WEBVTT - Former White House Ethics Director Walter Shaub (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>Mr Shap, thanks for joining us. UH. First of all,

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<v Speaker 1>just remind us what the Office of Government Ethics is

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<v Speaker 1>and what authority it has. So, the Office of Government

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<v Speaker 1>Ethics is the supervising ethics office for the executive branch

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<v Speaker 1>of the federal government, and that term supervising Ethics Office

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<v Speaker 1>comes straight out of the Ethics and Government Act. O

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<v Speaker 1>g E has authority over a very specific set of

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<v Speaker 1>ethics rules and statutes and executive orders that apply across

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<v Speaker 1>the executive branch. There's only seventy or eighty employees at

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<v Speaker 1>o g E at any one time, but there are

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<v Speaker 1>forty five hundred agency ethics officials across the government, and

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<v Speaker 1>o g E doesn't directly supervise them, but oversees their work,

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<v Speaker 1>audits them, provides them with advice and training, and works

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<v Speaker 1>very closely with them to ensure uniform application of the

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<v Speaker 1>ethics rules across the executive branch. So that office is

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<v Speaker 1>generally pretty behind the scenes. But when Donald Trump was elected,

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<v Speaker 1>your office pretty quickly went public on Twitter, UH and

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<v Speaker 1>saying he should divest his business interests. Why did you

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<v Speaker 1>decide to be so lot spoken that way? So to

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<v Speaker 1>explain that, I have to explain a little bit about

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<v Speaker 1>how o GE functions. O g E has a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of authority, but literally almost no power. And the difference

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<v Speaker 1>between authority and power, in my mind is that a

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<v Speaker 1>federal court judge can issue an order telling you to

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<v Speaker 1>do something, but it's the us the threat that the U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Marshals will show up in your doorstep if you don't

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<v Speaker 1>do it that makes you comply, And so you've got

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<v Speaker 1>the authority to issue the order and the power to

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<v Speaker 1>enforce the order. O g E has a lot of authority,

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<v Speaker 1>but no power to actually enforce the determinations it makes,

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<v Speaker 1>and so it works closely with the White House in

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<v Speaker 1>any administration. Uh And in fact, for such a tiny,

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<v Speaker 1>minuscule entity in the federal government, it's got an incredibly

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<v Speaker 1>disparate porginate level of access to the White House, usually

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<v Speaker 1>through the White House Counsel's Office, And so if o

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<v Speaker 1>G ran into an individual official or an agency that

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<v Speaker 1>wasn't doing what it said was required, O g E

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<v Speaker 1>could call up the White House Counsel's office and usually

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<v Speaker 1>by the next morning they'd be on the phone saying,

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<v Speaker 1>what can we do to help you? From that agency

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<v Speaker 1>because they would have gotten a call from the White

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<v Speaker 1>House Council's office, and with presidential nominees, they need o

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<v Speaker 1>G E to sign off on their paperwork and their

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<v Speaker 1>ethics agreements before they can go before the Senate for

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<v Speaker 1>a confirmation hearing. So the two sources of authority that

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<v Speaker 1>o G is traditionally relied on or power has been

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<v Speaker 1>leveraging assistance from the White House or withholding clearance on

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<v Speaker 1>a presidential nominee. UH. It became very quickly clear after

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<v Speaker 1>the election that we did not have the support of

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<v Speaker 1>the person who was going to become the White House

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<v Speaker 1>Council and his team, and so the primary means forgetting

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<v Speaker 1>things done working with them was just out the window.

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<v Speaker 1>And in fact I had trouble getting them to respond

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<v Speaker 1>to messages or answer questions, and so it simply became

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<v Speaker 1>a matter of last resort. There's some legislative history where

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<v Speaker 1>congressional committees issued some reports saying that o G the

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<v Speaker 1>threat that O G E might go public with issues

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<v Speaker 1>was a useful tool for o GE to help keep

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<v Speaker 1>people in line in the absence of any authority, and

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<v Speaker 1>I was mindful of those Senate and House reports at

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<v Speaker 1>the time UH and decided I needed to try something

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<v Speaker 1>new in order to be able to communicate with folks

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<v Speaker 1>who are not listening. So the president, of course did

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<v Speaker 1>not divest all of his business assets. What dangers do

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<v Speaker 1>you see from that decision? Well, I think the dangerous

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<v Speaker 1>have gone from being hypothetical to very real. We now

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<v Speaker 1>have reports in the newspaper and on TV about government

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<v Speaker 1>officials hanging out at the Trump Washington Hotel. And you've

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<v Speaker 1>got foreign governments and lobbyists and business people and charities

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<v Speaker 1>and politicians holding events there. Uh, And it raises the

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<v Speaker 1>very real appearance that they are trying to curry favor

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<v Speaker 1>with the president or gain access to government officials. And

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<v Speaker 1>you've got the president spending countless weekends. Actually I shouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>say countless. There are people who are accounting them, and

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<v Speaker 1>there are a lot of them at his properties, and

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<v Speaker 1>every time he goes there, it's a free advertisement for

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<v Speaker 1>his properties. And he doesn't refrain from talking about things

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<v Speaker 1>like the beautiful chocolate cake that he was eating when

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<v Speaker 1>he lobbed missiles at an airfield in Syria. And so

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<v Speaker 1>you've got, uh, somebody appearing to misuse the presidency to

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<v Speaker 1>try to profit from it. You've got him not selling

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<v Speaker 1>his financial interest, and so there are rampant conflicts of

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<v Speaker 1>interest when people going there and trying to gain access

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<v Speaker 1>to him, and you have the less visible conflicts of interest.

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<v Speaker 1>He's got very complex financial holdings, uh, and they're in

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<v Speaker 1>this shell game of shell company after shell company that

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<v Speaker 1>creates this byzantine maze of his holdings. And it's very

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<v Speaker 1>hard to get your mind around what he truly has

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<v Speaker 1>in terms of financial interests because of the way these

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<v Speaker 1>assets are structured, and because the financial disclosure system doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>require him to disclose business liabilities or business partners, so

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<v Speaker 1>we can't know who's got their hooks into him. Wouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of those issues have been there regardless of

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<v Speaker 1>whether what he did. I mean, if he had divested

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<v Speaker 1>his assets right away, wouldn't there have been an opportunity

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<v Speaker 1>for folks to curry favor with him by paying an

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<v Speaker 1>inflated amount, or if he had transferred them to his children,

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<v Speaker 1>of course they would continue to benefit from owning those assets.

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<v Speaker 1>Was there really any way around this problem? I truly

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<v Speaker 1>think there is. If he had sold it, and he

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<v Speaker 1>had taken care to sell it for market value, he

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<v Speaker 1>certainly could have brought an independent analysts to assess the

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<v Speaker 1>values of the businesses he was selling, and he would

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<v Speaker 1>have been able to put it together a legitimate explanation

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<v Speaker 1>as to why he took the amount of money that

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<v Speaker 1>he did for anything he sold. And let's remember it

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<v Speaker 1>would be a one time deal. He'd sell it, he'd

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<v Speaker 1>have the money, and even if somebody had lingering doubts

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<v Speaker 1>about whether he sold it for a fair price, he's

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<v Speaker 1>taken the money. Now they don't have any more leverage

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<v Speaker 1>over him. They can't say, hey, remember that time I

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<v Speaker 1>paid you too much? Can you do something nice for me? Now?

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<v Speaker 1>The reality is his transaction with them is over. They

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<v Speaker 1>would have paid him whatever they paid him, and they

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<v Speaker 1>could have at best hoped for some kind of favor,

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<v Speaker 1>but they wouldn't have had continuing hooks in him. I

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<v Speaker 1>also think there were some very simple things he could

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<v Speaker 1>have done if he had chosen not to sell his assets.

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<v Speaker 1>He could have simply announced that he nor anyone in

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<v Speaker 1>his administration would go to events Trump properties. Imagine how

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<v Speaker 1>much that would reduce the incentive for a foreign government

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<v Speaker 1>or business association to throw an event at the Trump

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<v Speaker 1>properties if they knew that they were not going to

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<v Speaker 1>be able to get access to government officials there and

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<v Speaker 1>in fact, if they held it there, they would lose

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<v Speaker 1>the attendance of any government officials. So he really could

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<v Speaker 1>have done a lot more with some very simple measures

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<v Speaker 1>to reduce this problem. Asiphon the divestiture issue, what what

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<v Speaker 1>sort of great do you give this administration on ethics issues? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm afraid I'd have to give them a d teetering

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<v Speaker 1>into f because the tone from the top has trickled down,

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<v Speaker 1>and you've got government officials who seem to continue to

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<v Speaker 1>advertise other people's products or their own products from the government. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>We recently had some Twitter posts and I don't want

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<v Speaker 1>to name the names or the books because I don't

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<v Speaker 1>want to get free advertising the books. But you can

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<v Speaker 1>search Twitter and you'll see images of some White House

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<v Speaker 1>officials posing with the author of a book and holding

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<v Speaker 1>up his book, and the same with the President holding

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<v Speaker 1>up somebody's book. And you've got a White House counsel

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<v Speaker 1>who seems to be sending a message to folks that

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<v Speaker 1>anything goes and as long as we can make an

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<v Speaker 1>argument that it's legal, it's okay. And so after I

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<v Speaker 1>fought a battle with them for a month to get

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<v Speaker 1>some very routine ethics records the White House waivers. I

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<v Speaker 1>got a hand in my hands on those documents and

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<v Speaker 1>saw that they were unsigned, undated and retroactive. And a

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<v Speaker 1>retroactive waiver means you think somebody has already violated a

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<v Speaker 1>rule and you're saying to them after the fact, it's okay.

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<v Speaker 1>But the whole purpose of a waiver provision is to

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<v Speaker 1>take a decision out of your own hands and have

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<v Speaker 1>somebody else make the decision whether you can participate in something.

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<v Speaker 1>But if you just go and do it on your

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<v Speaker 1>own and then come back afterwards and say, hey, can

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<v Speaker 1>I have a retroactive waiver, you've thrown the whole purpose

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<v Speaker 1>of the waiver provision out the door by deciding for

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<v Speaker 1>yourself to not worry about your own conflicts of interest. So,

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<v Speaker 1>with that kind of tone, and we're seeing nominees who

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<v Speaker 1>are pushing back harder than we've seen before, which which

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<v Speaker 1>makes the nominee program more resource intensive for o g. E. Interestingly,

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<v Speaker 1>on that point, though at the time that I left,

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<v Speaker 1>I was able to tout statistics that we were moving

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump's nominees faster than we had moved to President

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<v Speaker 1>Obama's nominees eight years earlier. Despite the White House continuing

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<v Speaker 1>to smear o G E by spreading stories even as

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<v Speaker 1>recently as this past week when the Daily Caller ransom

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<v Speaker 1>story about Secretary Zinky saying that o G is intentionally

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<v Speaker 1>slowing down nominees, the actual stats show that o G

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<v Speaker 1>s moving them faster uh than in the past administration,

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<v Speaker 1>even though the reports are much more complex because the

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<v Speaker 1>people are much wealthier and they're pushing back more than

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<v Speaker 1>than in other administrations. So all of that puts a

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<v Speaker 1>strain on the ethics program, puts a strain on the

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<v Speaker 1>morality employees working on it, and means that every single

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<v Speaker 1>time and ethics official goes and talks to a government

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<v Speaker 1>official about an ethics requirement, the person can throw up

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<v Speaker 1>their hands and say to the ethics official when the

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<v Speaker 1>president doesn't have to do this, so why do I?

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<v Speaker 1>And that is really not the way to run an

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<v Speaker 1>ethics program in the government. So when you were the

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<v Speaker 1>director of o g E, you were in a rare position.

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<v Speaker 1>You could criticize the administration from the inside or at

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<v Speaker 1>least you know, from an important government position, uh, and

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<v Speaker 1>you could uh put some pressure on them to to

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<v Speaker 1>comply with ethics rules. Um, so why did you leave? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I truly felt I'd reached the end of what I

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<v Speaker 1>could achieve from the inside. And I think it wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>the deciding factor, but a factor was when I finally

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<v Speaker 1>got my hands on those waivers I mentioned, and they

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<v Speaker 1>were unsigned, undated, retroactive, and in fact the Council to

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<v Speaker 1>the President who issued the two of them was actually

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<v Speaker 1>a member of the class of the persons he issued

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<v Speaker 1>them too. So here he's saying, I hear I waive

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<v Speaker 1>it for myself, which is absolutely incredible. Um. And so

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<v Speaker 1>I started feeling like there wasn't more I could do,

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<v Speaker 1>and I started feeling like they were getting more clever

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<v Speaker 1>in their reactions to to O G E by sharing

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<v Speaker 1>less and less information with us, And so I felt

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<v Speaker 1>like leaving the government, I'd be freer to speak out

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<v Speaker 1>about it. And in fact, I wouldn't be sitting here

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<v Speaker 1>talking to you if I were still in the government,

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<v Speaker 1>because ultimately, in that role, I may have been a

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<v Speaker 1>government watchdog, but my boss was the president, and I

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<v Speaker 1>had to limit how much I was able to publicly

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<v Speaker 1>express my concerns, and so I did them through very

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<v Speaker 1>limited channels. And I have a lot more freedom now

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<v Speaker 1>to talk about some of these issues. One last thing

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<v Speaker 1>for you in your mind, are we going to be

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<v Speaker 1>able to recover from this period? Has this administration so

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<v Speaker 1>lower the ethics bar that future administrations will be able

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<v Speaker 1>to skirt some of these rule as well? Well? I

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<v Speaker 1>think that's a big concern because some of the things

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<v Speaker 1>that I've been expressing UH concerns about in the ethics

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<v Speaker 1>area have to do with ethical norms that are being

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<v Speaker 1>departed from, as opposed to strictly speaking violations of law.

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<v Speaker 1>And so we were always able to count on people

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<v Speaker 1>to behave a certain way and follow certain pretty well

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<v Speaker 1>defined ethical traditions in the executive branch. Now you've got

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<v Speaker 1>somebody who's largely getting away with not doing that. And

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<v Speaker 1>the concern is the next president of the next administration

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<v Speaker 1>can point to this one and say, well, they didn't

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<v Speaker 1>do it, so we don't have to either. And I

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<v Speaker 1>think we should be particularly careful, uh with um members

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<v Speaker 1>of the opposite party. You could have a Democratic candidate

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<v Speaker 1>much more easily than a Republican candidates say well, the

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<v Speaker 1>other guy got away with it. That Republican president got

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<v Speaker 1>away with it, so you can't criticize me, and I

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<v Speaker 1>think we really need to be sure to hold both

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<v Speaker 1>sides feet to the fire and not give anyone a

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<v Speaker 1>free pass going forward to make sure that we turn

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<v Speaker 1>this into a one time aberration rather than the new

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<v Speaker 1>norm for ethics and government. I want to thank Walter

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<v Speaker 1>shab the former director of the Office of Government Ethics,

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<v Speaker 1>now the senior director of Ethics at the Campaign Legal

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<v Speaker 1>Center here in Washington. Thanks for joining us on Bloomberg Law.