WEBVTT - This Is Why It's So Hard To Cut Public Spending

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Audio Studios, Podcasts, Radio News.

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<v Speaker 2>Hello and welcome to another episode of the Odd Lots Podcast.

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<v Speaker 2>I'm Joe Wisenthal.

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<v Speaker 3>And I'm Tracy Alloway.

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<v Speaker 2>Tracy, spending cuts in the air these days.

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<v Speaker 3>You could say that it's a vibe shift. It's a

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<v Speaker 3>vibe Yeah.

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<v Speaker 4>Sure.

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<v Speaker 3>So under the Trump administration, obviously there is a stated

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<v Speaker 3>ambition to reduce spending and make the government more efficient overall.

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah, Scott Besten, I think he has something the three

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<v Speaker 2>three three plan part of it. I think he wants

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<v Speaker 2>three percent growth, three percent more oil production, and then

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<v Speaker 2>three percent deficit. And I think deficits are around six

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<v Speaker 2>percent currently, which is really high by historic standards, especially

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<v Speaker 2>because we're at what four point one percent unemployment. Usually,

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<v Speaker 2>when the economy is running this hot or this tight,

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<v Speaker 2>you don't expect to see deficits this large at in

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<v Speaker 2>rates as high as they are. There does seem to

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<v Speaker 2>be this impulse for better or worse, and other people

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<v Speaker 2>can be the judge of that to cut spending. But

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<v Speaker 2>on the other hand, it's very difficult.

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<v Speaker 3>Wait, why do you say that, Because early in my

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<v Speaker 3>career there was the Eurozone cross and I think there

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<v Speaker 3>was some austerity imposed in places like Greece ultimately, so

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<v Speaker 3>why do you say it's difficult?

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<v Speaker 2>So, actually, there's two things here, and I think there's

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<v Speaker 2>really apt and I think this is a fascinating question

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<v Speaker 2>in its own right, which is, why is it that

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<v Speaker 2>in two thousand and nine twenty ten, in the aftermath

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<v Speaker 2>of the Great Financial Crisis, when we had widespread unemployment,

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<v Speaker 2>why was the appetite for austerity so high then at

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<v Speaker 2>a time when there was so little aggregate demand, And

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<v Speaker 2>now at a time when you know, obviously inflation has

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<v Speaker 2>been running hot and so forth, why does it seem

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<v Speaker 2>more difficult? That in itself is a fascinating question. But

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<v Speaker 2>I guess what I would say to answer your question specifically,

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<v Speaker 2>is that anytime people talk about cuts, there is not

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<v Speaker 2>a ton of discretionary spending in the US government budget.

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<v Speaker 2>There's the entitlement, social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and then there's defense,

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<v Speaker 2>which there's usually not much political appetite to cut, and

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<v Speaker 2>then when you have left over, it's hard to move

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<v Speaker 2>the dial. And so the theory is that if you

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<v Speaker 2>actually want to move the dial on spending and deficits,

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<v Speaker 2>you have to like cut into some areas you have

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<v Speaker 2>to break promises perhaps that you've made to various constituencies

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<v Speaker 2>like senior right.

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<v Speaker 3>Ultimately you're inflicting pain on someone, and at least in

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<v Speaker 3>democratic governments, because it's all about a numbers game. It's

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<v Speaker 3>all about getting votes. That would be a bad thing.

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<v Speaker 2>Well, we have to then talk about how do the

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<v Speaker 2>stars align if you actually want to meaningfully cut spending,

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<v Speaker 2>how does that actually happen. How do democratically elected government

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<v Speaker 2>sort of build the political capacity to inflict pain perhaps

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<v Speaker 2>on groups that obviously have some stature. We really do

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<v Speaker 2>have the perfect guest. We are going to be speaking

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<v Speaker 2>with Fritz Bartel. He is an assistant professor of International

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<v Speaker 2>Affairs at the Bush School at Texas A and M.

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<v Speaker 2>And he is the author of the book came out

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<v Speaker 2>in twenty twenty two, The Triumph of Broken Promises, the

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<v Speaker 2>End of the Cold War and the Rise of Neoliberalism,

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<v Speaker 2>And it's kind of about exactly this topic, how governments

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<v Speaker 2>break promises. So, Professor Bartel, thank you so much for

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<v Speaker 2>coming on odd LATS.

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<v Speaker 4>Thanks so much for having me.

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<v Speaker 2>Your book is really interesting because you talk about this

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<v Speaker 2>sort of resource constraints and spending constraints in the US,

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<v Speaker 2>the UK, and the Soviet Union. All of it was

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<v Speaker 2>sort of building up to a head in the late

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<v Speaker 2>nineteen seventies early eighties. Before reading your book, that hadn't

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<v Speaker 2>clicked to me that all the different economies were sort

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<v Speaker 2>of facing the same stresses at the same time. What

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<v Speaker 2>was going on that suddenly around the world governments felt

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<v Speaker 2>this impulse like we have to cut we have to

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<v Speaker 2>constrain ourselves.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, So, I guess the short answer is that the

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<v Speaker 4>kind of post World War two economic boom had run

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<v Speaker 4>aground in the nineteen seventies. Obviously, there was the kind

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<v Speaker 4>of birth of stagflation. There was a decline in productivity

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<v Speaker 4>growth across Western economies, the Soviet economy, and the Eastern

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<v Speaker 4>Bloc more generally, the Communist Block had run into the

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<v Speaker 4>end of their growth model. Kind of this hyper industrialization

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<v Speaker 4>growth model had started to produce fewer and fewer results.

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<v Speaker 4>So in both the Eastern Bloc, the Communist world, and

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<v Speaker 4>the West, the growth model, one largely based on kind

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<v Speaker 4>of industrialization, certainly based on cheap energy resources, had started

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<v Speaker 4>to run aground roughly at similar kind of moments in

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<v Speaker 4>the early nineteen seventies, and then these crises that kind

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<v Speaker 4>of came to define the nineteen seventies, the energy shock

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<v Speaker 4>of nineteen seventy three again in nineteen seventy nine. The

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<v Speaker 4>monetary confusion and shocks of the nineteen seventies also spurred

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<v Speaker 4>a great deal of inflation and crisis across the world.

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<v Speaker 4>And so in both East and West, the societies had

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<v Speaker 4>largely concluded that they did not have the resources to

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<v Speaker 4>meet the commitments that they previously had made to their constituencies,

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<v Speaker 4>or at least that's how it became framed and understood.

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<v Speaker 3>So you mentioned commitments, What exactly were the commitments or

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<v Speaker 3>the promises that different governments had made to their citizens,

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<v Speaker 3>Because you know, I think about America and obviously in

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<v Speaker 3>the nineteen fifties nineteen sixties there was the American dream

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<v Speaker 3>of a nice house in the suburbs and a car

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<v Speaker 3>and two point four children or whatever it was. And

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<v Speaker 3>then in the East, I think there was a promise

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<v Speaker 3>of economic growth. Maybe the emphasis was more on equality

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<v Speaker 3>of economic growth versus just pure economic growth.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah. So I think, as I defined in the book,

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<v Speaker 4>this kind of politics of making promises took different shapes

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<v Speaker 4>in the West and the East. The West had more

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<v Speaker 4>abundance from the start, and certainly creating abundance was at

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<v Speaker 4>the core of what democratic capitalism was all about, but

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<v Speaker 4>it wasn't particularly because the West was in this Cold War.

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<v Speaker 4>You couldn't just be about creating abundance. There had to

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<v Speaker 4>be some sense of limiting inequality at the very least,

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<v Speaker 4>and so Western states, not universally and not necessarily with

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<v Speaker 4>all of their conviction, but they supported labor unions to

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<v Speaker 4>a much greater degree than they would subsequently, they created

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<v Speaker 4>broad welfare states that invested in cradle to grave type

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<v Speaker 4>of state intervention. They largely secured for at least large

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<v Speaker 4>segments of their population income security, security, full employee. Even

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<v Speaker 4>the commitment to full employment was a kind of post

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<v Speaker 4>war novelty that governments could actually make credible. And in

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<v Speaker 4>the East it took something, you know, it was a

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<v Speaker 4>slightly different shape, but there were similar kinds of promises

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<v Speaker 4>made that your workday would get shorter, your even intergenerational

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<v Speaker 4>upward mobility would increase, you had access to housing. All

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<v Speaker 4>of these always very incompletely fulfilled, but they were kind

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<v Speaker 4>of making progress incredibly in the eyes of their populations,

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<v Speaker 4>making more progress towards a future of both material abundance

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<v Speaker 4>and some form of equality, not full on equality, certainly

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<v Speaker 4>much more in communists or state social societies, equality was

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<v Speaker 4>held in higher regard, but also very much in the West.

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<v Speaker 4>You kind of couldn't come out just as fully comfortable

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<v Speaker 4>with the levels of inequality that we've reached by today's standards.

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<v Speaker 4>So this search for both abundance and some measure of

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<v Speaker 4>equality was there in both the West and the East.

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<v Speaker 2>You know, it's funny, Like, obviously I think today we

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<v Speaker 2>think of the Soviet Union's economic model as sort of

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<v Speaker 2>having been a basket case and a disaster, But for

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<v Speaker 2>many years they were actually they were growing, their industrializing,

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<v Speaker 2>They had rapid growth, something that I hadn't realized until

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<v Speaker 2>I read your book. And maybe we're skipping ahead a

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<v Speaker 2>little bit here in the story, but even like in

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<v Speaker 2>Western financial markets, there was sort of an obsession with

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<v Speaker 2>like Eastern Bloc debt, Like it was an exciting trade

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<v Speaker 2>to lend to some of the communist countries in the East,

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<v Speaker 2>and like financial analysts were like really excited about these investments.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, and I don't know that we can really pin

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<v Speaker 4>that necessarily on their growth processure per se, But Western

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<v Speaker 4>bankers definitely believed that the communist world had a nice

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<v Speaker 4>recipe for making secure loans. So if things were to

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<v Speaker 4>come to a crisis, it was believed that authoritarianism was

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<v Speaker 4>going to be very good imposing these kinds of cuts

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<v Speaker 4>at imposing discipline and breaking promises. And in the background

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<v Speaker 4>the Soviet economy itself, in the background of a country

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<v Speaker 4>like Poland or Hungary or East Germany, the Soviet economy

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<v Speaker 4>was sitting there, as they literally called it, an umbrella,

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<v Speaker 4>an economic and financial umbrella over the rest of the

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<v Speaker 4>Eastern Bloc, where if any of these countries ran into

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<v Speaker 4>financial difficulties, it was assumed that the Soviet Union would

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<v Speaker 4>kind of come to their financial rescue, would bail them

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<v Speaker 4>out and in the end pay off their debts. And

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<v Speaker 4>it turned out that that wasn't the case by the

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<v Speaker 4>nineteen eighties, but in the nineteen seventies in particular, that

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<v Speaker 4>was a very popular view in the Western financial press.

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<v Speaker 3>Explain how we got from the nineteen seventies where Russia,

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<v Speaker 3>you know, is kind of impressive at least to Western

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<v Speaker 3>investors and analysts, to the nineteen eighties where it's unable

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<v Speaker 3>to do what it had promised to some of its allies.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, so you know, it's largely a story of oil

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<v Speaker 4>and natural gas kind of coming into the nineteen seventies,

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<v Speaker 4>the Soviet Union has found significant oil reserves in and

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<v Speaker 4>western Siberia. It's started to develop those reserves over the

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<v Speaker 4>course of the nineteen sixties, and by the nineteen seventies

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<v Speaker 4>it's coming online, so to speak, as an energy superpower.

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<v Speaker 4>At the same time that world markets are creating multiple

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<v Speaker 4>crises that send the price of oil and natural gas

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<v Speaker 4>through the roof, and so throughout the nineteen seventies it

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<v Speaker 4>looks like the Soviet Union, and in fact it does

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<v Speaker 4>have all of this energy wealth at its disposal. And

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<v Speaker 4>then the nineteen eighties come and the kind of fortunes reversed. So,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, when prices go up, people start to look

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<v Speaker 4>for more supply. They find energy in places like the

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<v Speaker 4>North Sea. They start to develop much more energy supply.

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<v Speaker 4>Western countries have done not a great job, but they've

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<v Speaker 4>done something to create more energy of fission economies, and

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<v Speaker 4>so the forces of supply and demands start to send

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<v Speaker 4>the price of oil in the nineteen eighties on a

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<v Speaker 4>downward trend, pinpointed by a couple of particular moments like

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<v Speaker 4>nineteen eighty five, where it really significantly collapses, and the

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<v Speaker 4>Soviet Union itself finds that it's much more difficult to

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<v Speaker 4>produce the growth in its energy sector that it had

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<v Speaker 4>produced in the nineteen sixties in the nineteen seventies, and

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<v Speaker 4>so these two forces, a kind of plateau in production

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<v Speaker 4>and the collapse in price, all of a sudden leave

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<v Speaker 4>the Soviet Bloc as a whole looking much less economically

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<v Speaker 4>powerful by the even the middle of the nineteen eighties

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<v Speaker 4>than it was, let's say, in the late nineteen seventies.

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<v Speaker 2>When we were talking about the intro and you sort

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<v Speaker 2>of alluded to it when you were talking about the

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<v Speaker 2>Umbrella and this belief in the West that well, you know,

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<v Speaker 2>the Soviet Union is authoritarian, essentially planned economy. They don't

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<v Speaker 2>have to pander to voters, and therefore one might think

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<v Speaker 2>that that's a more politically conducive environment for cutting spending

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<v Speaker 2>or making difficult decisions. I'm curious the answer why that

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<v Speaker 2>didn't turn out to be the case. Yes, as part

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<v Speaker 2>of the story is that, well, maybe the promises to

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<v Speaker 2>their own citizens could be taken for granted, that these

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<v Speaker 2>other satellite countries East Germany, Poland, et cetera. They have

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<v Speaker 2>no obligation to stick with the Eastern Bloc if they're

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<v Speaker 2>not getting that support anymore from the Soviet Union. But

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<v Speaker 2>why don't you sort of explain why that authoritarian ease

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<v Speaker 2>didn't end up working out.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, so it kind of corresponding to this belief in

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<v Speaker 4>the West that authoritarians would be good at breaking promises,

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<v Speaker 4>those same people and many others believe that democracies would

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<v Speaker 4>be very bad at breaking promises, because, as you mentioned,

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<v Speaker 4>the intro would seem to make sense that if you're

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<v Speaker 4>trying to get elected, it's just not in your interest

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<v Speaker 4>to try to break promises to your own citizens. The

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<v Speaker 4>turn of the nineteen eighties, both events in the United

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<v Speaker 4>States and Great Britain and events in the Eastern Bloc

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<v Speaker 4>suggest that this might not be true, and in fact,

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<v Speaker 4>democratic elections and the kind of legitimacy that it bestows

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<v Speaker 4>on governments, at least that it did bestow in the past,

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<v Speaker 4>we can talk about whether or not that's still true.

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<v Speaker 4>In the nineteen eighties, it turned out that democracy and

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<v Speaker 4>competitive elections provided a sense of legitimacy that made the

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<v Speaker 4>let's say, the sales pitch of breaking promises more credible

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<v Speaker 4>in the eyes of Western populations than it turned out

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<v Speaker 4>to be in communist societies. So the specific case that

0:13:27.080 --> 0:13:30.480
<v Speaker 4>I think is probably most illustrative is Poland in the

0:13:30.480 --> 0:13:34.000
<v Speaker 4>early nineteen eighties. People will probably know, or if they're

0:13:34.040 --> 0:13:38.160
<v Speaker 4>old enough, remember the Polish labor union Solidarity, it's famous leader,

0:13:38.480 --> 0:13:42.600
<v Speaker 4>Left Bowensa. It's born in the summer of nineteen eighty

0:13:42.640 --> 0:13:47.280
<v Speaker 4>precisely because the Polish government tries to increase consumer prices

0:13:47.760 --> 0:13:50.920
<v Speaker 4>basically which in communist societies was one of the foundational

0:13:50.960 --> 0:13:53.680
<v Speaker 4>promises that had been made to the population, we will

0:13:53.760 --> 0:13:57.199
<v Speaker 4>keep your basic basket of goods the price of those

0:13:57.240 --> 0:14:00.920
<v Speaker 4>goods very stable. They try to increase the in order

0:14:01.000 --> 0:14:03.640
<v Speaker 4>to repay their debts, partially in order to solve some

0:14:03.720 --> 0:14:08.400
<v Speaker 4>of their financial problems, and people openly revolt because they

0:14:08.440 --> 0:14:12.320
<v Speaker 4>don't trust that their government, that the state's socialist state,

0:14:12.840 --> 0:14:15.600
<v Speaker 4>is essentially telling them the truth that you need to

0:14:15.640 --> 0:14:18.120
<v Speaker 4>go to the people to break these promises to get

0:14:18.120 --> 0:14:21.400
<v Speaker 4>some sacrifice from them in order to repay debts. That's

0:14:21.520 --> 0:14:25.720
<v Speaker 4>not a credible and legitimate claiming in the eyes of

0:14:25.800 --> 0:14:29.200
<v Speaker 4>Polish society. In contrast, when someone like Paul Volker in

0:14:29.240 --> 0:14:33.240
<v Speaker 4>the United States says essentially that the United States needs

0:14:33.280 --> 0:14:37.680
<v Speaker 4>to go through a very painful recession in order to

0:14:37.720 --> 0:14:41.520
<v Speaker 4>fix the problem of inflation that had come to define

0:14:41.600 --> 0:14:44.280
<v Speaker 4>the United States over the course of the nineteen seventies.

0:14:44.800 --> 0:14:47.840
<v Speaker 4>Lots of people are unhappy about that. He gets death threats,

0:14:47.880 --> 0:14:50.480
<v Speaker 4>there's protests, he's on the cover of Time magazine. He's

0:14:50.560 --> 0:14:53.280
<v Speaker 4>kind of public enemy number one in a sense. But

0:14:54.040 --> 0:14:56.880
<v Speaker 4>it does not result in a kind of full blown

0:14:57.080 --> 0:15:00.800
<v Speaker 4>revolt against the system as it did in the Eastern Bloc.

0:15:00.840 --> 0:15:01.720
<v Speaker 3>And so the.

0:15:01.760 --> 0:15:06.760
<v Speaker 4>Legitimacy that democracy itself bestowed on Western States turns out

0:15:06.800 --> 0:15:10.120
<v Speaker 4>to be the mechanism, I think, by which they were

0:15:10.160 --> 0:15:12.760
<v Speaker 4>able to break promises to their people, whereas in the

0:15:12.760 --> 0:15:16.240
<v Speaker 4>Eastern Bloc authoritarianism proved to be very weak at this

0:15:16.360 --> 0:15:19.240
<v Speaker 4>task because the only thing people had come to expect

0:15:19.320 --> 0:15:22.640
<v Speaker 4>from their government, they didn't have any political role in it.

0:15:22.680 --> 0:15:25.440
<v Speaker 4>The only thing they'd come to expect was some kind

0:15:25.440 --> 0:15:28.840
<v Speaker 4>of material improvement year over year, meager though it was,

0:15:29.360 --> 0:15:31.520
<v Speaker 4>and that was lacking in the Eastern Bloc.

0:15:46.800 --> 0:15:49.680
<v Speaker 3>Can you say more about this, maybe in the context

0:15:50.040 --> 0:15:52.560
<v Speaker 3>of Ronald Reagan, because I think that would be a

0:15:52.560 --> 0:15:56.400
<v Speaker 3>good example of I guess the role of free elections

0:15:56.520 --> 0:16:01.520
<v Speaker 3>and competition between political candidates in basically letting the population,

0:16:01.840 --> 0:16:05.680
<v Speaker 3>like let some of their frustration out right. It's kind

0:16:05.720 --> 0:16:09.680
<v Speaker 3>of like, Okay, the current politicians have failed to keep

0:16:09.800 --> 0:16:12.920
<v Speaker 3>their promise, and so we are willing to try anything,

0:16:13.640 --> 0:16:17.480
<v Speaker 3>even if it means short term pain in order to

0:16:17.800 --> 0:16:19.080
<v Speaker 3>get what we want again.

0:16:19.320 --> 0:16:22.760
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, So Reagan is a kind of quintessential figure for

0:16:22.840 --> 0:16:27.160
<v Speaker 4>this turn. He's not a political outsider necessarily, certainly on

0:16:27.200 --> 0:16:30.120
<v Speaker 4>the level of Trump in the nineteen seventies, but he

0:16:30.200 --> 0:16:34.480
<v Speaker 4>does come to DC wins the nineteen eighty election with

0:16:34.560 --> 0:16:39.320
<v Speaker 4>a distinctly different message. Right. He famously says in his

0:16:39.320 --> 0:16:42.160
<v Speaker 4>inaugural a dress in nineteen eighty one, government is not

0:16:42.720 --> 0:16:45.720
<v Speaker 4>the solution to the problem. It is the problem. And

0:16:45.760 --> 0:16:49.040
<v Speaker 4>that kind of message, which is already one that is

0:16:49.440 --> 0:16:54.720
<v Speaker 4>then conducive to breaking promises because it's redefined the state

0:16:54.880 --> 0:16:59.800
<v Speaker 4>as the problem itself. The popular mandate that he has

0:17:00.240 --> 0:17:03.920
<v Speaker 4>by winning the nineteen eighty election, in turn, gives him,

0:17:04.560 --> 0:17:07.239
<v Speaker 4>I guess the term would be more political capital and

0:17:07.280 --> 0:17:10.800
<v Speaker 4>certainly more receptivity even from his enemies or from his

0:17:10.880 --> 0:17:16.080
<v Speaker 4>political enemies to accept the policies that he then enacts.

0:17:16.600 --> 0:17:19.440
<v Speaker 4>So I think that's one of the key factors is, yes,

0:17:19.480 --> 0:17:21.959
<v Speaker 4>he has certain people who agree with many people who

0:17:22.040 --> 0:17:24.920
<v Speaker 4>agree with him, but even those who disagree with him

0:17:25.440 --> 0:17:29.000
<v Speaker 4>work within the bounds of the system where they accept. Again,

0:17:29.080 --> 0:17:31.080
<v Speaker 4>this is where it gets a little different in the

0:17:31.160 --> 0:17:34.160
<v Speaker 4>recent years. They accept the outcome of the election right,

0:17:34.200 --> 0:17:36.960
<v Speaker 4>and they view the process itself by which this was

0:17:37.000 --> 0:17:41.679
<v Speaker 4>decided as legitimate. And so he's not particularly successful, and

0:17:41.760 --> 0:17:45.920
<v Speaker 4>he and his team are not particularly successful in cutting spending,

0:17:46.080 --> 0:17:49.240
<v Speaker 4>in particular in breaking promises. Much more of that in

0:17:49.280 --> 0:17:52.400
<v Speaker 4>the US case comes from the federal Reserve. But he

0:17:52.480 --> 0:17:57.359
<v Speaker 4>dramatically alters the rhetorical landscape of the United States, and

0:17:57.520 --> 0:18:02.880
<v Speaker 4>does so by bringing this movement from outside Washington, DC

0:18:03.520 --> 0:18:05.639
<v Speaker 4>and redefining what the kind of terms of the debate

0:18:05.680 --> 0:18:07.960
<v Speaker 4>will be. In the nineteen eighties.

0:18:08.119 --> 0:18:10.719
<v Speaker 2>You make a compelling argument that at least, you know

0:18:10.840 --> 0:18:15.480
<v Speaker 2>forty something years ago that something about the democratic system

0:18:15.920 --> 0:18:20.199
<v Speaker 2>was more conducive to cutting spending. But a you know,

0:18:20.680 --> 0:18:23.800
<v Speaker 2>a lot of the sort of austerity that was imposed

0:18:23.920 --> 0:18:26.959
<v Speaker 2>in the US came more from the FED rather than

0:18:27.080 --> 0:18:30.080
<v Speaker 2>actual spending cuts. And of course we know that deficits

0:18:30.119 --> 0:18:33.120
<v Speaker 2>actually widened quite a bit, so it sort of relied

0:18:33.160 --> 0:18:34.880
<v Speaker 2>on the fact that we sort of have this sort

0:18:34.920 --> 0:18:39.560
<v Speaker 2>of outside of government undemocratic enforcer in the form of

0:18:39.560 --> 0:18:44.600
<v Speaker 2>the Federal Reserve. But then also the UK example, which,

0:18:44.920 --> 0:18:47.760
<v Speaker 2>as your book lays out, you know, there was fights

0:18:47.800 --> 0:18:50.280
<v Speaker 2>with the coal miners and maybe you can explain that,

0:18:50.560 --> 0:18:53.800
<v Speaker 2>but it like, ultimately what allowed Margaret Thatcher to have

0:18:53.880 --> 0:18:57.240
<v Speaker 2>the political capital to cut was the Falkland Islands War

0:18:57.440 --> 0:19:01.720
<v Speaker 2>in nineteen eighty two, which gave her a burst and popularity, which, okay,

0:19:01.760 --> 0:19:06.240
<v Speaker 2>maybe that allowed for some breaking promises, but sort of

0:19:06.280 --> 0:19:08.840
<v Speaker 2>a I don't know, dirus x mockin like does not

0:19:09.160 --> 0:19:13.200
<v Speaker 2>sound like a great triumph of like, oh, this is

0:19:13.240 --> 0:19:16.560
<v Speaker 2>the democratic process working smoothly with the mandate.

0:19:17.160 --> 0:19:20.400
<v Speaker 4>No, and I don't think it's ever a let's say,

0:19:20.400 --> 0:19:23.960
<v Speaker 4>clean and easy process. And Reagan was one of those

0:19:24.000 --> 0:19:27.359
<v Speaker 4>elected I guess with that most in his mandate. Thatcher

0:19:27.400 --> 0:19:30.680
<v Speaker 4>another one, And even those who were elected with spending

0:19:30.720 --> 0:19:33.240
<v Speaker 4>cuts as part of their mandate found it a very

0:19:33.280 --> 0:19:38.359
<v Speaker 4>difficult thing to actually enact. So in Thatcher's case, yes,

0:19:38.440 --> 0:19:41.439
<v Speaker 4>cutting spending is an important part of what she does.

0:19:42.040 --> 0:19:44.680
<v Speaker 4>They also have a whole series of state owned industries

0:19:44.720 --> 0:19:47.720
<v Speaker 4>that they're trying to either close down or privatize, and

0:19:47.920 --> 0:19:50.359
<v Speaker 4>the coal miners of Great Britain are the ones who

0:19:50.440 --> 0:19:54.639
<v Speaker 4>ultimately try to fight back against this, and Thatcher, I argue,

0:19:54.680 --> 0:19:57.760
<v Speaker 4>I think, partially because of the kind of legitimacy that

0:19:57.960 --> 0:20:02.760
<v Speaker 4>democracy bestows upon her, doesn't end up with British society

0:20:02.880 --> 0:20:04.760
<v Speaker 4>in full revolt against her.

0:20:04.840 --> 0:20:05.000
<v Speaker 1>Right.

0:20:05.040 --> 0:20:07.920
<v Speaker 4>So I compare in the book the course of the

0:20:08.080 --> 0:20:11.160
<v Speaker 4>minor strike in Great Britain versus the course of solidarity

0:20:11.160 --> 0:20:15.199
<v Speaker 4>in Poland. Solidarity starts as a strike among workers and

0:20:15.600 --> 0:20:19.560
<v Speaker 4>builds out into a kind of society wide revolt against

0:20:19.560 --> 0:20:23.640
<v Speaker 4>the state socialist system, whereas the miners in the UK,

0:20:24.160 --> 0:20:26.960
<v Speaker 4>for a series of contingent but also I think structural reasons,

0:20:27.000 --> 0:20:31.000
<v Speaker 4>they are unable to form a broader coalition that would

0:20:31.040 --> 0:20:35.080
<v Speaker 4>ultimately thwart Thatcher's action, and so the strike fails. Ultimately,

0:20:35.160 --> 0:20:39.600
<v Speaker 4>the coal industry in the UK declines throughout the nineteen eighties,

0:20:40.240 --> 0:20:44.040
<v Speaker 4>and I think it is the kind of democratic system,

0:20:44.080 --> 0:20:47.560
<v Speaker 4>the legitimacy of the system itself, that allows this process

0:20:47.600 --> 0:20:51.000
<v Speaker 4>to unfold. So, for instance, Thatcher in this period is

0:20:51.040 --> 0:20:53.760
<v Speaker 4>a very divisive figure. Her approval ratings are something in

0:20:53.800 --> 0:20:57.880
<v Speaker 4>the range of forty five percent, But the police who

0:20:57.920 --> 0:21:01.320
<v Speaker 4>are kind of carrying out her actions and doing the

0:21:01.359 --> 0:21:05.399
<v Speaker 4>actual work to break up the minor strike have an

0:21:05.400 --> 0:21:07.800
<v Speaker 4>approval rating somewhere in the ninety two to ninety three

0:21:07.880 --> 0:21:13.240
<v Speaker 4>percent rank. So the state itself is deemed to be legitimate,

0:21:13.320 --> 0:21:17.719
<v Speaker 4>even if the politician who is enacting these policies is

0:21:17.760 --> 0:21:22.240
<v Speaker 4>still a highly divisive figure. And that's the kind of

0:21:22.320 --> 0:21:27.199
<v Speaker 4>deep legitimacy that democratic states had in this period and

0:21:27.280 --> 0:21:29.919
<v Speaker 4>that state socialist countries did not have, I think is

0:21:29.960 --> 0:21:33.800
<v Speaker 4>what ultimately produced the break or allowed the process of

0:21:33.840 --> 0:21:37.200
<v Speaker 4>breaking promises to go ahead in the United States and

0:21:37.320 --> 0:21:39.159
<v Speaker 4>the Western world more broadly.

0:21:39.200 --> 0:21:42.960
<v Speaker 3>The sort of distinction between politics and the economy.

0:21:43.000 --> 0:21:45.240
<v Speaker 4>I guess, well, that's a whole nother yes, I mean,

0:21:45.240 --> 0:21:50.000
<v Speaker 4>that's another way by which states, particularly capitalist states, have

0:21:50.080 --> 0:21:54.439
<v Speaker 4>found ways to break promises, is to shift responsibility for

0:21:54.760 --> 0:21:59.120
<v Speaker 4>social and economic outcomes from the government itself to the market. Right. So,

0:21:59.640 --> 0:22:04.200
<v Speaker 4>even processes of privatization, although technically a change in ownership,

0:22:04.240 --> 0:22:07.280
<v Speaker 4>were also the kind of consequences of those were often

0:22:07.920 --> 0:22:12.840
<v Speaker 4>downsizing unemployment, things like that. Right, So you've shifted responsibility

0:22:12.960 --> 0:22:17.440
<v Speaker 4>over to the marketplace. Over to this realm called the economy,

0:22:18.000 --> 0:22:21.919
<v Speaker 4>and then the negative social consequences that stem from that

0:22:22.359 --> 0:22:26.520
<v Speaker 4>process of privatization appear to be the product of the market.

0:22:26.520 --> 0:22:29.560
<v Speaker 4>They appear to be the product of the economy rather

0:22:29.680 --> 0:22:33.720
<v Speaker 4>than a political decision itself. And so that distinction, Yeah,

0:22:33.960 --> 0:22:38.080
<v Speaker 4>the politics versus economy distinction is a fundamentally important one

0:22:38.400 --> 0:22:41.080
<v Speaker 4>for how and why capitalist societies work.

0:22:41.840 --> 0:22:45.919
<v Speaker 3>So Gorbachev has a famous quote. I think it's something

0:22:46.000 --> 0:22:50.000
<v Speaker 3>like politics always follows the economy, not vice versa. And

0:22:50.040 --> 0:22:52.640
<v Speaker 3>you actually you mentioned that in your book, but I'd

0:22:52.680 --> 0:22:56.280
<v Speaker 3>be curious to get your take about the relationship between

0:22:56.720 --> 0:22:59.600
<v Speaker 3>politics and the economy and which one has the most

0:22:59.800 --> 0:23:00.960
<v Speaker 3>influence on the other.

0:23:01.680 --> 0:23:04.240
<v Speaker 4>Yeah. So I've wrestled with this for quite a long

0:23:04.280 --> 0:23:06.080
<v Speaker 4>time as I was writing this book, and I don't

0:23:06.119 --> 0:23:08.200
<v Speaker 4>think I have a categorical answer. I think it can

0:23:08.240 --> 0:23:12.320
<v Speaker 4>be different things in different moments. Generally speaking, I do

0:23:12.400 --> 0:23:17.560
<v Speaker 4>think that political economy, the economic forces of our world

0:23:17.880 --> 0:23:21.960
<v Speaker 4>of the late twentieth century, did provide let's say, windows

0:23:21.960 --> 0:23:26.960
<v Speaker 4>of opening windows of possibility and also closed other possibilities

0:23:26.960 --> 0:23:30.080
<v Speaker 4>in the realm of politics. So if you take something

0:23:30.160 --> 0:23:33.960
<v Speaker 4>like supply side economics in the United States on its

0:23:33.960 --> 0:23:35.880
<v Speaker 4>face in terms of whether or not it actually could

0:23:35.920 --> 0:23:39.960
<v Speaker 4>have succeeded on its own terms. The idea that you

0:23:40.080 --> 0:23:43.520
<v Speaker 4>cut taxes, you'll un leash economic growth and it will

0:23:43.600 --> 0:23:49.359
<v Speaker 4>essentially pay for itself. That idea has continuously been disproven,

0:23:49.400 --> 0:23:53.320
<v Speaker 4>and yet it continues to exist in US political discourse,

0:23:53.480 --> 0:23:56.720
<v Speaker 4>largely because the United States has been able to borrow

0:23:56.760 --> 0:24:00.520
<v Speaker 4>more money than anyone from the nineteen eighties onwards thought possible.

0:24:01.000 --> 0:24:05.760
<v Speaker 4>And so I think political ideas and political formations, political movements,

0:24:06.240 --> 0:24:09.720
<v Speaker 4>their life span and their popularity and then their moments

0:24:09.760 --> 0:24:12.560
<v Speaker 4>of coming to an end, do kind of have an

0:24:12.560 --> 0:24:15.960
<v Speaker 4>economic underpinning that makes them possible or not?

0:24:16.920 --> 0:24:19.120
<v Speaker 2>You know, I'm curious this book came out I think

0:24:19.240 --> 0:24:23.240
<v Speaker 2>twenty twenty two, during the peak of the recent inflation wave.

0:24:23.640 --> 0:24:26.720
<v Speaker 2>When you wrote it, I mean, I imagine you know, this

0:24:26.800 --> 0:24:29.159
<v Speaker 2>is years and years of research in your career, but

0:24:29.400 --> 0:24:32.560
<v Speaker 2>how much were you thinking about the present day. And

0:24:32.640 --> 0:24:35.800
<v Speaker 2>I recognize you keep sort of hinting at well, maybe

0:24:36.000 --> 0:24:39.440
<v Speaker 2>democratic governments in the West don't have the same perceived

0:24:39.520 --> 0:24:43.080
<v Speaker 2>legitimacy to do unpopular things, or to do things at all.

0:24:43.119 --> 0:24:45.880
<v Speaker 2>But I'm curious, like, as you were writing, how much

0:24:45.920 --> 0:24:49.280
<v Speaker 2>you were thinking about, like this is a lesson for

0:24:49.520 --> 0:24:50.800
<v Speaker 2>contemporary times.

0:24:51.080 --> 0:24:53.679
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, it was part of it, certainly as the book

0:24:53.880 --> 0:24:57.439
<v Speaker 4>came out. So when did the FED start hiking? That

0:24:57.680 --> 0:24:59.280
<v Speaker 4>you two would probably know better was.

0:24:59.240 --> 0:25:02.560
<v Speaker 2>That the first was in March twenty twenty two.

0:25:02.920 --> 0:25:04.760
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, so it was about to come out. And I

0:25:04.800 --> 0:25:09.080
<v Speaker 4>think had that happened much more as I was writing

0:25:09.119 --> 0:25:12.159
<v Speaker 4>it and researching it, I think the book may have

0:25:12.240 --> 0:25:15.720
<v Speaker 4>taken a different shape. Basically, it took on a new

0:25:15.840 --> 0:25:19.040
<v Speaker 4>kind of resonance as the book was about to come out.

0:25:19.240 --> 0:25:22.520
<v Speaker 4>As I was crafting it, it wasn't so much. I

0:25:22.520 --> 0:25:26.600
<v Speaker 4>guess the present day analogy, the present day comparison I

0:25:26.680 --> 0:25:29.720
<v Speaker 4>was making was how the United States was able to

0:25:29.800 --> 0:25:32.639
<v Speaker 4>exist with a system of political economy that didn't seem

0:25:32.800 --> 0:25:36.719
<v Speaker 4>to me to be sustainable in the sense of everything

0:25:36.760 --> 0:25:39.679
<v Speaker 4>I had thought I learned about economics, and I was

0:25:39.720 --> 0:25:42.680
<v Speaker 4>not a PhD in economics or anything, but four decades

0:25:42.840 --> 0:25:47.280
<v Speaker 4>of current accounts deficits and budget deficits many times had

0:25:47.320 --> 0:25:49.800
<v Speaker 4>been it had been predicted that this type of system,

0:25:49.880 --> 0:25:52.200
<v Speaker 4>this type of arrangement, could not go on and would

0:25:52.240 --> 0:25:55.080
<v Speaker 4>one day come to an end. And yet all of

0:25:55.119 --> 0:25:59.280
<v Speaker 4>those predictions have continuously been pushed back or been to

0:25:59.359 --> 0:26:02.200
<v Speaker 4>this point come to fruition. And so I was trying

0:26:02.240 --> 0:26:05.200
<v Speaker 4>to find the origins in one way of at least

0:26:05.200 --> 0:26:07.200
<v Speaker 4>for the part about the United States in the book,

0:26:07.520 --> 0:26:11.000
<v Speaker 4>trying to find the origins of where that political economic

0:26:11.320 --> 0:26:14.479
<v Speaker 4>arrangement came from. And it turned out to have its

0:26:14.520 --> 0:26:17.320
<v Speaker 4>origins at least I think in the early nineteen eighties,

0:26:17.359 --> 0:26:22.040
<v Speaker 4>with the combination of Vulgar and Reagan. So yeah, I

0:26:22.080 --> 0:26:24.439
<v Speaker 4>didn't go in search of a kind of recipe of

0:26:24.440 --> 0:26:27.320
<v Speaker 4>how do you go about breaking promises, because I ultimately

0:26:27.320 --> 0:26:31.119
<v Speaker 4>don't think the contemporary world is one where more of

0:26:31.119 --> 0:26:34.400
<v Speaker 4>breaking promises is a solution to anything, but more how

0:26:34.440 --> 0:26:37.639
<v Speaker 4>the United States as a political economic system arrived at

0:26:37.680 --> 0:26:52.160
<v Speaker 4>the arrangement that it has had for the past four decades.

0:26:55.480 --> 0:26:58.000
<v Speaker 3>This reminds me, actually, I wanted to ask you about

0:26:58.040 --> 0:27:01.760
<v Speaker 3>the actual research ss of writing a book like this,

0:27:02.000 --> 0:27:04.359
<v Speaker 3>because I read on the back that you did a

0:27:04.400 --> 0:27:07.760
<v Speaker 3>bunch of new archival research. What was that like? What

0:27:07.760 --> 0:27:08.439
<v Speaker 3>did you find?

0:27:08.880 --> 0:27:12.280
<v Speaker 4>Well? It was fascinating at every turn. So I started

0:27:12.280 --> 0:27:15.200
<v Speaker 4>in Washington, d C. I went to spend a year

0:27:15.240 --> 0:27:17.920
<v Speaker 4>in East German archives, which I think are the best

0:27:18.080 --> 0:27:20.040
<v Speaker 4>kind of archives you can have because there's no more

0:27:20.080 --> 0:27:24.439
<v Speaker 4>state left to defendance in secrets. And then spent a

0:27:24.520 --> 0:27:27.199
<v Speaker 4>summer in Russia as well, before the war in Ukraine,

0:27:27.960 --> 0:27:30.119
<v Speaker 4>or at least the twenty twenty two next step of

0:27:30.160 --> 0:27:32.960
<v Speaker 4>the war in Ukraine. So at every turn right, I

0:27:33.080 --> 0:27:35.240
<v Speaker 4>started with a view of the Cold War. I began

0:27:35.320 --> 0:27:38.600
<v Speaker 4>this project once I learned that when the Berlin Wall

0:27:38.640 --> 0:27:41.000
<v Speaker 4>came down, the East Block was ninety billion dollars in

0:27:41.040 --> 0:27:43.720
<v Speaker 4>debt to the West, and that didn't make any sense

0:27:43.760 --> 0:27:46.120
<v Speaker 4>to me. It didn't seem to accord with our understanding

0:27:46.160 --> 0:27:48.760
<v Speaker 4>of what the Cold War was, at least from an

0:27:48.800 --> 0:27:51.480
<v Speaker 4>economic point of view, where these two sides were supposed

0:27:51.520 --> 0:27:55.600
<v Speaker 4>to be relatively independent of each other. And then once

0:27:55.640 --> 0:27:58.760
<v Speaker 4>you get into the archives, whether it's in DC at

0:27:58.760 --> 0:28:02.479
<v Speaker 4>the IMF, whether it's in Berlin at the East German Archives,

0:28:02.560 --> 0:28:06.640
<v Speaker 4>or in Moscow, there was an entire story there of

0:28:06.640 --> 0:28:09.520
<v Speaker 4>officials on both sides of the Aaron Curtain. I don't

0:28:09.520 --> 0:28:13.400
<v Speaker 4>think the word is too strong. Literally obsessed with questions

0:28:13.400 --> 0:28:16.919
<v Speaker 4>of international finance and energy, and questions of how do

0:28:16.960 --> 0:28:21.600
<v Speaker 4>you go about legitimizing austerity or breaking promises to your

0:28:21.600 --> 0:28:25.439
<v Speaker 4>own population, and so it was an exhilarating experience at

0:28:25.520 --> 0:28:29.200
<v Speaker 4>least or a historically minded person like me to find

0:28:29.240 --> 0:28:34.520
<v Speaker 4>this story in archives all over North America and Europe

0:28:34.720 --> 0:28:35.480
<v Speaker 4>at least.

0:28:35.920 --> 0:28:38.560
<v Speaker 2>Going back to the Soviet Union for a second. So

0:28:38.840 --> 0:28:42.719
<v Speaker 2>obviously we could do one hundred episodes of the podcast

0:28:42.840 --> 0:28:45.800
<v Speaker 2>and never arrive at a definitive answer of why the

0:28:45.840 --> 0:28:49.840
<v Speaker 2>Soviet Union collapsed, and everyone has their various theories. The

0:28:49.880 --> 0:28:53.600
<v Speaker 2>Berlin Wall comes down in nineteen eighty nine, what promises

0:28:53.880 --> 0:28:56.600
<v Speaker 2>did the Soviet Union ultimately have to break and how

0:28:56.600 --> 0:28:58.840
<v Speaker 2>did those go down? What were the specific sort of

0:28:59.240 --> 0:29:02.440
<v Speaker 2>decisions made out of Moscow, to the satellites, to the

0:29:02.440 --> 0:29:05.840
<v Speaker 2>domestic citizenry that they actually had to bite the bullet,

0:29:05.840 --> 0:29:08.720
<v Speaker 2>and how did that contribute to the ultimate collapse of

0:29:08.760 --> 0:29:09.600
<v Speaker 2>the whole project.

0:29:09.840 --> 0:29:14.960
<v Speaker 4>So the international promise, I think promise is one word

0:29:15.000 --> 0:29:16.800
<v Speaker 4>for it, but in a sense that they're kind of

0:29:16.800 --> 0:29:22.840
<v Speaker 4>dictating to their paternal allies, but certainly promising to the socialists,

0:29:22.840 --> 0:29:26.200
<v Speaker 4>the state socialists in their allied countries that they will

0:29:26.240 --> 0:29:28.600
<v Speaker 4>come to their defense. Right, So if there's ever a

0:29:28.680 --> 0:29:32.120
<v Speaker 4>kind of domestic revolt or a movement for domestic reform,

0:29:32.160 --> 0:29:35.600
<v Speaker 4>this had happened in nineteen fifty three, in nineteen fifty six,

0:29:36.160 --> 0:29:40.000
<v Speaker 4>the Prague Spring in nineteen sixty eight, almost to a

0:29:40.000 --> 0:29:42.640
<v Speaker 4>certain degree in Poland in nineteen eighty and eighty one,

0:29:43.240 --> 0:29:45.840
<v Speaker 4>the Soviet Union was always standing there in the background,

0:29:46.120 --> 0:29:51.680
<v Speaker 4>either literally intervening militarily or threatening to intervene to in

0:29:51.720 --> 0:29:56.200
<v Speaker 4>their frame of reference, save state socialism, save socialism from

0:29:56.240 --> 0:29:59.880
<v Speaker 4>its capitalist enemy. That kind of gets encased in the

0:30:00.240 --> 0:30:03.560
<v Speaker 4>idea of the Brezhnev doctrine, named after Lenid Brezhnev, that

0:30:03.720 --> 0:30:06.640
<v Speaker 4>the Soviet Union will always intervene to save its allies

0:30:06.680 --> 0:30:11.520
<v Speaker 4>from domestic unrest or counter revolution. That promise gets broken

0:30:12.040 --> 0:30:15.600
<v Speaker 4>in the late nineteen eighties, as Gorbachev and many many

0:30:15.640 --> 0:30:21.200
<v Speaker 4>others beyond him end up viewing their imperial relationship as

0:30:21.200 --> 0:30:25.720
<v Speaker 4>a bad economic deal. So they're subsidizing their satellites in

0:30:25.760 --> 0:30:28.880
<v Speaker 4>all kinds of ways, but particularly with low cost energy,

0:30:29.480 --> 0:30:32.200
<v Speaker 4>and they're not getting, in their view, anything in return,

0:30:32.880 --> 0:30:36.480
<v Speaker 4>or certainly not getting a fair deal in that alliance relationship.

0:30:36.480 --> 0:30:39.720
<v Speaker 4>And so he eventually says, essentially, you handle your own problems,

0:30:39.800 --> 0:30:43.080
<v Speaker 4>will handle our problems. I placed that moment in nineteen

0:30:43.120 --> 0:30:46.200
<v Speaker 4>eighty six, and within a couple of years of course

0:30:46.400 --> 0:30:49.400
<v Speaker 4>they're testing the limits, and in nineteen eighty nine the

0:30:49.440 --> 0:30:53.480
<v Speaker 4>Iron curtain comes down in the Berlin Wall collapses. Domestically

0:30:53.640 --> 0:30:56.160
<v Speaker 4>the Soviet economy, at least, there's a kind of Soviet

0:30:56.240 --> 0:30:59.680
<v Speaker 4>social contract that the state will provide, right, in exchange

0:30:59.680 --> 0:31:03.000
<v Speaker 4>for your political silence, the state will provide you with

0:31:03.280 --> 0:31:08.440
<v Speaker 4>low cost consumer basics, job security. Right, there's no unemployment

0:31:08.480 --> 0:31:11.680
<v Speaker 4>in the society, at least no official unemployment, so you're

0:31:11.720 --> 0:31:14.400
<v Speaker 4>going to get kind of a lower level but certainly

0:31:14.520 --> 0:31:21.560
<v Speaker 4>socioeconomic security in exchange for your political silence. And that

0:31:22.040 --> 0:31:25.760
<v Speaker 4>he too, also through Paristroika, tries to start to break

0:31:25.800 --> 0:31:30.120
<v Speaker 4>those promises, introduce more market mechanisms, even eventually coming to

0:31:30.480 --> 0:31:33.040
<v Speaker 4>the idea that there would need to be unemployment and

0:31:33.160 --> 0:31:36.240
<v Speaker 4>more job in security in Soviet society.

0:31:37.000 --> 0:31:40.000
<v Speaker 3>I know your book stops with the end of the

0:31:40.040 --> 0:31:43.120
<v Speaker 3>Soviet Union, but can you maybe give us a little

0:31:43.120 --> 0:31:47.000
<v Speaker 3>bit of color on how the market opening played out

0:31:47.080 --> 0:31:50.840
<v Speaker 3>among people? And I'm thinking specifically about price increases. Right,

0:31:50.880 --> 0:31:54.080
<v Speaker 3>So the social contract for such a long time is

0:31:54.200 --> 0:31:57.040
<v Speaker 3>as you said, You'll have subsidized energy and low cost

0:31:57.080 --> 0:32:00.520
<v Speaker 3>basic goods and a job. And then suddenly all of

0:32:00.560 --> 0:32:04.480
<v Speaker 3>that becomes a very uncertain what happened and what was

0:32:04.520 --> 0:32:06.719
<v Speaker 3>the sort of response from society.

0:32:07.360 --> 0:32:10.360
<v Speaker 4>So it plays out slightly differently in each place, of course,

0:32:10.440 --> 0:32:14.080
<v Speaker 4>but the place like Poland, for instance, very quickly introduces

0:32:14.440 --> 0:32:18.400
<v Speaker 4>shock therapy, as it was even called by its proponents

0:32:18.560 --> 0:32:22.160
<v Speaker 4>in the fall of nineteen eighty nine. Essentially, the question

0:32:22.360 --> 0:32:25.680
<v Speaker 4>on everyone's mind was if we see that there's this

0:32:26.080 --> 0:32:29.040
<v Speaker 4>they hoped very short period maybe six eight months, maybe

0:32:29.040 --> 0:32:32.920
<v Speaker 4>a year of economic difficulty that we have to go

0:32:33.000 --> 0:32:36.280
<v Speaker 4>through as we enter into the market, then we might

0:32:36.320 --> 0:32:38.040
<v Speaker 4>as well get it done as quickly as we can.

0:32:38.120 --> 0:32:41.560
<v Speaker 4>That was the shock therapist's message. It was also they

0:32:41.560 --> 0:32:45.280
<v Speaker 4>were fully aware that this was going to be extremely unpopular.

0:32:45.800 --> 0:32:49.719
<v Speaker 4>Breaking promises is never popular, so again, better to do

0:32:49.760 --> 0:32:53.760
<v Speaker 4>it quickly. While everyone is kind of in this euphoric

0:32:53.840 --> 0:32:58.480
<v Speaker 4>moment of having defeated communism or moved past their communist systems,

0:32:58.920 --> 0:33:01.200
<v Speaker 4>we should use this time time to do as much

0:33:01.920 --> 0:33:06.200
<v Speaker 4>economic transformation as we possibly can. And so in many

0:33:06.200 --> 0:33:10.560
<v Speaker 4>of these countries there are periods of wrenching economic change,

0:33:11.040 --> 0:33:15.120
<v Speaker 4>dramatic price increases, Unemployment goes up at a slower rate

0:33:15.160 --> 0:33:19.200
<v Speaker 4>than people had been anticipating, largely because companies kind of

0:33:19.240 --> 0:33:25.080
<v Speaker 4>take their employees' livelihoods. Luckily much more heart than standard

0:33:25.120 --> 0:33:28.200
<v Speaker 4>market models had been predicting, so there was not as

0:33:28.320 --> 0:33:31.080
<v Speaker 4>much unemployment as people anticipated, but still a great deal,

0:33:31.720 --> 0:33:36.120
<v Speaker 4>a great deal of industrial restructuring, de industrialization, things like that.

0:33:36.680 --> 0:33:39.520
<v Speaker 4>And the question, a much broader question that I think

0:33:39.600 --> 0:33:42.200
<v Speaker 4>is something for open for historical research, is how that

0:33:42.280 --> 0:33:47.240
<v Speaker 4>all of that process could have been done much more productively.

0:33:47.760 --> 0:33:51.440
<v Speaker 4>Let's say that maybe some promises had to be broken

0:33:51.960 --> 0:33:53.760
<v Speaker 4>in some kind of way, right, I think there is

0:33:53.920 --> 0:33:59.840
<v Speaker 4>something about industrial restructuring that is going to be painful,

0:34:00.440 --> 0:34:02.760
<v Speaker 4>and if you think that entering the global market is

0:34:02.840 --> 0:34:06.440
<v Speaker 4>ultimately a good thing on some kind of terms, there

0:34:06.480 --> 0:34:09.799
<v Speaker 4>may be some kind of broken promise within that. But

0:34:09.920 --> 0:34:13.360
<v Speaker 4>how to do it in a way that is most humane,

0:34:13.600 --> 0:34:16.920
<v Speaker 4>most pro growth because economic growth often didn't appear in

0:34:16.920 --> 0:34:19.479
<v Speaker 4>these places for quite a long time. I think that's

0:34:19.520 --> 0:34:23.120
<v Speaker 4>something that we'll need to focus on as historians for

0:34:23.239 --> 0:34:26.040
<v Speaker 4>quite a long time to see where the better routes

0:34:26.080 --> 0:34:27.239
<v Speaker 4>may have been passed over.

0:34:28.200 --> 0:34:32.319
<v Speaker 2>Fritz Bartel, fascinating conversation, very timely. Thank you so much

0:34:32.360 --> 0:34:33.640
<v Speaker 2>for coming on outlaws.

0:34:33.880 --> 0:34:48.120
<v Speaker 4>Thanks so much so, Tracy.

0:34:48.360 --> 0:34:53.040
<v Speaker 2>My takeaway is that cutting spending breaking promises is extremely hard,

0:34:53.520 --> 0:34:58.280
<v Speaker 2>and even if you have very popular, incredibly talented politicians,

0:34:58.760 --> 0:35:00.719
<v Speaker 2>you still might have a hard time. I'm doing it.

0:35:01.000 --> 0:35:04.840
<v Speaker 2>But maybe sometimes if the government enjoys a high degree

0:35:05.040 --> 0:35:09.400
<v Speaker 2>of public credibility across the aisle, maybe sometimes it's possible

0:35:09.440 --> 0:35:11.239
<v Speaker 2>without destroying society.

0:35:11.160 --> 0:35:15.200
<v Speaker 3>Public credibility and I guess ironically democracy.

0:35:14.800 --> 0:35:17.680
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, at least in that specific period of time.

0:35:17.760 --> 0:35:19.960
<v Speaker 3>But I do think this is sort of like it's

0:35:20.000 --> 0:35:23.040
<v Speaker 3>a funny one because we're used to thinking of humans

0:35:23.160 --> 0:35:26.680
<v Speaker 3>as very short termist. Yeah, and yet you know, people

0:35:26.719 --> 0:35:30.279
<v Speaker 3>are voting for short term pain in order to have

0:35:30.360 --> 0:35:33.240
<v Speaker 3>longer term gains. But I think there's still an element

0:35:33.280 --> 0:35:36.400
<v Speaker 3>of short termism at play in the sense that, like

0:35:36.680 --> 0:35:40.000
<v Speaker 3>it's a pendulum swinging, right, So like you go from

0:35:40.280 --> 0:35:44.200
<v Speaker 3>one candidate or one system that failed to deliver what

0:35:44.280 --> 0:35:47.239
<v Speaker 3>you wanted, and then you just swing to the other

0:35:47.280 --> 0:35:49.680
<v Speaker 3>one in the hopes that they're able to do it.

0:35:49.719 --> 0:35:52.120
<v Speaker 3>And again, in the US, at least there's only two systems,

0:35:52.160 --> 0:35:54.520
<v Speaker 3>so you get that pendulum swinging quite a lot.

0:35:55.200 --> 0:35:58.919
<v Speaker 2>I don't know listening to that conversation. Again, I don't

0:35:58.960 --> 0:36:01.439
<v Speaker 2>have an opinion on what the government the optimal size

0:36:01.480 --> 0:36:03.920
<v Speaker 2>of government spending or the optimal size of the deficit.

0:36:04.880 --> 0:36:08.440
<v Speaker 2>It's hard for me to imagine a meaningful change in

0:36:08.560 --> 0:36:13.960
<v Speaker 2>the spending or deficit trajectory under the current political environment

0:36:14.239 --> 0:36:15.840
<v Speaker 2>in the US. You Know, what I thought was that

0:36:15.960 --> 0:36:18.480
<v Speaker 2>maybe one of the most interesting points this idea that

0:36:18.840 --> 0:36:23.080
<v Speaker 2>when Margaret Thatcher, she didn't have high approval rating, but

0:36:23.200 --> 0:36:25.719
<v Speaker 2>the police that ultimately had to sort of carry out

0:36:25.760 --> 0:36:30.480
<v Speaker 2>actions against the coal miners, they had very high approval rating.

0:36:30.840 --> 0:36:34.760
<v Speaker 2>So this idea that like, the politician may not be popular,

0:36:35.040 --> 0:36:38.680
<v Speaker 2>but the state apparatus still enjoys a lot of credibility.

0:36:38.680 --> 0:36:41.600
<v Speaker 2>And this distinction between the politician and the state apparatus,

0:36:41.960 --> 0:36:45.000
<v Speaker 2>a distinction that didn't exist in the Soviet Union, that

0:36:45.000 --> 0:36:48.160
<v Speaker 2>that was really the key to at least making it

0:36:48.200 --> 0:36:50.160
<v Speaker 2>so that once the thing has been carried out, it

0:36:50.200 --> 0:36:51.800
<v Speaker 2>doesn't like destroy society.

0:36:51.920 --> 0:36:56.879
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, I think this is exactly it. So in communist systems,

0:36:57.160 --> 0:37:01.880
<v Speaker 3>the state is mixed with efecte yes, right, like, including

0:37:01.920 --> 0:37:05.080
<v Speaker 3>the economy, so you don't get that political economic distinction,

0:37:05.560 --> 0:37:09.160
<v Speaker 3>whereas in the West that exists. It's a useful thing

0:37:09.239 --> 0:37:12.680
<v Speaker 3>for politicians to blame and you know, manipulate to their

0:37:12.719 --> 0:37:13.280
<v Speaker 3>own ends.

0:37:13.400 --> 0:37:16.279
<v Speaker 2>I guess the question. We know that the politics is

0:37:16.400 --> 0:37:19.520
<v Speaker 2>very divisive in this country. I also worry that like this,

0:37:19.640 --> 0:37:22.680
<v Speaker 2>you know, the state itself and the legitimacy of like

0:37:22.800 --> 0:37:27.080
<v Speaker 2>government is coming under fire. So some difficult challenges if

0:37:27.160 --> 0:37:28.920
<v Speaker 2>we if we're going to go down that path.

0:37:29.080 --> 0:37:30.600
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, shall we leave it there?

0:37:30.719 --> 0:37:31.439
<v Speaker 2>Let's leave it there.

0:37:31.760 --> 0:37:34.480
<v Speaker 3>This has been another episode of the Oud Thoughts podcast.

0:37:34.680 --> 0:37:37.880
<v Speaker 3>I'm Tracy Halloway. You can follow me at Tracy Halloway.

0:37:38.239 --> 0:37:41.480
<v Speaker 2>And I'm Joe Wisenthal. You can follow me at the Stalwart.

0:37:41.760 --> 0:37:45.560
<v Speaker 2>Follow our guest Fritz Bartel, He's at Fritz Underscore Bartel

0:37:45.640 --> 0:37:48.160
<v Speaker 2>and check out his book, The Triumph of Broken Promises.

0:37:48.640 --> 0:37:51.799
<v Speaker 2>Follow our producers Carmen Rodriguez at Carmen armand dash Ol

0:37:51.800 --> 0:37:54.880
<v Speaker 2>Bennett and Dashbot and kill Brooks at Kilbrooks. From our

0:37:54.920 --> 0:37:58.040
<v Speaker 2>odd Laws content, go to Bloomberg dot com slash odd Lots.

0:37:58.080 --> 0:38:00.360
<v Speaker 2>We have transcripts, a blog in a newsletter and you

0:38:00.360 --> 0:38:02.320
<v Speaker 2>can chat about all of these topics twenty four to

0:38:02.320 --> 0:38:05.920
<v Speaker 2>seven in our discord Discord dot gg slash od lots.

0:38:05.920 --> 0:38:07.920
<v Speaker 3>And if you enjoy odd Lots, if you like it,

0:38:07.960 --> 0:38:13.040
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0:39:00.040 --> 0:39:01.680
<v Speaker 1>And