative justices took at oral argument sort of

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<v Speaker 1>has a foreshadowing for cases that are apt to come

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<v Speaker 1>out of that other area. I mean, I don't think

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<v Speaker 1>there's a very important legal question involved in this case.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, ultimately, of course, the Trump administration can rescind DOKA.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a matter of executive discretion when Obama issued it,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's a matter of executive discretion to rescind it.

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<v Speaker 1>It is the case that they have to give good

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<v Speaker 1>and valid reasons and stick by those reasons. But I

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<v Speaker 1>have a certain amount of sympathy for the argument that, well,

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<v Speaker 1>why bother making them go back and redo it, because

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<v Speaker 1>they're just going to paper the record, and you know,

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<v Speaker 1>maybe they will. In fact, I expect that they will,

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<v Speaker 1>but there's a chance that they wouldn't, And given the

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<v Speaker 1>importance of the issue, I think it's maybe appropriate to

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<v Speaker 1>make them do it right. But again, it's not a

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<v Speaker 1>very important question of law. It's very clear that this

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<v Speaker 1>is just a matter of executive discretion, and what's being

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<v Speaker 1>argued over isn't whether the president has the power or

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<v Speaker 1>whether the administration has the power. It's more did they

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<v Speaker 1>dot their eyes and cross their keys? Thanks Neil, that's

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<v Speaker 1>Neil Kinkoff, a professor at Georgia State University College of Law.

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<v Speaker 1>Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can

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<v Speaker 1>subscribe and listen to the show on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcast. I'm June Brosso.

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Ye.