WEBVTT - Why Is Rent So High?

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<v Speaker 1>Hi, this is Mia. So before we get to today's episode,

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<v Speaker 1>last Friday, the rank and file of the Burgerville Workers Union,

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<v Speaker 1>which is the country's first successful fast food union, went

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<v Speaker 1>on strike against a campaign of disciplinings and firings of

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<v Speaker 1>primarily trans and POC workers by the bosses who are

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<v Speaker 1>once again trying to crush the union. The strike has

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<v Speaker 1>worked so far, but they need support from the community

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<v Speaker 1>to help pay workers and help these people feed their

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<v Speaker 1>families so they can continue fighting the boss's capitalism and

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<v Speaker 1>building democracy in the workplace. You can go to Bitley's

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<v Speaker 1>Slash Burger Defense to do it. To their funds, we

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<v Speaker 1>will have links to that description. And yeah, thank you

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<v Speaker 1>all so much, and now on to the show. It's

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<v Speaker 1>it's a solo meda episode if it could happen here

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<v Speaker 1>the podcast where things fall apart and sometimes we've put

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<v Speaker 1>them back together. I'm your host, Mia Wong, and today

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to be talking about why the rent is

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<v Speaker 1>so high? Now, Okay, there's there's a lot of sort

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<v Speaker 1>of ways that you could in theory approach this question,

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<v Speaker 1>and I decided that I think one of the most

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<v Speaker 1>useful approaches to it is you take a sort of

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<v Speaker 1>a more a more sort of historical and theoretical approach.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think the start of any kind of sort

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<v Speaker 1>of theoretical approach to rent is by asking what rent

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<v Speaker 1>actually is. And the answer to this, and this is

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<v Speaker 1>something that is that is relatively consistent across most of

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<v Speaker 1>sort of classical political economy, and and you see this

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<v Speaker 1>in some of sort of geoclassical economics, is that the

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<v Speaker 1>thing that's special about rent is that rent, unlike you know,

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<v Speaker 1>anything else, is money that you get because you own something,

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<v Speaker 1>not because you you know, have produced anything. And this

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<v Speaker 1>means that you know, the landlord does not produce anything

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<v Speaker 1>of value at all. All they do is extract value

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<v Speaker 1>from other sectors of the economy. Now, this has a wide,

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<v Speaker 1>wide variety of sort of political and social effects. Mark

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<v Speaker 1>saw the landowning class as an obstacle to the development

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<v Speaker 1>of capitalism. And this is an idea. The idea of

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<v Speaker 1>that again, landowners specifically as a class that is different

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<v Speaker 1>from the sort of capitalist class or the working class,

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<v Speaker 1>hinders the growth of capitalism is an idea that a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of different people across the basically the entirety of

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<v Speaker 1>the political spectrum have shared at various times and this

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<v Speaker 1>causes some very very strange alliances. Particularly in places like

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<v Speaker 1>Latin America, you still have economies that are you know,

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<v Speaker 1>not entirely based, but economies that have enormous landowners who

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<v Speaker 1>drive sort of vast portions of both the economy and

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<v Speaker 1>of the sort of political process. And in Latin America,

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<v Speaker 1>and this is true in a lot of other places,

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<v Speaker 1>it was not uncommon for you to get what's known

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<v Speaker 1>as developmentalism, which is an ideology based on using essentially

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<v Speaker 1>protectionist measures, things like terroriffs, sometimes capital controls, restrictions on

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<v Speaker 1>kinds of investment that foreign companies can do. Sometimes I

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<v Speaker 1>mean just straight up the nationalization of natural resources in

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<v Speaker 1>order to develop an industrial economy. Now, developmentalism, as our

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<v Speaker 1>most sort of alliances against the land and elite, are

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<v Speaker 1>politically messy. It draws on a range of ideologies from

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<v Speaker 1>you know, like pretty right wing nationalists, some very very

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<v Speaker 1>very scary people technically developmentalists, to liberal and also centrisfactions

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<v Speaker 1>whose sort of productive and social base is in a

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<v Speaker 1>specific kind of sort of domestic capitalists who's interested in

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<v Speaker 1>sort of producing stuff locally, and also to people like

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<v Speaker 1>Bolivia's Evo Morales, who is you know, broadly considered a socialist,

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<v Speaker 1>although I think his commitment to anything like socialist politics

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<v Speaker 1>is tenuous at best. But all of these sort of

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<v Speaker 1>political groups can and do, and have various times work together.

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<v Speaker 1>So this is actually one of the bases of Morales

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<v Speaker 1>as well. I guess it's not really Moralysis Party anymore.

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<v Speaker 1>But even Morales's MS, which was a very sort of

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<v Speaker 1>explicit alliance between sort of left wing social movements and

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<v Speaker 1>then more sort of moderate centrist factions who were effectively developmentalist.

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<v Speaker 1>This is a sort of a representation of a very

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<v Speaker 1>common like kind of developmentalist politics, which is again this

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<v Speaker 1>alliance between sort of left and capitalist factions who ally

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<v Speaker 1>gets like large landowners on the basis that feudalism, which

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<v Speaker 1>is which is usually the way that like the sort

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<v Speaker 1>of the power of large landowners is conceived, is an

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<v Speaker 1>enemy to both of them. Now, this isn't how sort

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<v Speaker 1>of develop like states that use developmentalist strategies have to work. Germany,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, uses a lot of developmentalist techniques to industrialize

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<v Speaker 1>in the late eighteen hundreds. But you know, the old

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<v Speaker 1>landowning class, the old sort of like like German aristocracy,

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<v Speaker 1>is allied with the capitalists in Germany and the to

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<v Speaker 1>you know, the two classes, the sort of German aristocracy

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<v Speaker 1>and the capital's class effectively birge. On the other hand,

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<v Speaker 1>landowning classes are often implacably hostile to industrialization, and countries

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<v Speaker 1>that essentially annihilated the landowning classes by carrying out land

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<v Speaker 1>reform tend to perform better economically than their counterparts who

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<v Speaker 1>left a landowning class intact, which contributed to the enormous

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<v Speaker 1>success of the economies of countries like China and Japan,

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<v Speaker 1>Taiwan and Vietnam, who, despite their enormous sort of ideological

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<v Speaker 1>and political differences, all carried out land reform in the

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<v Speaker 1>twentieth century were rewarded with eventually by very very powerful

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<v Speaker 1>and large scale industrial economies. But you know, you might

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<v Speaker 1>be saying, ya, you've kind of put the cart in

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<v Speaker 1>front of the horse here. You've talked about, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>you've gone into some of the sort of political effects

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<v Speaker 1>of rent first, but you haven't actually, you know, explained

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<v Speaker 1>how rent actually works. And so that is what I'm

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<v Speaker 1>going to do next. And to explain how rent works,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm going to turn to an unusual source, the work

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<v Speaker 1>of the Great Venezuela and anthropologist Fernando Corneal. Corneal' is

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<v Speaker 1>a fascinating character. He studied anthropology at my alma mater,

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<v Speaker 1>the University of Chicago under Terrence Turner, a guy who

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<v Speaker 1>I think ninety nine percent people have never heard of before,

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<v Speaker 1>but is probably most famous now for being also you know,

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<v Speaker 1>also teaching David Graeber and being a sort of major

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<v Speaker 1>influence on his work now. Unlike David Graber. While Corneal

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<v Speaker 1>was at the University of Chicago, he tried to get

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<v Speaker 1>permission from the Cuban government to go do field work

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<v Speaker 1>in Cuba, and you know, so he gets to Cuba

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<v Speaker 1>and he's like negotiating with the government and the government

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<v Speaker 1>tells him to fuck off. So okay, he tries to

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<v Speaker 1>go back to the US. But Immigration and Nationalization Services,

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<v Speaker 1>the i INS, which is basically the predecessor of like

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<v Speaker 1>Immigration Services ICE in the Border Patrol i INS was

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<v Speaker 1>sort of dissolved in two thousand and three when the

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<v Speaker 1>sort of like I don't know exactly what the technical

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<v Speaker 1>term for it is, but with the consolidation of of

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Homeland Security, which is really truly a

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<v Speaker 1>thing that I think we tend to think it was

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<v Speaker 1>only present, but is actually about twenty years old, and

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<v Speaker 1>I am older than it was. Also, you know, this

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<v Speaker 1>sort of outside the episode is like an enormously fascist

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<v Speaker 1>institution that centralized an enormous amount of sort of political

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<v Speaker 1>power in these like terrifying surveillance and police bureaucracies. But

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<v Speaker 1>you know, okay, so they're back back back back to

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<v Speaker 1>the Fernandic coordineal story. So he guys to go back

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<v Speaker 1>to the US, but Ans, which is the predecessory for

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<v Speaker 1>all this stuff, like arrest him immediately and they deport

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<v Speaker 1>him and ban him from the US on the grounds

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<v Speaker 1>that he was that they suspected him of being a

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<v Speaker 1>quote subversive agent. Now, and again I cannot emphasize this enough.

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<v Speaker 1>The sequence of events here is that he tries to

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<v Speaker 1>go to Cuba and the Cuban government tells him to

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<v Speaker 1>fuck off, and so he goes back to the US

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<v Speaker 1>and the US government is like, oh, yeah, no, this

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<v Speaker 1>guy through the Cuban government just refused to let to

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<v Speaker 1>do field work. This this this guy is definitely a

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<v Speaker 1>Cuban agent. So his entire sort of like life gets

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<v Speaker 1>derailed by this. He wants up I think back in

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<v Speaker 1>Venezuela for a while. I think it takes like twenty

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<v Speaker 1>almost like twenty years for him to be able to

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<v Speaker 1>get back to the US and finish his PhD. But

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<v Speaker 1>you know, when he does and sort of be in

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<v Speaker 1>the process of this, he becomes a very very famous,

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<v Speaker 1>as well respected anthropologist. Now when now was it you Chicago,

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<v Speaker 1>like all of the people who sort of trained Corneal

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<v Speaker 1>that that whole generation and really like the whole sort

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<v Speaker 1>of school of anthropology that he came from, which is

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<v Speaker 1>a very very interesting school that if if you want

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<v Speaker 1>to like read about this kind of stuff, I read

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<v Speaker 1>David Graeber's Towards an Anthopological Theory of Value. I might

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<v Speaker 1>do an episode on it at some point later, but

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<v Speaker 1>all of that stuff is gone. But but I ran

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<v Speaker 1>into a professor who knew him back in the day,

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<v Speaker 1>and he told us that Corneil was. You know, on

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<v Speaker 1>the one hand, very is back to the academic like

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<v Speaker 1>very sort of like upstanding, like member of the academic

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<v Speaker 1>communitee also incredibly popular as like a partier who just

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<v Speaker 1>get absolutely wasted and start dancing on tables. This guy

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<v Speaker 1>absolutely rips, you know, and I think a very few

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<v Speaker 1>people outside of anthropology you've ever heard of him. But

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<v Speaker 1>in anthropology, Corneil is important enough to like, if you're

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<v Speaker 1>right about the state, you at least have to like

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<v Speaker 1>mention him. And you know, that doesn't necessarily mean that,

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<v Speaker 1>like most of the people who say the words that

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<v Speaker 1>the Magical State, which is the name of his sort

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<v Speaker 1>of famous book, actually have read it. But I did

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<v Speaker 1>read this book. I've read this book multiple times and

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<v Speaker 1>it's really really interesting. Now. The Magical State, Nature, Money,

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<v Speaker 1>and Majority in Venezuela is probably most famous as a

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<v Speaker 1>history of the Venezuelan state, but that doesn't mean that

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<v Speaker 1>it's sort of exclusively about that history, and in fact,

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<v Speaker 1>you know it, it really can't be. In order to

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<v Speaker 1>think about the Venezuelan state, you have to think about oil.

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<v Speaker 1>But you also can't think about oil in the way

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<v Speaker 1>that most histories of oil think about it, which is

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<v Speaker 1>a story about sort of like high geopolitics. Right. If

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<v Speaker 1>you look at the history of oil, right, it's about

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<v Speaker 1>like high geopolitics and like prospecting and like trekking oil

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<v Speaker 1>prices over time, and you know, the sort of most

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<v Speaker 1>famous book in this genre is Daniel Jurgen's The Prize,

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<v Speaker 1>which is a fine book, but it shares in this

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<v Speaker 1>sort of tendency to you know, kind of you know,

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<v Speaker 1>unless they're writing about like a guy going prospecting, right,

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<v Speaker 1>there's this tendency to sort of ignore the sort of

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<v Speaker 1>material characteristics of oil and the sort of political effects

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<v Speaker 1>of the extraction process, and a lot of other aspects

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<v Speaker 1>of oil that are very very important. And what Corineal

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<v Speaker 1>realizes is that oil is intricately tied to sort of

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<v Speaker 1>the political conception of nature, to systems of landownership, and

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<v Speaker 1>also to Venezuelan state craft. Now this may seem a

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<v Speaker 1>bit far afield, but in order to understand oil, you

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<v Speaker 1>have to think about rent and rent extraction. And that's

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<v Speaker 1>what Corneal does in ways that are both sort of

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<v Speaker 1>profoundly interesting and I think, in a lot of ways

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<v Speaker 1>profoundly ahead of his time. So Corneal, like us, asked

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<v Speaker 1>the question what actually is rent? Now? For you know,

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<v Speaker 1>Corneal goes through rent and a lot you know, and

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<v Speaker 1>it like goes through what you could, I guess called

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<v Speaker 1>economic history of concessions of rent, right, starting with the

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<v Speaker 1>classical economists. Uh, we're not that interested in the classical

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<v Speaker 1>economists because quite frankly, if you're if I don't know,

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<v Speaker 1>if you're running into a neo Ricardian analysis of what

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<v Speaker 1>rent is like I don't know, you're you're already a specialist,

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<v Speaker 1>like stuff is stuff, stuff is happening for you, thus

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<v Speaker 1>quite interesting, quite odd, but where we're mostly going to

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<v Speaker 1>ignore them because the original classical economists' work has it's

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<v Speaker 1>it's largely not the way people think about this now,

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<v Speaker 1>and to the extent that people sort of claim to

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<v Speaker 1>be derivatives of like these people that people claiming the

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<v Speaker 1>lineage of Adam Smith, like, eh, that's kind of sketchy.

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<v Speaker 1>Is that we're going to turn to Corneal's analysis of

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<v Speaker 1>the way that neoclassical economics thinks about rent. Now. Corneal

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<v Speaker 1>someone who has spent a lot of time in the

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<v Speaker 1>sort of literature of like oil pricing and sort of

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<v Speaker 1>theories the sort of price formation and the state of

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<v Speaker 1>the market or the effect of political actors on it,

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<v Speaker 1>et cetera, et cetera, et cetera, and he argues that

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<v Speaker 1>there's basically two ways of thinking about rent. In terms

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<v Speaker 1>of a commodity like oil. There is a macroeconomics view

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<v Speaker 1>in which the rent someone who owns oil extracts when

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<v Speaker 1>people have to buy it from them, you know. Okay,

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<v Speaker 1>so like like if if if you're a landowner, right,

0:13:13.800 --> 0:13:16.240
<v Speaker 1>you get rent because you own the thing, and then

0:13:16.240 --> 0:13:19.600
<v Speaker 1>people have to like take it like people need it.

0:13:19.760 --> 0:13:21.439
<v Speaker 1>You have it, so you get to extract rent from

0:13:21.440 --> 0:13:25.160
<v Speaker 1>it just by virtue sort of having it in the

0:13:25.200 --> 0:13:32.600
<v Speaker 1>in the microeconomics view, when someone like pays the rent, right,

0:13:33.120 --> 0:13:35.840
<v Speaker 1>what that is is they're paying for what's called natural

0:13:35.880 --> 0:13:39.760
<v Speaker 1>capital or capital that's you know, provided by nature that

0:13:39.880 --> 0:13:42.600
<v Speaker 1>someone now owns through like the miracle of private property.

0:13:43.040 --> 0:13:46.160
<v Speaker 1>And so for these people, rent isn't something that's extracted

0:13:46.200 --> 0:13:49.080
<v Speaker 1>at all. Right, it's just someone getting paid for their capital.

0:13:49.120 --> 0:13:53.240
<v Speaker 1>Because the way that they think about, you know, about

0:13:53.280 --> 0:13:55.680
<v Speaker 1>something like oil, is that they think oil is just

0:13:55.720 --> 0:13:59.760
<v Speaker 1>sort of natural capital. Now, okay, it's like this is

0:13:59.800 --> 0:14:01.520
<v Speaker 1>this is in some sense, you know, I was like, okay,

0:14:02.040 --> 0:14:04.520
<v Speaker 1>who cares about this? This is kind of like this this

0:14:04.559 --> 0:14:09.880
<v Speaker 1>seems very obvious. But there's also a macroeconomics perspective which

0:14:09.880 --> 0:14:14.679
<v Speaker 1>is very different. And the macroeconomics perspective holds that you know,

0:14:14.760 --> 0:14:17.760
<v Speaker 1>rent isn't a payment for capital at all. It's something

0:14:17.840 --> 0:14:22.480
<v Speaker 1>paid to landowners by capitalists, and the rent that these

0:14:22.560 --> 0:14:26.840
<v Speaker 1>landowners get is basically the difference between you know, what

0:14:26.880 --> 0:14:28.840
<v Speaker 1>it costs you to get the oil out of the

0:14:28.960 --> 0:14:30.600
<v Speaker 1>you use sort of the landowner to get the oil

0:14:30.600 --> 0:14:32.240
<v Speaker 1>out of the ground, and what it costs the person

0:14:32.280 --> 0:14:34.600
<v Speaker 1>who has the highest price of production to get the

0:14:34.640 --> 0:14:37.720
<v Speaker 1>oil out of the ground. Now, okay, for reasons that

0:14:37.760 --> 0:14:40.480
<v Speaker 1>are very complicated that I can't get into here, basically,

0:14:40.520 --> 0:14:43.720
<v Speaker 1>the person who is like the worst at getting oil

0:14:43.760 --> 0:14:45.640
<v Speaker 1>out of the ground is the person who sets what

0:14:45.640 --> 0:14:50.200
<v Speaker 1>the price of oil is. So you know, the sort

0:14:50.240 --> 0:14:53.000
<v Speaker 1>of like highest possible extraction price tends to be the price.

0:14:53.080 --> 0:14:57.160
<v Speaker 1>And then you know, the micro the sort of macroeconomic

0:14:57.480 --> 0:15:01.440
<v Speaker 1>analysis of what rent is, right is that it's a

0:15:01.480 --> 0:15:04.600
<v Speaker 1>thing that capitalists pay to landowners who own natural resources,

0:15:04.640 --> 0:15:06.360
<v Speaker 1>and the amount of money they get is based on

0:15:06.400 --> 0:15:10.360
<v Speaker 1>how much cheaper it is for like that you know,

0:15:10.480 --> 0:15:12.760
<v Speaker 1>that landlord to get their oil out of the ground

0:15:12.760 --> 0:15:15.040
<v Speaker 1>than it is for like the landlord who's like the

0:15:15.080 --> 0:15:18.200
<v Speaker 1>worst at this. And this is a real question, right.

0:15:18.360 --> 0:15:21.920
<v Speaker 1>The question is is someone who's getting rent paid to them,

0:15:22.200 --> 0:15:25.800
<v Speaker 1>is that rent payment for capital that they own, or

0:15:25.920 --> 0:15:28.960
<v Speaker 1>is it money from capitalists that capitalists have to pay

0:15:29.000 --> 0:15:32.760
<v Speaker 1>to a non capitalist class. And Corneal's answer is like, well,

0:15:32.800 --> 0:15:36.360
<v Speaker 1>obviously rent is distracted from cirplus value because because landowners

0:15:36.400 --> 0:15:41.680
<v Speaker 1>don't produce value. But there's two different sort of places

0:15:41.880 --> 0:15:45.560
<v Speaker 1>that they can get this value from. And this is

0:15:45.560 --> 0:15:47.800
<v Speaker 1>where we have to get into something that's kind of weird,

0:15:48.760 --> 0:15:53.240
<v Speaker 1>and that is the two different kinds of rents. But okay,

0:15:53.400 --> 0:15:55.200
<v Speaker 1>before we get into the two kinds of different rents,

0:15:55.200 --> 0:15:58.360
<v Speaker 1>do you know what else? There's two different kinds of Yeah,

0:15:58.400 --> 0:16:01.080
<v Speaker 1>that's right. It is the products and services that support

0:16:01.080 --> 0:16:14.240
<v Speaker 1>this show. And we're back. I hope you have enjoyed

0:16:14.840 --> 0:16:17.520
<v Speaker 1>both of the different kinds of products and services that

0:16:17.520 --> 0:16:22.480
<v Speaker 1>support the show. And okay, I promise you two kinds

0:16:22.480 --> 0:16:24.560
<v Speaker 1>of rents, and I'm now going to give you two

0:16:24.640 --> 0:16:29.240
<v Speaker 1>kinds of rent. So the two kinds of rent, there

0:16:29.320 --> 0:16:33.480
<v Speaker 1>is something called differential rent, and differential rent is kind

0:16:33.480 --> 0:16:36.240
<v Speaker 1>of close to the sort of macrocive we talked about earlier.

0:16:36.960 --> 0:16:39.880
<v Speaker 1>So differential rent is rent that's set by the price

0:16:39.920 --> 0:16:43.480
<v Speaker 1>of production on the market right now, as we sort

0:16:43.480 --> 0:16:46.720
<v Speaker 1>of mentioned, prices tend towards the highest price of production.

0:16:46.760 --> 0:16:48.560
<v Speaker 1>It's set by the people who are worse of producing it.

0:16:49.040 --> 0:16:51.320
<v Speaker 1>And differential rent is the rent that the rest of

0:16:51.360 --> 0:16:54.280
<v Speaker 1>the market gets by costing it by you know, by

0:16:54.400 --> 0:16:56.840
<v Speaker 1>it costing less for them to extract oil than it does,

0:16:57.440 --> 0:17:00.720
<v Speaker 1>you know for someone who's like the worst at extracting oil.

0:17:03.480 --> 0:17:06.760
<v Speaker 1>Corneil explains this in terms of it. For a long time,

0:17:06.800 --> 0:17:09.040
<v Speaker 1>the US was sort of the price leader of oil,

0:17:09.440 --> 0:17:11.280
<v Speaker 1>and it was the price leader of oil because the

0:17:11.320 --> 0:17:15.359
<v Speaker 1>American like property right system is so absolutely bonkers that

0:17:15.480 --> 0:17:17.240
<v Speaker 1>it makes it really really hard. You have to like

0:17:17.560 --> 0:17:20.520
<v Speaker 1>you have to like individually negotiate with like every person

0:17:20.560 --> 0:17:23.399
<v Speaker 1>who owns a cow pasture a Nebraska in order to

0:17:23.440 --> 0:17:26.360
<v Speaker 1>sort of like extract oil from them. And this makes

0:17:26.359 --> 0:17:29.640
<v Speaker 1>the production process like very expensive. And so everyone else

0:17:29.680 --> 0:17:32.560
<v Speaker 1>in the world is getting this differential rent because they

0:17:32.560 --> 0:17:39.119
<v Speaker 1>have like a less completely like just wild system of property.

0:17:39.520 --> 0:17:42.480
<v Speaker 1>So the product of this is that everyone else is

0:17:42.480 --> 0:17:44.639
<v Speaker 1>getting differential rent because it's way cheaper for them to

0:17:44.640 --> 0:17:46.840
<v Speaker 1>produce oil than it is for the US to produce oil.

0:17:47.359 --> 0:17:50.240
<v Speaker 1>So differential rent is a product of your efficiency, right.

0:17:50.400 --> 0:17:53.040
<v Speaker 1>It's how it's an amount of money that's based on

0:17:53.080 --> 0:17:54.600
<v Speaker 1>sort of the price of oil, and it's based on

0:17:54.640 --> 0:17:57.080
<v Speaker 1>how much better, you know, because you're st selling the

0:17:57.119 --> 0:17:59.720
<v Speaker 1>oil at like the same price, right, But the amount

0:17:59.800 --> 0:18:02.280
<v Speaker 1>that you get, you know, the amount of rent that

0:18:02.320 --> 0:18:04.760
<v Speaker 1>you get, is the difference between how much it costs

0:18:04.840 --> 0:18:06.440
<v Speaker 1>you to get this oil out of the ground and

0:18:06.480 --> 0:18:10.760
<v Speaker 1>how much it costs like some sort of American dip

0:18:10.760 --> 0:18:12.840
<v Speaker 1>shit you as to spend all this time negotiating with

0:18:13.359 --> 0:18:16.800
<v Speaker 1>like thirty thousand individual landowners in the US to do it.

0:18:17.840 --> 0:18:21.280
<v Speaker 1>So that that's differential rents. But there's also something called

0:18:21.320 --> 0:18:26.280
<v Speaker 1>absolute rent. Now, absolute rent is very, very very different

0:18:27.200 --> 0:18:32.120
<v Speaker 1>from from differential rent because absolute rent is not really

0:18:32.160 --> 0:18:35.439
<v Speaker 1>determined by sort of production prices or like the market

0:18:35.520 --> 0:18:38.800
<v Speaker 1>or supply and demand at all. Absolute rent is determined

0:18:38.800 --> 0:18:42.640
<v Speaker 1>by the social power of the landowner. And this has

0:18:42.840 --> 0:18:46.400
<v Speaker 1>really interesting effects, right because again absolute rent isn't based

0:18:46.440 --> 0:18:50.280
<v Speaker 1>on the production process and is instead based on you know,

0:18:51.400 --> 0:18:54.479
<v Speaker 1>the social it's it's it's a social product of power

0:18:55.760 --> 0:18:59.960
<v Speaker 1>and this, you know, this, this means that landlords and

0:19:00.040 --> 0:19:02.920
<v Speaker 1>rent extractors can do something that capitalists aren't supposed to

0:19:02.960 --> 0:19:05.440
<v Speaker 1>be able to do. They can get profits that are

0:19:05.560 --> 0:19:07.960
<v Speaker 1>larger than the general rate of profit, and they can

0:19:08.040 --> 0:19:11.800
<v Speaker 1>do it just by virtue of being powerful and owning land.

0:19:13.280 --> 0:19:15.400
<v Speaker 1>And this has a bunch of very very weird knock

0:19:15.400 --> 0:19:18.359
<v Speaker 1>on effects. Right. If you've ever seen landlords talk about rent, right,

0:19:18.359 --> 0:19:21.840
<v Speaker 1>you've seen the consequences of this. These people genuinely believe

0:19:21.840 --> 0:19:24.600
<v Speaker 1>that they have a sort of moral right to returns

0:19:24.920 --> 0:19:27.360
<v Speaker 1>with no risk all of the time, and that all

0:19:27.400 --> 0:19:29.880
<v Speaker 1>of society should be structured in such a way as

0:19:29.880 --> 0:19:32.399
<v Speaker 1>to guarantee that they have this free income that they

0:19:32.480 --> 0:19:35.320
<v Speaker 1>do fucking nothing to do other than own buildings, and

0:19:35.400 --> 0:19:37.400
<v Speaker 1>it should be guaranteed, you know, it should be structured

0:19:37.440 --> 0:19:40.840
<v Speaker 1>to guarantee this by forcing tenants to pay rent no literally,

0:19:40.880 --> 0:19:45.360
<v Speaker 1>no matter what is happening, you know, like regardless of shit,

0:19:45.480 --> 0:19:50.680
<v Speaker 1>like I don't know, a pandemic. Now. The other sort

0:19:50.720 --> 0:19:53.960
<v Speaker 1>of important difference is that is that absolute rent does

0:19:54.000 --> 0:19:56.240
<v Speaker 1>not obey the laws of supply and demand. It is

0:19:56.280 --> 0:19:58.840
<v Speaker 1>a product of social power, you know, it's the power

0:19:58.880 --> 0:20:02.120
<v Speaker 1>of land ownership itself health, and it's also sort of

0:20:02.160 --> 0:20:04.320
<v Speaker 1>the power you know that the social power is. It's

0:20:04.320 --> 0:20:06.760
<v Speaker 1>not just purely the product of light ownership. It's also

0:20:06.760 --> 0:20:09.560
<v Speaker 1>a product of the organization of the land owning class

0:20:09.680 --> 0:20:12.120
<v Speaker 1>and the extent to which they're backed by the state

0:20:12.160 --> 0:20:15.160
<v Speaker 1>and you know, a sort of militaries as polices, and

0:20:15.720 --> 0:20:18.760
<v Speaker 1>this causes economists who are attempting to use supply and

0:20:18.840 --> 0:20:24.680
<v Speaker 1>demand to explain rent to get very very important events

0:20:25.040 --> 0:20:27.840
<v Speaker 1>very wrong. One of the things that Corneal points out

0:20:27.920 --> 0:20:30.560
<v Speaker 1>is that Maurice Aidelman, who is a very very famous

0:20:30.560 --> 0:20:36.200
<v Speaker 1>oil economist, predicts in nineteen seventy two that the price

0:20:36.240 --> 0:20:42.240
<v Speaker 1>of oil is going to collapse based on oversupply and competition. Instead,

0:20:42.920 --> 0:20:45.280
<v Speaker 1>the price of oil between nineteen seventy three and nineteen

0:20:45.280 --> 0:20:48.840
<v Speaker 1>seventy four increases by four hundred percent because oil produces

0:20:48.880 --> 0:20:53.080
<v Speaker 1>banned together to exercise their power, and this organization, known

0:20:53.080 --> 0:20:57.480
<v Speaker 1>as OPEK becomes a genuine world power. Here's here's how

0:20:57.520 --> 0:21:01.440
<v Speaker 1>Corneil puts it. The sharp inc of nineteen seventy three

0:21:01.480 --> 0:21:04.360
<v Speaker 1>and nineteen seventy four in oil prices did not result

0:21:04.400 --> 0:21:07.639
<v Speaker 1>from a world shortage of oil. It was rather the

0:21:07.680 --> 0:21:11.160
<v Speaker 1>outcome of a long historical process by which OPEC nations,

0:21:11.320 --> 0:21:15.119
<v Speaker 1>acting as landowners, developed the means to extract a rent

0:21:15.160 --> 0:21:17.760
<v Speaker 1>on the basis of their ownership of the oil fields,

0:21:18.880 --> 0:21:22.439
<v Speaker 1>an absolute rent in addition to the differential rents they

0:21:22.480 --> 0:21:25.600
<v Speaker 1>had collected in the past. In nineteen seventy three, a

0:21:25.680 --> 0:21:29.920
<v Speaker 1>seat of converging political and economic conditions helped establish their

0:21:29.920 --> 0:21:33.679
<v Speaker 1>collective ability to restrict the world's supply of oil. With

0:21:33.800 --> 0:21:37.040
<v Speaker 1>this power, Opek felt entitled to set my market prices

0:21:37.040 --> 0:21:39.960
<v Speaker 1>of oil, thus freeing the level of rent from the

0:21:40.000 --> 0:21:44.480
<v Speaker 1>previous constraint of the market price. Now, rent itself, absolute

0:21:44.520 --> 0:21:47.840
<v Speaker 1>and differential would come to determine the market price of oil.

0:21:49.800 --> 0:21:52.199
<v Speaker 1>Now you may be asking yourself, VIIa, that this is

0:21:52.240 --> 0:21:56.879
<v Speaker 1>all well and good for describing the price of how

0:21:57.359 --> 0:22:00.199
<v Speaker 1>for describing how the price of oil changes? But what

0:22:00.200 --> 0:22:03.040
<v Speaker 1>does this have to do with me? And the answer

0:22:03.160 --> 0:22:06.280
<v Speaker 1>is that while Corneal is specifically focused on resource rents

0:22:06.320 --> 0:22:08.720
<v Speaker 1>for obvious reasons, he is doing a study of the

0:22:08.720 --> 0:22:12.480
<v Speaker 1>state of Venezuela, you can apply his analysis to the

0:22:12.520 --> 0:22:15.399
<v Speaker 1>kind of rent that we all pay. If you follow

0:22:15.600 --> 0:22:20.040
<v Speaker 1>Corneal's conclusions about absolute rent through to the American rental market,

0:22:20.560 --> 0:22:24.320
<v Speaker 1>it produces startlingly different conclusions about the source and sort

0:22:24.359 --> 0:22:26.680
<v Speaker 1>of nature of the so called housing crisis that are

0:22:26.720 --> 0:22:30.399
<v Speaker 1>traditionally presented. If rent levels are a product of the

0:22:30.400 --> 0:22:33.879
<v Speaker 1>social power of the landlord class, the behavior that's otherwise

0:22:33.920 --> 0:22:36.920
<v Speaker 1>inexplicable like landlords sitting on empty properties instead of renting

0:22:36.960 --> 0:22:41.840
<v Speaker 1>an amount at lower rates, suddenly become clear armed with

0:22:41.840 --> 0:22:44.080
<v Speaker 1>the backing of the state's secure at social power by

0:22:44.119 --> 0:22:47.199
<v Speaker 1>carrying out evictions, and with the state's implicit backing to

0:22:47.240 --> 0:22:51.520
<v Speaker 1>carry out technically illegal evictions, landlords can extract both differential

0:22:51.560 --> 0:22:54.879
<v Speaker 1>and absolute rents, allowing them to tell the market to

0:22:54.960 --> 0:22:58.320
<v Speaker 1>take a hike as setting ever increasing rents that renters

0:22:58.320 --> 0:23:00.520
<v Speaker 1>have no choice but to pay or be swept decided

0:23:00.560 --> 0:23:05.040
<v Speaker 1>in brutal anti homeless rays. This has massive consequences on

0:23:05.119 --> 0:23:09.240
<v Speaker 1>any potential strategy to reduce rent. Opek, remember, was able

0:23:09.280 --> 0:23:11.480
<v Speaker 1>to use its social power to increase the price of

0:23:11.520 --> 0:23:14.120
<v Speaker 1>oil by four hundred percent, even in a period where

0:23:14.119 --> 0:23:18.000
<v Speaker 1>the actual supply of oil was enormous, by pure virtue

0:23:18.000 --> 0:23:22.080
<v Speaker 1>of organization and the power of their landownership. While American

0:23:22.160 --> 0:23:24.840
<v Speaker 1>landlords is certainly weaker and less organized than Opek, their

0:23:24.880 --> 0:23:27.520
<v Speaker 1>social power is still such that increasing supply is not

0:23:27.600 --> 0:23:30.720
<v Speaker 1>guaranteed to drive down prices, because in a situation governed

0:23:30.760 --> 0:23:34.240
<v Speaker 1>by the extraction of absolute rent, rent is not determined

0:23:34.240 --> 0:23:41.080
<v Speaker 1>by prices. Prices are determined by rent. On the other hand,

0:23:41.240 --> 0:23:43.679
<v Speaker 1>this means that you can reduce rent by breaking the

0:23:43.680 --> 0:23:47.120
<v Speaker 1>social power of the landlord. And indeed, even in very

0:23:47.160 --> 0:23:50.879
<v Speaker 1>hot housing markets like Toronto and Los Angeles, this strategy

0:23:50.920 --> 0:23:55.199
<v Speaker 1>canon has worked. Tenets. Unions which deploy the power of

0:23:55.240 --> 0:23:58.399
<v Speaker 1>collective bargaining and the social solidarity of renters to combat

0:23:58.400 --> 0:24:02.840
<v Speaker 1>the power of landlords, have succeeded in reducing rents and

0:24:02.960 --> 0:24:06.240
<v Speaker 1>can and will continue to do so. But these efforts

0:24:06.240 --> 0:24:08.800
<v Speaker 1>are only the beginning of a process that finally answers

0:24:08.800 --> 0:24:12.080
<v Speaker 1>the question why are rents so high? If rents are

0:24:12.119 --> 0:24:14.360
<v Speaker 1>high because of the social power of landlords, the way

0:24:14.400 --> 0:24:16.600
<v Speaker 1>to bring rents down is to crush the batters completely

0:24:16.600 --> 0:24:19.639
<v Speaker 1>and appropriate them, to seize every last building and plot

0:24:19.640 --> 0:24:22.320
<v Speaker 1>of land from every landlord in the country and drive

0:24:22.400 --> 0:24:24.639
<v Speaker 1>them as a class from the political mainstream into the

0:24:24.680 --> 0:24:27.840
<v Speaker 1>pages of history. And then, and this is crucial, not

0:24:27.880 --> 0:24:31.240
<v Speaker 1>to replace them with another landowning class, or, as Leninist

0:24:31.280 --> 0:24:33.800
<v Speaker 1>proposed that it actually did replace them with the state.

0:24:34.640 --> 0:24:37.920
<v Speaker 1>Only by destroying the category of landlord, not by regulating

0:24:37.920 --> 0:24:40.920
<v Speaker 1>it or nationalizing it, can we finally escape the long

0:24:41.000 --> 0:24:44.440
<v Speaker 1>nightmare of rents and enter a world where people's ability

0:24:44.480 --> 0:24:47.359
<v Speaker 1>to live is determined not by the sort of capricious

0:24:47.400 --> 0:24:51.240
<v Speaker 1>and arbitrary will of a small class of landowners, but

0:24:51.400 --> 0:24:54.720
<v Speaker 1>on their human need for housing. This has been It

0:24:54.720 --> 0:24:58.400
<v Speaker 1>could happen here. You can find us in the usual places,

0:24:58.600 --> 0:25:02.960
<v Speaker 1>and yeah, go go into the worlds and make the

0:25:03.000 --> 0:25:10.199
<v Speaker 1>world without rent to reality. It could happen here as

0:25:10.240 --> 0:25:12.919
<v Speaker 1>a production of cool Zone Media. For more podcasts from

0:25:12.960 --> 0:25:16.080
<v Speaker 1>cool Zone Media, visit our website coolzonemedia dot com, or

0:25:16.160 --> 0:25:18.800
<v Speaker 1>check us out on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or

0:25:18.840 --> 0:25:21.840
<v Speaker 1>wherever you listen to podcasts. You can find sources for

0:25:21.880 --> 0:25:25.200
<v Speaker 1>It could Happen Here, updated monthly at coolzonemedia dot com

0:25:25.240 --> 0:25:27.120
<v Speaker 1>slash sources. Thanks for listening.