WEBVTT - Myanmar: Printing the Revolution, Part One

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<v Speaker 1>Hey everyone, I'm Robert Evans and this is Me and

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<v Speaker 1>Mar printing the Revolutions It could happen here special mini series,

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<v Speaker 1>an in depth documentary investigation with me and journalist James Stout.

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<v Speaker 1>Over the next four days, you're going to learn about

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<v Speaker 1>the gin Z militias of the Me and Mar Civil War,

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<v Speaker 1>three D printed weapons, and a bunch of other really

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<v Speaker 1>fascinating stuff. Besides, So, without any further ado, here's James.

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<v Speaker 2>Ever since the first person built the first fence, took

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<v Speaker 2>land from everybody and annex it to themselves, property rights

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<v Speaker 2>and violence have gone hand in hand. With property grew

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<v Speaker 2>the state, and with a state came the police. Today,

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<v Speaker 2>most of us grew up under the control of states,

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<v Speaker 2>and they're so ubiquitous that their violence is often overlooked

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<v Speaker 2>until a particularly egregious incident occurs. But all states, even

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<v Speaker 2>the most benign, rest on a monopoly on violence. Stay

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<v Speaker 2>it to the entity that imposed laws on a given area,

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<v Speaker 2>and if you break those laws, the state can beat

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<v Speaker 2>you up, lock you up, or shoot you up. When

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<v Speaker 2>the state loses the monopoly on violence, it ceases to

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<v Speaker 2>be able to enforce its laws, charge its taxes, and

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<v Speaker 2>enforce its will on the people it rules. We've seen

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<v Speaker 2>this all over the world, from the Democratic Republic of

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<v Speaker 2>Congo took briefly downtown Seattle. Our state in the USA

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<v Speaker 2>speaks a language of rights and liberties. When we want

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<v Speaker 2>to appeal to the state, we tend to use that language.

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<v Speaker 2>Even though our state, as we saw in twenty twenty's

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<v Speaker 2>backed by plenty of violence as much as any other,

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<v Speaker 2>it goes a long way to camouflage that violence. Some states,

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<v Speaker 2>for a bit more mask off. They speak to their

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<v Speaker 2>citizens more or less exclusively through violence, and when citizens

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<v Speaker 2>need to respond to that state, they respond to the

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<v Speaker 2>language it uses to speak to them. That's how a

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<v Speaker 2>teenager from Yangon miel Maar ended up on Reddit in

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<v Speaker 2>summer of twenty twenty one asking strangers how to use

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<v Speaker 2>a three D printer and computer to make a rifle.

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<v Speaker 2>Me and Ma isn't a country that is on the

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<v Speaker 2>radar for most of the US. If it is at all,

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<v Speaker 2>it's probably because the State councilor and Foreign Minister ensign Succi.

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<v Speaker 2>She managed perhaps the history's fastest pivot from Nobel Peace

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<v Speaker 2>Prize winner to head of a government accused of genocide.

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<v Speaker 2>But Tsuki is in jail now and the Rohingia, the

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<v Speaker 2>Muslim ethnic group that the military attempted to eliminate from

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<v Speaker 2>the east of the country under her rule, are just

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<v Speaker 2>one of many ethnic and political groups. They're in open

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<v Speaker 2>armed conflict with the military, who now hold control of

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<v Speaker 2>the government of me and mar known locally as a

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<v Speaker 2>tatmodor the military sees power. In early twenty twenty one,

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<v Speaker 2>you might have seen a video of a woman doing

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<v Speaker 2>an aerobics workout as the vehicles rolled in behind her

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<v Speaker 2>to seize power. Ever since that day they've been committing

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<v Speaker 2>crimes against humanity all over the country. Me and Marh

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<v Speaker 2>has a longer history of dictatorship than democracy. The British

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<v Speaker 2>East India Company occupied the area that now represents the

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<v Speaker 2>country in the nineteenth century. As always, they talked about

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<v Speaker 2>civiling missions and freedoms, but in practice the occupation was

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<v Speaker 2>extractive and only benefited the Anglo Burmese and a few

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<v Speaker 2>Indian civil servants they brought with them often. But this

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<v Speaker 2>month led to resistance that manifested itself in hunger strikes

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<v Speaker 2>and everyday acts of disobedience, small ways of saying no.

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<v Speaker 2>In a few instances, it became open and unbrest build

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<v Speaker 2>into the streets. The country became a major battleground during

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<v Speaker 2>the Second World War, with Japan evading and seizing the

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<v Speaker 2>country before Allied forces took it back in a fierce

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<v Speaker 2>campaign in nineteen forty four. As many as one hundred

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<v Speaker 2>and fifty thousand Japanese troops died. Burmese people fought on

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<v Speaker 2>both sides. Ag San Agsang Suchi's father demanded that Britain

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<v Speaker 2>grant him and his fellow Burmese people independence if they

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<v Speaker 2>fought for the Allies. The British refused. Nstan then went

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<v Speaker 2>first to China and eventually Japan for support, and eventually

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<v Speaker 2>he fought against the British with his Burmer Independence Army.

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<v Speaker 2>But after two years of occupation, Agstan and his comrade

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<v Speaker 2>to change sides broad alliance called the Anti Fascist Organization.

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<v Speaker 2>They turned on the Japanese and they once again took

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<v Speaker 2>up arms to liberate their country. On the fourth of

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<v Speaker 2>January nineteen forty seven, Burma became an independent republic. The

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<v Speaker 2>new republic's territory combined three British territories and over one

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<v Speaker 2>hundred distinct ethnic groups. For the next fourteen years, these

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<v Speaker 2>groups struggled to find a democratic Burma and an identity

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<v Speaker 2>for themselves within it. Mostly they failed. The period was

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<v Speaker 2>characterized by the Chinese Civil War, spilling it to Burma,

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<v Speaker 2>ethnic armed insurgencies and repeated demands for a federal republic

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<v Speaker 2>with a weak central government. In nineteen sixty two, the

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<v Speaker 2>military a rate at new demands for a federal republic

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<v Speaker 2>stage to coup. Burmer spent the next twenty two years

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<v Speaker 2>under the military rule of a council, pursuing what they

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<v Speaker 2>called the Burmese Way to socialism. Burmer's planned economy left

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<v Speaker 2>it largely isolated from the rest of the world. At home,

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<v Speaker 2>the press was censored, and a type of nationalism that

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<v Speaker 2>combined nominal socialism and Burman ethnic identity became the official

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<v Speaker 2>state ideology. During this period, Burma became one of the

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<v Speaker 2>world's poorest countries. Sporadic protests were met with overwhelming force,

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<v Speaker 2>and the eighth of August nineteen eighty eight, an uprising began.

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<v Speaker 2>It started among his students in Yangon, but it took

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<v Speaker 2>realt quickly around the country. The so called eight eight

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<v Speaker 2>eight eight Uprising because of the date, began with a

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<v Speaker 2>general strike and huge non violent protests. These were met

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<v Speaker 2>with gunfire. Protesters fought back with molotov cocktails and rocks.

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<v Speaker 2>The military fired into hospitals, and by September eighteenth, they'd

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<v Speaker 2>launched a coup to take the country from a one

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<v Speaker 2>party state back to a military dictatorship. It was thuring

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<v Speaker 2>these protests Angsan Suki, the daughter of Independence. Here at

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<v Speaker 2>Angsan emerged as a national figurehead, especially in the west.

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<v Speaker 2>Amitov Ghusch, the Indian writer, wrote the following about eight

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<v Speaker 2>eight eight eight across Burma, people poured out in thousands

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<v Speaker 2>to join the protests, not just students, but also teachers, monks, children,

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<v Speaker 2>professionals and trade unionists of every shade. It was on

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<v Speaker 2>this day too, that the Hunter made its first determined

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<v Speaker 2>attempt at repression. Soldiers opened fire on the demonstrators and

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<v Speaker 2>hundreds of unarmed marchers were killed. The killings continued for

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<v Speaker 2>a week, but still the demonstrators continued to flood the streets.

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<v Speaker 2>After the uprising had been suppressed, multi party elections were

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<v Speaker 2>later held, while the new National League for Democracy party

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<v Speaker 2>of Ansong su Qi won the most votes. The Hunter

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<v Speaker 2>refused to seed power. Protests continued off and on for

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<v Speaker 2>decades with the two thousand and seven Saffron Revolution, in

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<v Speaker 2>which the government violently cracked down on monks, resulting in

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<v Speaker 2>the most international condemnation. Following the Saffron Revolution, the government's

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<v Speaker 2>isolationism hindering aid After extensive cyclone damage in two thousand

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<v Speaker 2>and eight, the military government finally implemented the roadmap to

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<v Speaker 2>discipline flourishing democracy that had developed in nineteen ninety three.

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<v Speaker 2>If you're wondering about the name of the country, this

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<v Speaker 2>officially changed in nineteen eighty nine as well. I Like

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<v Speaker 2>much of the nation's history, a grand proclamation from the

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<v Speaker 2>government didn't mean much on the ground. Both words derived

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<v Speaker 2>from Buranma, a name that the majority ethnic group who

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<v Speaker 2>we're calling Berman here used for themselves. Many opposition groups

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<v Speaker 2>still use Burma instead of Meemma. It's another small way

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<v Speaker 2>of saying no to the military's attempt to control every

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<v Speaker 2>aspect of their lives.

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<v Speaker 3>Finally, on the eighteenth of September, the army took to

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<v Speaker 3>the streets and the coup, led by their Chief of Staff,

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<v Speaker 3>General Saumon the next day, the killings began again. The

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<v Speaker 3>army later described these people as looters.

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<v Speaker 1>It was not until twenty eleven that the military junta

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<v Speaker 1>finally stepped down and passed on power to the Union's

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<v Speaker 1>Solidarity and Development Party in an election that was widely

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<v Speaker 1>seen as fraudulent. A year later, Ong San sou Chi

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<v Speaker 1>was released, and by twenty fifteen her National League for

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<v Speaker 1>Democracy won an absolute majority. While she was barred from

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<v Speaker 1>holding the presidential office, she took on the role of

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<v Speaker 1>State councilor, and Mianmar entered a period of liberalization, which,

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<v Speaker 1>although never the federal democracy promised when the country gained

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<v Speaker 1>its independence in nineteen forty seven, allowed for significant freedoms

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<v Speaker 1>of communication and speech, especially for the Burman majority ethnic group.

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<v Speaker 1>Not everyone was reconciled to the change. Many of Myanmars

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<v Speaker 1>one hundred and thirty five ethnic groups feel marginalized by

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<v Speaker 1>the state, which tends to be dominated by the Burman ethnicity.

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<v Speaker 1>Some of these groups have armed insurgeent wings, often more

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<v Speaker 1>than one per ethnic group, as they disagree on politics

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<v Speaker 1>or religion. These groups have fought various Burmese governments since

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<v Speaker 1>the nineteen forties, but many of them reached a ceasefire

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<v Speaker 1>with the government as the country passed from military to

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<v Speaker 1>civilian rule. One group however, saw a huge uptick in violence.

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<v Speaker 1>The Rohinga ethnic group have been persecuted by Buddhist nationals

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<v Speaker 1>since the nineteen seventies, but the campaign against them increased

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<v Speaker 1>in violence and scale in twenty sixteen, when the Tatmdaw

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<v Speaker 1>began a huge crackdown against Rohinga people in Rakin's State.

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<v Speaker 1>The persecution began in response to attacks by the Arkan

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<v Speaker 1>Rohinga Salvation Army on Burmese border outposts, but the campaign

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<v Speaker 1>that followed had nothing to do with the small insurgent

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<v Speaker 1>group and a lot to do with the desire of

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<v Speaker 1>the Toatmadaw to destroy or drive out all Rohinga people,

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<v Speaker 1>who they claim are undocumented migrants from Bangladesh and not

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<v Speaker 1>citizens of Myanmar. While the world praised Suki, her government

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<v Speaker 1>looked the other way as the military carried out a

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<v Speaker 1>genocide that displaced over a million people and killed tens

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<v Speaker 1>of thousands. It was in the context of growing international

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<v Speaker 1>condemnation of the j Aside that Mianmar went to the

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<v Speaker 1>polls in November of twenty twenty. The November twenty twenty

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<v Speaker 1>election was only the nation's second since the official end

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<v Speaker 1>of military rule on Sansu Chi's National League for Democracy

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<v Speaker 1>won a resounding victory. The military backed Union Solidarity and

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<v Speaker 1>Development Party holds twenty five percent of seats under a

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<v Speaker 1>constitution that SUCHI wanted to change. It didn't take defeat well.

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<v Speaker 1>The election was neither perfectly free nor fair. The Rohinga

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<v Speaker 1>have been almost wholly disenfranchised. The government claims they are

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<v Speaker 1>illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and thus unable to vote. Areas

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<v Speaker 1>with ethnic armed organizations which opposed the government often had

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<v Speaker 1>poles canceled and internet cut off. According to Human Rights Watch.

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<v Speaker 1>The Carter Center estimates that one point four million citizens

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<v Speaker 1>couldn't vote. The one opposition party that was certainly not

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<v Speaker 1>shortchanged was the military's. However, it was the Union Solidarity

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<v Speaker 1>and Development Party USDP, which had been calling for election

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<v Speaker 1>delays due to COVID before poles opened. Once the elections

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<v Speaker 1>concl luted, they immediately began questioning the results. They continued

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<v Speaker 1>to attempt to undermine the vote for months before they

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<v Speaker 1>resorted to force on the first to February twenty twenty one,

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<v Speaker 1>the day before the newly elected legislators were due to

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<v Speaker 1>be sworn in, the world largely ignored the situation. Apart

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<v Speaker 1>from the one viral video where a masked fitness instructor

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<v Speaker 1>dances in the foreground as APCs roll through a roadblock

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<v Speaker 1>and into the parliament complex behind her. Ensangsuchi was arrested,

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<v Speaker 1>charged with breaching COVID nineteen restrictions and illegally importing a

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<v Speaker 1>walkie talkie, and General min Ang Hlang was installed at

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<v Speaker 1>the head of a military junta. If this sounds a

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<v Speaker 1>little like a stop to Steel fantasy, that's because it

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<v Speaker 1>is eerily similar to one. Myanmar's democracy is not what

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<v Speaker 1>academics call a consolidated one, which is to say that

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<v Speaker 1>democracy has never been the only game in town there,

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<v Speaker 1>but the United States seems to be rapidly deconsolidating its

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<v Speaker 1>own democracy. The allegations of election fraud and mianmarb were

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<v Speaker 1>no more credible than those in Arizona. However, the military's

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<v Speaker 1>tradition of political engagement there removed many of the barriers

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<v Speaker 1>in between electoral defeat and the death of a short

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<v Speaker 1>lived democracy. Within twenty four hours of the coup, the

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<v Speaker 1>people of Myanmar had fought back. Healthcare workers and civil

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<v Speaker 1>servants were on strike by February third, and a boycott

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<v Speaker 1>of junta owned businesses had begun. Protests began with a

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<v Speaker 1>handful of people. The memories of massacres of pro democracy

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<v Speaker 1>protesters in the nineteen eighties kept many away, but a

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<v Speaker 1>younger generation who had grown up with relative liberty, internet

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<v Speaker 1>access and basic freedoms had not seen blood in the

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<v Speaker 1>streets like their parents. They had seen activists in Hong Kong,

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<v Speaker 1>the USA, and Ukraine take on violent state apparatuses, and

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<v Speaker 1>they'd often seen them win.

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<v Speaker 2>By the sixth of February, twenty thousand people in the

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<v Speaker 2>streets of Yangon, the largest city, and the Internet was

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<v Speaker 2>shut down. Nationwide. Protests began peacefully with memorable signs like

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<v Speaker 2>my ex is bad, but the military is worse, and

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<v Speaker 2>we are protesting peacefully, but with the WAP capitalized, so

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<v Speaker 2>it said whap. These signs were designed by a generation

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<v Speaker 2>of kids who grew up with access to the Internet

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<v Speaker 2>to attract international attention. Despite the ban. They used VPNs

0:13:19.040 --> 0:13:22.160
<v Speaker 2>to show imaguy to their struggle. One sign read if

0:13:22.240 --> 0:13:24.800
<v Speaker 2>messed with the wrong generation now will never be allowed

0:13:24.840 --> 0:13:28.880
<v Speaker 2>to ruin our own lives. The Tatmador showed its cards

0:13:28.880 --> 0:13:32.960
<v Speaker 2>pretty quickly. Police began the suppression with sling shots and clubs,

0:13:33.600 --> 0:13:36.960
<v Speaker 2>then tear gas and flash brang and quickly they moved

0:13:37.000 --> 0:13:40.120
<v Speaker 2>to rifles and rocket the pel grenades. By the ninth

0:13:40.120 --> 0:13:44.320
<v Speaker 2>of February, Maathway thway Heine, a twenty year old woman,

0:13:44.480 --> 0:14:19.040
<v Speaker 2>have been shot in the street. Soon those young protesters

0:14:19.040 --> 0:14:21.920
<v Speaker 2>have switched science for shields by mid March and armed

0:14:21.920 --> 0:14:24.440
<v Speaker 2>fort this day. One hundred and fortyen civilians were killed

0:14:24.440 --> 0:14:27.720
<v Speaker 2>in a single day, including sixty five in Yangon who

0:14:27.720 --> 0:14:33.280
<v Speaker 2>were kettled by police, surrounded and then shot Quickly, shield

0:14:33.320 --> 0:14:36.560
<v Speaker 2>walls were set up, medics identified themselves in the protest movement,

0:14:36.760 --> 0:14:40.160
<v Speaker 2>and hard hats and goggles were distributed, but this didn't

0:14:40.200 --> 0:14:43.080
<v Speaker 2>tip the balance of power in their favor. So Orlin,

0:14:43.520 --> 0:14:46.680
<v Speaker 2>a former student union leader, was there from the start.

0:14:47.280 --> 0:14:49.920
<v Speaker 2>In a text message, he told me I did not

0:14:49.960 --> 0:14:52.320
<v Speaker 2>miss a single day as a member of the Kaya

0:14:52.440 --> 0:14:56.040
<v Speaker 2>State National Strike Committee. I later became more involved in

0:14:56.080 --> 0:15:00.400
<v Speaker 2>anti authoritarian protests. In the early protests, to see him

0:15:00.400 --> 0:15:02.160
<v Speaker 2>in photos walking at the front of the group carrying

0:15:02.240 --> 0:15:04.720
<v Speaker 2>flags and banners with his student ID card on a

0:15:04.800 --> 0:15:08.200
<v Speaker 2>lanyard around his neck. But by March he's wearing a

0:15:08.200 --> 0:15:12.920
<v Speaker 2>black shirt, goggles and a hard construction hat. Meanwhile, the

0:15:13.000 --> 0:15:16.480
<v Speaker 2>National League for Democracy politicians who had escaped attention joined

0:15:16.480 --> 0:15:19.720
<v Speaker 2>other parties and set up a National Unity Government in April.

0:15:20.360 --> 0:15:24.400
<v Speaker 2>The National Unity Government contained members of the National League

0:15:24.440 --> 0:15:28.560
<v Speaker 2>for Democracy, but significantly, a Rahingio activist was appointed and

0:15:28.600 --> 0:15:31.000
<v Speaker 2>advised in the Ministry of Human Rights and the National

0:15:31.080 --> 0:15:34.400
<v Speaker 2>Unity Government has announced it would for the first time

0:15:34.960 --> 0:15:37.960
<v Speaker 2>accept the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court with respect

0:15:38.040 --> 0:15:40.640
<v Speaker 2>to all international crimes committed in Meh and Mah since

0:15:40.720 --> 0:15:45.680
<v Speaker 2>two thousand and two. This would include the Rhinga genocide.

0:15:45.880 --> 0:15:48.720
<v Speaker 2>By May, both the National Unity Government and Swollen had

0:15:48.760 --> 0:15:51.280
<v Speaker 2>realized that no amount of nonviolent protests was going to

0:15:51.320 --> 0:15:54.160
<v Speaker 2>dislodge regime. There was happy to gun down kids in

0:15:54.160 --> 0:15:57.360
<v Speaker 2>the street, so on the fifth of May he left

0:15:57.360 --> 0:16:01.080
<v Speaker 2>for the jungle. That same day, the National Unity Government

0:16:01.120 --> 0:16:03.840
<v Speaker 2>announced the formation of the People's Defense Force or PDF.

0:16:04.240 --> 0:16:07.000
<v Speaker 2>Within a month, eight hundred soldiers had affected to these

0:16:07.000 --> 0:16:11.080
<v Speaker 2>pro democracy guerrilla units. Many bought their guns with them,

0:16:11.560 --> 0:16:14.800
<v Speaker 2>but Twa didn't join the PDF. Instead, he joined one

0:16:14.800 --> 0:16:18.400
<v Speaker 2>of me and R's many ethnic armed organizations groups opposed

0:16:18.400 --> 0:16:21.280
<v Speaker 2>to a central state and its domination by the Burman ethnicity.

0:16:22.520 --> 0:16:25.120
<v Speaker 2>To understand these groups you need to understand that MEMR

0:16:25.200 --> 0:16:28.720
<v Speaker 2>is composed of dozens, not hundreds, of ethnic groups, but

0:16:28.760 --> 0:16:30.760
<v Speaker 2>that the Burman, who make up about two thirds of

0:16:30.760 --> 0:16:33.680
<v Speaker 2>the population, have always controlled the state and used it

0:16:33.760 --> 0:16:37.080
<v Speaker 2>as a tool in furthering their interest. Some of these groups,

0:16:37.560 --> 0:16:40.760
<v Speaker 2>like the Koran National Liberation Army and the Kachin Independence Army,

0:16:41.000 --> 0:16:43.320
<v Speaker 2>have been fighting for decades since the country emerged from

0:16:43.320 --> 0:16:45.240
<v Speaker 2>British colonial rule at the end of World War Two.

0:16:46.120 --> 0:16:48.280
<v Speaker 2>All of these groups draw on a combination of ethnic

0:16:48.360 --> 0:16:53.000
<v Speaker 2>and political grievances. Many of them administer semi autonomous territories,

0:16:53.720 --> 0:16:54.760
<v Speaker 2>like the Koren State.

0:17:05.080 --> 0:17:09.960
<v Speaker 1>In twenty thirteen, thirteen ethnic Armed Organizations or EAOs came

0:17:10.000 --> 0:17:14.040
<v Speaker 1>together to form the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team in CCT

0:17:14.640 --> 0:17:17.840
<v Speaker 1>and signed an eleven point Common Position of Ethnic Resistance

0:17:17.960 --> 0:17:22.280
<v Speaker 1>Organizations on National Ceasefire, or the LEISA Agreement. Most of

0:17:22.320 --> 0:17:24.400
<v Speaker 1>them seemed to agree that they would accept a federal

0:17:24.440 --> 0:17:28.400
<v Speaker 1>system rather than complete autonomy. In twenty fifteen, a ceasefire

0:17:28.520 --> 0:17:32.200
<v Speaker 1>was signed, but conflict between ethnic armed organizations and between

0:17:32.280 --> 0:17:36.480
<v Speaker 1>EAOs and the government continued. Since the coup began, EO

0:17:36.680 --> 0:17:40.679
<v Speaker 1>membership has skyrocketed, and in October the National Unity government

0:17:40.720 --> 0:17:44.399
<v Speaker 1>announced alliances with several groups under a central chain of command.

0:17:44.960 --> 0:17:47.679
<v Speaker 1>Some political organizations who played a part in the nineteen

0:17:47.720 --> 0:17:51.080
<v Speaker 1>eighty eight uprising, like the Al Burma Students Democratic Front,

0:17:51.280 --> 0:17:55.600
<v Speaker 1>have been revived as armed groups. The ABSDF recently attacked

0:17:55.640 --> 0:17:59.639
<v Speaker 1>Tottmadaw ships using an RPG A tax on military bases

0:17:59.640 --> 0:18:02.800
<v Speaker 1>have also stepped up. PDF units have ambushed and killed

0:18:02.800 --> 0:18:06.520
<v Speaker 1>policemen and raided police and military outposts. Each time they do,

0:18:06.720 --> 0:18:09.920
<v Speaker 1>they steal valuable weapons and ammunition. The top Madaw has

0:18:09.960 --> 0:18:14.520
<v Speaker 1>responded with shellings and airstrikes against residential areas, executions, mass

0:18:14.560 --> 0:18:17.920
<v Speaker 1>physical retribution, and the murdering of civilians and aid workers

0:18:17.920 --> 0:18:21.080
<v Speaker 1>and burning of their bodies. As a result of all this,

0:18:21.320 --> 0:18:25.399
<v Speaker 1>ethnic armed organizations have joined forces with anti authoritarian Burman

0:18:25.440 --> 0:18:28.960
<v Speaker 1>people under the auspices of the People's Defense Forces, which

0:18:29.000 --> 0:18:32.480
<v Speaker 1>are under the command of the exiled National Unity Government.

0:18:34.480 --> 0:18:38.480
<v Speaker 4>We have never experienced such kind of brutalities from the

0:18:38.480 --> 0:18:41.960
<v Speaker 4>military as well as as strong resistance from the people.

0:18:44.400 --> 0:18:47.920
<v Speaker 4>They try to make sure the whole country submit to them,

0:18:48.000 --> 0:18:51.800
<v Speaker 4>but we still refuse to allow them to be our rulers.

0:19:00.920 --> 0:19:03.760
<v Speaker 5>This defiance has led to the formation of the People's

0:19:03.760 --> 0:19:09.000
<v Speaker 5>Defense Forces or PDF, a coalition of thousands of resistance

0:19:09.040 --> 0:19:13.600
<v Speaker 5>fighters were carrying out surprise attacks on hunter checkpoints, bombing

0:19:13.720 --> 0:19:18.399
<v Speaker 5>army convoys, and supporting ethnic armies in their fight against

0:19:18.440 --> 0:19:21.880
<v Speaker 5>the regime. Twelve months ago, these men and women were

0:19:21.920 --> 0:19:26.800
<v Speaker 5>students and office workers protesting the coup. Today they're training

0:19:26.840 --> 0:19:28.960
<v Speaker 5>to overthrow the military.

0:19:29.920 --> 0:19:33.000
<v Speaker 4>The Innesoja is the tough choints, but the young people

0:19:34.119 --> 0:19:37.199
<v Speaker 4>they are ready to defend the communities. They have to,

0:19:37.359 --> 0:19:42.159
<v Speaker 4>of course, sacrifice their own daily life, ordinary life.

0:19:42.200 --> 0:19:44.880
<v Speaker 1>Since March of twenty twenty, the influx of new recruits

0:19:44.920 --> 0:19:48.800
<v Speaker 1>has changed these groups. Generation Z militias like the Carini

0:19:48.880 --> 0:19:52.320
<v Speaker 1>gin Z Liberation Army have sprung up, founded by kids

0:19:52.320 --> 0:19:55.200
<v Speaker 1>who were holding memeable signs at protests just a few

0:19:55.200 --> 0:19:58.760
<v Speaker 1>months earlier. They care less about ethnic independence and more

0:19:58.800 --> 0:20:02.320
<v Speaker 1>about beating the junta. Many Burman kids join these groups.

0:20:02.760 --> 0:20:06.280
<v Speaker 1>These organizations of young fighters received training from the experienced

0:20:06.280 --> 0:20:08.959
<v Speaker 1>guerrillas hiding in the jungle, but they tended to adopt

0:20:09.000 --> 0:20:12.200
<v Speaker 1>a less top down military structure and armed themselves by

0:20:12.200 --> 0:20:15.560
<v Speaker 1>scavenging whatever weapons they could find, often twenty two caliber

0:20:15.640 --> 0:20:19.159
<v Speaker 1>rifles better suited to shooting squirrels than soldiers. It was

0:20:19.200 --> 0:20:21.400
<v Speaker 1>these kids who grew up online and knew that there

0:20:21.440 --> 0:20:24.119
<v Speaker 1>was nothing you couldn't learn about on Reddit who tipped

0:20:24.119 --> 0:20:27.240
<v Speaker 1>the balance of force away from the state. Unlike the

0:20:27.280 --> 0:20:30.959
<v Speaker 1>ethnic armed organizations and other more experienced guerrillas than me Anmar,

0:20:31.359 --> 0:20:34.840
<v Speaker 1>these kids have little military experience. Their organizations have few

0:20:34.920 --> 0:20:38.679
<v Speaker 1>rules and regulations. They're made up entirely of young people.

0:20:38.960 --> 0:20:41.600
<v Speaker 1>As a result, there are certain things that they're less

0:20:41.640 --> 0:20:45.119
<v Speaker 1>proficient at, but they're much better at things like grasping

0:20:45.160 --> 0:20:48.040
<v Speaker 1>the use of new technologies, which has led to me

0:20:48.080 --> 0:20:50.600
<v Speaker 1>Anmar being the first country in the world where three

0:20:50.640 --> 0:20:53.520
<v Speaker 1>D printed weapons have taken part in a revolution against

0:20:53.520 --> 0:20:56.480
<v Speaker 1>the government. We're going to hear more about that and

0:20:56.680 --> 0:21:04.800
<v Speaker 1>many other things as this series continues. It Could Happen

0:21:04.840 --> 0:21:06.720
<v Speaker 1>Here as a production of cool Zone Media.

0:21:06.800 --> 0:21:09.480
<v Speaker 4>For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website

0:21:09.520 --> 0:21:12.640
<v Speaker 4>coolzonemedia dot com, or check us out on the iHeartRadio app,

0:21:12.680 --> 0:21:16.040
<v Speaker 4>Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts. You can

0:21:16.040 --> 0:21:18.760
<v Speaker 4>find sources for It Could Happen Here, updated monthly at

0:21:18.760 --> 0:21:21.960
<v Speaker 4>coolzonemedia dot com slash sources. Thanks for listening.