WEBVTT - Trump Can't Pardon Himself, But Will He?

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grassoe from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Last week, President Trump pardoned his former National security advisor,

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<v Speaker 1>Michael Flynn, who had pleaded guilty to lyne to the

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<v Speaker 1>FBI about his communications with Russia. Now speculation is swirling

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<v Speaker 1>about who else the president will pardon before he leaves office,

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<v Speaker 1>and whether Trump will even pardon himself. In eighteen Trump

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<v Speaker 1>tweeted that he has the absolute right to pardon himself,

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<v Speaker 1>but many constitutional scholars say that's not correct. It's something

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<v Speaker 1>that's never been tested in the courts because no president

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<v Speaker 1>has ever tried to pardon himself. Richard Nixon left office

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<v Speaker 1>and waited for his former vice president Gerald Ford to

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<v Speaker 1>pardon him. My guest is Frank Bowman, a professor at

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<v Speaker 1>the University of Missouri School of Law. As far as

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<v Speaker 1>pardoning other people, is there any limitation on a president's

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<v Speaker 1>power to pardon someone. Let's say they're seen as a

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<v Speaker 1>co conspiritor and they haven't been charged yet. Is there

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<v Speaker 1>any limitation? I think the answer is no, there's no limitation. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>there are some people who disagree with me on that point,

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<v Speaker 1>and I respect their views. I think that at least

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<v Speaker 1>as a matter of the original interpretation of the pardon clause.

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<v Speaker 1>The Framers thought about that quite expressively. Their debate focused

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<v Speaker 1>on the fact that has written the pardon clause extends

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<v Speaker 1>to any crime, including treason, and a number of the Framers,

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<v Speaker 1>both at the Philadelphia convention and in the ratifying conventions

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<v Speaker 1>in the States, objected to the breadth of that because

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<v Speaker 1>they said, wait a minute, if a president can pardon

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<v Speaker 1>even treason, imagine as the president himself has been engaging

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<v Speaker 1>in treason as activities and his co conspirators, although they

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<v Speaker 1>didn't use exactly that we're we're caught or were suspected,

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<v Speaker 1>he could pardon them for treason and to VMP to

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<v Speaker 1>discovery of his own guilt. And the framer's discussion pretty

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<v Speaker 1>much assumed that that's undesirable, of course, but he is

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<v Speaker 1>included within the pardon power. Has the pardon power ever

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<v Speaker 1>been tested in court? Well, if you know that there

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<v Speaker 1>were people who tried to challenge that you are Pio

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<v Speaker 1>pardon you remember, back at the beginning of the Trump's presidency,

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<v Speaker 1>I think it was in two thousand and seventeen. Your Pio,

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<v Speaker 1>a former sheriff of Americo County in Arizona had been

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<v Speaker 1>charged with convicted of contempt of court arising out of

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<v Speaker 1>a civil rights lawsuit to which he was a party.

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<v Speaker 1>He had been convicted of criminal contempt before he could

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<v Speaker 1>be sentenced, Trump pardoned, and there was a an effort

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<v Speaker 1>to dispute that pardon on a couple of different grounds

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<v Speaker 1>that were specific to the law criminal contempt, but they

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<v Speaker 1>never really got anywhere, and that the pardons stood. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>there have been efforts to limit certain aspects of pardons,

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<v Speaker 1>but there has certainly never been a court case that

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<v Speaker 1>successfully overturned a presidential part Now, so just give us

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<v Speaker 1>the broad framework of where the pardon power comes from

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<v Speaker 1>and why the Framers gave the president to pardon power. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>the pardoner comes from a very specific provision in the

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<v Speaker 1>in the Constitution, which grants the president to pardon all

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<v Speaker 1>offenses read federal criminal offenses, except impeachments. So essentially, if

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<v Speaker 1>a president could not, by use of the pardon, undo

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<v Speaker 1>a congressional impeachment and conviction of any federal official or

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<v Speaker 1>indeed of himself, that's clear. So the Framers wrote that

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<v Speaker 1>specifically into the Constitution, specifically into the Article two Powers

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<v Speaker 1>of the President United states. Where it comes from is

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<v Speaker 1>that back into deep time, I suppose, is the British

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<v Speaker 1>practice whereby the crown was entitled pardon people. That British

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<v Speaker 1>ideas sort of emerged from the notion that, at least

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<v Speaker 1>in early British legal theory, the law was largely, not exclusively,

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<v Speaker 1>kind of an emanation of the will of the king,

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<v Speaker 1>and there perfect sense that legal guilt was really violation

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<v Speaker 1>of the law, which was an emanation of the will

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<v Speaker 1>of the king, that the king could in reverse, that

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<v Speaker 1>could undo, it could reach down and reverse what the

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<v Speaker 1>king thought to be unfair or unjust excessive applications of

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<v Speaker 1>the law. Now, that became more refined over time. But

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<v Speaker 1>there were also pardons pardon power written into the constitutions

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<v Speaker 1>of the early American States from seventeen seventy six to

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<v Speaker 1>when the Constitution was ratified, and there had been a

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<v Speaker 1>long tradition of the ability of generally speaking the executive branch,

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<v Speaker 1>but sometimes legislatures and sometimes the two working together to

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<v Speaker 1>reach in to undo excessive, unfair, unjust applications of the

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<v Speaker 1>criminal law. Nothing straining your unusual about that. There was

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<v Speaker 1>a debate in the Philadelphia Convention about whether or not

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<v Speaker 1>the part and power for American constitutional purposes, it ought

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<v Speaker 1>to rest exclusively in the president, or whether it ought

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<v Speaker 1>to be shared with component of the legislature, particularly the Senate,

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<v Speaker 1>either generally or in relationship to partners for treason. And

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<v Speaker 1>they kicked it back and forth, and they decided at

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<v Speaker 1>the end of the day that it made better sense

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<v Speaker 1>to leave this power in the hands of the single executives,

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<v Speaker 1>partly because they thought that there would be occasions when

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<v Speaker 1>it ought to be used expeditiously in it not not

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<v Speaker 1>to be tied up into legislative delay. And they also

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<v Speaker 1>thought of the part and power as intense a kind

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<v Speaker 1>of inter branch check by the executive on excesses to

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<v Speaker 1>the legislature excess is of the judiciary. You can see

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<v Speaker 1>an example of that kind of use of the part

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<v Speaker 1>in power in President Obama's program to reduce the sentences

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<v Speaker 1>of of non violent drug offenders, where he pardoned some

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<v Speaker 1>you know, somewhere a thousand and two thousand first time

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<v Speaker 1>drug offenders towards the end of his term, and that

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<v Speaker 1>was the use of the executive part in power is

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<v Speaker 1>the kind of systematic, systematic response or systemic response to

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<v Speaker 1>the fact the fact that Congress has passed these long

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<v Speaker 1>manager a minimum sentences that applied even to people who

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<v Speaker 1>are non violent drug offenders. And so that's the classic

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<v Speaker 1>example of that of that use of the pardon. Explain

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<v Speaker 1>why constitutional scholars disagree about whether a president can pardon

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<v Speaker 1>himself series of reasons. First, it's never ever been done.

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<v Speaker 1>No executive branch official, whether king, president, or governor, ever

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<v Speaker 1>attempted to purge themselves, and you can see why that

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<v Speaker 1>would not be so. The pardon power, whether British or American,

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<v Speaker 1>is designed for the chief executive to make a judgment

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<v Speaker 1>about the behavior of others and to conclude either that

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<v Speaker 1>they were adjusted, convicted or or excessively punished, perhaps rehabilitated

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<v Speaker 1>themselves after a period of time. And just by its

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<v Speaker 1>nature that idea doesn't involve making a judgment about yourself.

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<v Speaker 1>We've always thought that making that kind of judgment about

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<v Speaker 1>oneself is plainly going to be something that uh is

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<v Speaker 1>subject to abuse, and so it's never been done. That's

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<v Speaker 1>the That's the thing that's really contrary to the dial theory.

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<v Speaker 1>Second thing, without getting a lot of detail, there are

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<v Speaker 1>a number of debates in that happened during the gratification

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<v Speaker 1>of the Constitution. That made clear that although the Framers

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<v Speaker 1>didn't specifically talk about the self pardon, it's pretty clear

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<v Speaker 1>that they also didn't imagine that such a thing would

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<v Speaker 1>be possible. They just didn't conceive it as being something

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<v Speaker 1>that to be done. They conceived the partners necessarily involving

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<v Speaker 1>two parties. And they also wrote both the pardon clause

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<v Speaker 1>and the impeachment clauses in a way that made it

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<v Speaker 1>clear that they assumed that there were really three ways

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<v Speaker 1>in the Constitution to check a criminally misbehaving president. The

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<v Speaker 1>first peace was elections, of course, and they originally were

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<v Speaker 1>kicking around the idea that perhaps elections would be enough

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<v Speaker 1>to restrain in the really seriously misbehaving executives. They ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>decided that wouldn't be enough, so they then instituted the

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<v Speaker 1>idea of in teachment, which itself as an old British idea,

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<v Speaker 1>But they went a little further than that, and when

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<v Speaker 1>they wrote the impeachment clauses, they wrote a limitation on

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<v Speaker 1>the consequences of impeachment. I mean, the American Constitution, if

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<v Speaker 1>you're impeached and convicted by the Senate, the only consequences

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<v Speaker 1>that happened directly as a results of that, or you

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<v Speaker 1>lose your office, and if the Senate takes a second vote,

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<v Speaker 1>you can also be barred from future office holding. But

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<v Speaker 1>in addition, they were very careful to say that although

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<v Speaker 1>you can't be criminally punished directly, in other words, you

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<v Speaker 1>can't be sent to prison, you can't be fined, you

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<v Speaker 1>can't be executed directly as a result of being impeached

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<v Speaker 1>in by the House and expected by the Senate. Each

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<v Speaker 1>person remains subject to criminal punishment by the normal action

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<v Speaker 1>of the court. That's written right into the impeachment clause.

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<v Speaker 1>So what I think you see here is that the

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<v Speaker 1>framers imagine that there were these three ways of dealing

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<v Speaker 1>with the criminal president, elections, impeachment, and the possibility of

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<v Speaker 1>criminal prosecution. Now, if a president can simply pardon himself

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<v Speaker 1>or anything, then the possibility of criminal prosecution for clonal

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<v Speaker 1>misbehavior while in office essentially goes proof because it could

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<v Speaker 1>be taken completely off the board. It would eliminate one

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<v Speaker 1>of the three constitutional checks on presidential miss Let's just

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<v Speaker 1>say President Trump decides he's going to pardon himself. How

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<v Speaker 1>would that even be tested in court? Would it take

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<v Speaker 1>a federal prosecution charging him with a crime to test

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<v Speaker 1>whether he had the power to pardon himself. That would

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<v Speaker 1>be the principal way that it would happen, presumably the

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<v Speaker 1>members of Biden Justice partner would do. In a criminal investigation,

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<v Speaker 1>they would conclude at looking at all the evidence that

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<v Speaker 1>indeed the behavior merited in indictment. The indictment is returned

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<v Speaker 1>by the grand jury, and the President would move to

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<v Speaker 1>caution the indictment based on his own pardoner in the

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<v Speaker 1>Department of Justice would resist that motion, claiming as the

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<v Speaker 1>president has no such power. Now I think, frankly, that

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<v Speaker 1>Trump is likely to try this, even though you know

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<v Speaker 1>it's constitutionally doubtful, because he might win. Maybe the Spreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court would disagree with me, and other people don't think

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<v Speaker 1>self pardners are possible. But he could also use the

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<v Speaker 1>self pardon to slow things down tremendously. Not only could

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<v Speaker 1>he invoke his own pardoner himself if the department indicted him,

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<v Speaker 1>but I suspect what he has lawyers to try to

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<v Speaker 1>do is that as soon as it became evident that

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<v Speaker 1>they were engaging in a criminal investigation of them, that

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<v Speaker 1>he tried to stop at least important components of the

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<v Speaker 1>investigation likes Penis, the witnesses Penis for documents by moving

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<v Speaker 1>to quash him on the ground that they were being

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<v Speaker 1>issued in order to put together a prosecution, which wouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>be possible because he pardoned himself. Now, I don't necessarily

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<v Speaker 1>think that would be ultimately successful, but he could slow

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<v Speaker 1>things down because to resist that claim, the government would

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<v Speaker 1>have to resist the motion to quash. That would have

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<v Speaker 1>to be decided at the trial court, then the Intermediate

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<v Speaker 1>Court of Fields in the Supreme Court, and all that

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<v Speaker 1>takes time. So I think he's likely to try to

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<v Speaker 1>do this because it certainly it seems that he's worried

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<v Speaker 1>about at least criminal investigations of himself and others, and

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<v Speaker 1>at a minimum, a self pardon is going to provide

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<v Speaker 1>another avenue for delay. And as we know anything about

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<v Speaker 1>Donald Trump and his approach to litigation over his long

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<v Speaker 1>business and political is that he uses delay as a

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<v Speaker 1>major tactic to try or resist the legal efforts of

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<v Speaker 1>his opponents. So if the Biden Justice Department decides not

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<v Speaker 1>to prosecute Trump, then his self pardon will remain untested.

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<v Speaker 1>That's true, although again I suspect Trump if you pardon himself,

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<v Speaker 1>would be tempted at least to try to use the

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<v Speaker 1>pardon to slow down not only any criminal investigation of him,

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<v Speaker 1>but also potential civil or administrative investigations. I don't think

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<v Speaker 1>that attempt would be successful, but I think he might

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<v Speaker 1>try it, and therefore there might be other venues for

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<v Speaker 1>challenging it. But here's the thing. One of the perverse

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<v Speaker 1>effects of Trump pardoning himself might be that a Biden

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department would feel obliged to pursue the matter. It's

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<v Speaker 1>awfully tough, I think for an honest Justice Department to

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<v Speaker 1>let that precedent stand, because it then if I'm challenged,

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<v Speaker 1>it starts to gather force as something that presidents can do.

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<v Speaker 1>And if he becomes even sort of generally accepted that

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<v Speaker 1>that's a possibility. Consider where we are. We already know,

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<v Speaker 1>because it was a big issue during the Moller investigation

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<v Speaker 1>that the Office of Legal Counsel within the Justice Department

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<v Speaker 1>has long held the opinion that sitting presidents cannot be

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<v Speaker 1>indicted while in office. Now I think that's constitutionally wrong,

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<v Speaker 1>but as a practical matter, it's not something to be

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<v Speaker 1>challenged because memos buying the Justice Department. Of the Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Department won't prosecute a sitting president. He can't be prosecuted,

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<v Speaker 1>So that means that practically speaking, at present moment, a

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<v Speaker 1>sitting president is not subject to federal criminal prosecution while

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<v Speaker 1>he's there. If he can also self partner, that means

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<v Speaker 1>he's never subject criminal prosecution. And given the potential breadth

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<v Speaker 1>of a partner which can't extend to any federal crime

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<v Speaker 1>whatsoever and need all federals, and which at least potentially

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<v Speaker 1>could be granted to one's self as president for periods

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<v Speaker 1>extending before your presidents were You're talking about is creating

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<v Speaker 1>a de facto regime in which, once somebody becomes president

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<v Speaker 1>and at its states combined operation of the OLC. Metlin

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<v Speaker 1>myself pardon makes that person permanently immune from criminal consequences,

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<v Speaker 1>at least in the federal courts, for anything he's done

0:14:10.760 --> 0:14:13.560
<v Speaker 1>during his entire life. And a person who has that

0:14:13.840 --> 0:14:17.840
<v Speaker 1>kind of immunity effectively assumes one of the attributes of monarchy.

0:14:18.360 --> 0:14:20.920
<v Speaker 1>One of the things that is true or was true

0:14:21.120 --> 0:14:24.720
<v Speaker 1>actually remains true about British kings and queens if they

0:14:24.760 --> 0:14:28.240
<v Speaker 1>are not subject to the operation of the ordinary courts

0:14:28.320 --> 0:14:33.560
<v Speaker 1>criminal or civil of Great Britain, they are effectively immune

0:14:34.120 --> 0:14:38.200
<v Speaker 1>from the law. One thing we know, if anything, about

0:14:38.360 --> 0:14:41.080
<v Speaker 1>the framers of the Constitution, is that they did not

0:14:41.240 --> 0:14:44.400
<v Speaker 1>intend to create in a president somebody who was the

0:14:44.440 --> 0:14:47.960
<v Speaker 1>de factl equivalent of King. If. If, if the president

0:14:48.000 --> 0:14:51.640
<v Speaker 1>can can essentially pardon himself out of all criminal liability

0:14:51.680 --> 0:14:54.360
<v Speaker 1>for everything in his entire life, we've created at least

0:14:54.720 --> 0:14:58.960
<v Speaker 1>a kind of monarch. Just before, um, I let you go,

0:14:59.000 --> 0:15:02.240
<v Speaker 1>would you just explain why the president cannot? There's no

0:15:02.360 --> 0:15:06.400
<v Speaker 1>chance that the president can pardon himself from state crimes

0:15:06.440 --> 0:15:12.440
<v Speaker 1>like those that the Manhattan District Attorney is investigating. The

0:15:12.480 --> 0:15:15.200
<v Speaker 1>pardon power in the Constitution is very broad, indeed, but

0:15:15.240 --> 0:15:17.760
<v Speaker 1>it has some implicit limitations. One of them is that

0:15:17.800 --> 0:15:21.160
<v Speaker 1>it applies only to federal offenses, so it doesn't relate

0:15:21.200 --> 0:15:26.320
<v Speaker 1>to state crimes at all. Another implicit limitation is that

0:15:26.400 --> 0:15:30.000
<v Speaker 1>it can only cover crimes that have already occurred at

0:15:30.000 --> 0:15:32.480
<v Speaker 1>the time of the issuance to part. So that means

0:15:32.760 --> 0:15:37.560
<v Speaker 1>um that Trump, even if in theory self pardons are available,

0:15:38.520 --> 0:15:42.480
<v Speaker 1>um could not pardon himself or offenses that are committed

0:15:42.560 --> 0:15:45.240
<v Speaker 1>after he leaves office. And indeed he probably can't pardon

0:15:45.360 --> 0:15:50.920
<v Speaker 1>himself or any ongoing offense that started before he pardons himself,

0:15:51.480 --> 0:15:55.160
<v Speaker 1>quarantined anyone else, and continues after that pardon. So there

0:15:55.200 --> 0:16:00.320
<v Speaker 1>are limitations, um, but at least as federal criminal offense

0:16:00.400 --> 0:16:05.120
<v Speaker 1>before the assurance, the pardon, pardon towers very well. Thanks Frank.

0:16:05.560 --> 0:16:09.000
<v Speaker 1>That's Professor Frank Bowman of the University of Missouri Law School.

0:16:11.160 --> 0:16:14.800
<v Speaker 1>The number of Americans hospitalized with COVID nineteen climbed to

0:16:14.840 --> 0:16:18.280
<v Speaker 1>a record Sunday, a sign that the virus is still raging,

0:16:18.640 --> 0:16:22.400
<v Speaker 1>but good news on the vaccine front. Today, Maderna announced

0:16:22.400 --> 0:16:26.120
<v Speaker 1>plans to request clearance for its coronavirus vaccine the US

0:16:26.200 --> 0:16:29.400
<v Speaker 1>and Europe after a new analysis showed the vaccine was

0:16:29.480 --> 0:16:34.119
<v Speaker 1>highly effective in preventing COVID nineteen with no serious safety problems.

0:16:34.560 --> 0:16:37.760
<v Speaker 1>At this pivotal time, states are not only facing decisions

0:16:37.800 --> 0:16:40.520
<v Speaker 1>on how to manage the pandemic, but also on how

0:16:40.560 --> 0:16:44.240
<v Speaker 1>to distribute a vaccine. Joining me discuss this is Mark Houston,

0:16:44.280 --> 0:16:48.840
<v Speaker 1>who has a healthcare regulatory and lobbying practice at Farrell Fritz. Normally,

0:16:48.880 --> 0:16:52.640
<v Speaker 1>a governor is empowered to make decisions about lockdowns, but

0:16:52.760 --> 0:16:57.680
<v Speaker 1>we've seen that the Supreme court recently has blocked Governor

0:16:57.720 --> 0:17:02.400
<v Speaker 1>Andrew Cromo from re Impoe, saying strict capacity limits on

0:17:02.640 --> 0:17:07.159
<v Speaker 1>New York City synagogues and Catholic churches. So tell us

0:17:07.200 --> 0:17:11.320
<v Speaker 1>about how broad the governor's authority is and how it

0:17:11.359 --> 0:17:15.919
<v Speaker 1>can be restricted. In general, governors have very broad authority

0:17:16.160 --> 0:17:21.480
<v Speaker 1>in regard to disaster emergencies. Every state has language that

0:17:21.600 --> 0:17:25.760
<v Speaker 1>says in the event of a disaster emergency of any kind,

0:17:25.800 --> 0:17:30.440
<v Speaker 1>including a public health emergency, generally the executive is granted

0:17:30.480 --> 0:17:32.960
<v Speaker 1>extraordinary powers to do all kinds of things that the

0:17:33.000 --> 0:17:39.520
<v Speaker 1>executive normally cannot do. However, even though those statutes that

0:17:39.640 --> 0:17:43.639
<v Speaker 1>grant uh that authority are are very broad, they are

0:17:43.680 --> 0:17:47.199
<v Speaker 1>still subject to limitations imposed by the state constitution and

0:17:47.200 --> 0:17:50.679
<v Speaker 1>by the federal Constitution. And that's what was that issue

0:17:51.080 --> 0:17:53.359
<v Speaker 1>in the case in in regard to New York State,

0:17:53.600 --> 0:17:57.119
<v Speaker 1>where you had a situation where the governor's police power

0:17:57.400 --> 0:18:02.520
<v Speaker 1>for public health purposes was pitted squarely against questions of

0:18:02.640 --> 0:18:06.080
<v Speaker 1>religious rights. Uh, and uh, you know that always puts

0:18:06.080 --> 0:18:08.760
<v Speaker 1>the court in a difficult position to try to figure out, um,

0:18:08.960 --> 0:18:13.000
<v Speaker 1>you know, which which set of rights wins in a

0:18:13.040 --> 0:18:17.359
<v Speaker 1>particular disagreement. And in this case, what they decided was

0:18:18.280 --> 0:18:23.159
<v Speaker 1>UH that for a variety of reasons, UH, the UH

0:18:24.040 --> 0:18:27.639
<v Speaker 1>the order as related to churches UH and synagogue in

0:18:27.680 --> 0:18:31.320
<v Speaker 1>New York State needed to be enjoined and could not,

0:18:31.359 --> 0:18:35.600
<v Speaker 1>in fact be enforced. So now, Mayor du Blasio and

0:18:36.480 --> 0:18:41.919
<v Speaker 1>Governor Cuomo have clashed several times during the coronavirus pandemic,

0:18:42.359 --> 0:18:47.240
<v Speaker 1>particularly about whether or not schools should be operational. Who

0:18:47.280 --> 0:18:52.720
<v Speaker 1>has the authority in that battle? Ultimately, UH, the decision

0:18:52.840 --> 0:18:55.760
<v Speaker 1>regarding schools, any decision regarding schools in New York State

0:18:55.960 --> 0:19:00.560
<v Speaker 1>is the responsibility of the governors. How are in regard

0:19:00.640 --> 0:19:04.879
<v Speaker 1>to New York City schools, the mayor does have expansive

0:19:04.880 --> 0:19:08.440
<v Speaker 1>authority um. And in this case, the issue turned on

0:19:08.600 --> 0:19:12.320
<v Speaker 1>a rule that was set earlier that once the infection

0:19:12.400 --> 0:19:20.400
<v Speaker 1>rate top three, schools would once again eliminate in person instruction. UH.

0:19:20.440 --> 0:19:23.720
<v Speaker 1>And you know the ultimately the disagreement turned on whether

0:19:23.760 --> 0:19:27.600
<v Speaker 1>that was a good rule or not. And UH, you know,

0:19:27.760 --> 0:19:31.280
<v Speaker 1>the the governor made the argument that, based on the

0:19:31.320 --> 0:19:35.320
<v Speaker 1>most recent UH scientific information we had, maybe you didn't

0:19:35.359 --> 0:19:38.880
<v Speaker 1>need to to abide by by such a bright line rule.

0:19:39.280 --> 0:19:41.680
<v Speaker 1>And it sounds like the Mayor is ultimately agreeing. And

0:19:41.880 --> 0:19:45.520
<v Speaker 1>this is illustrates. I think part of the the the

0:19:45.600 --> 0:19:49.080
<v Speaker 1>problem in a pandemic situation, right. Um. You know we

0:19:49.480 --> 0:19:54.520
<v Speaker 1>I mentioned earlier the broad authority of governors UH in

0:19:54.560 --> 0:19:57.360
<v Speaker 1>regard to disaster emergencies. I think part of the problem

0:19:57.480 --> 0:20:01.919
<v Speaker 1>is those statutes that grant that our our premised on

0:20:02.280 --> 0:20:08.040
<v Speaker 1>sort of typical disasters things like hurricanes, earthquakes, tornadoes, and

0:20:08.160 --> 0:20:11.639
<v Speaker 1>not something that occurs over such a sustained period of time.

0:20:12.359 --> 0:20:15.680
<v Speaker 1>And you know, as the pandemic has been evolving, our

0:20:15.800 --> 0:20:18.760
<v Speaker 1>understanding of it has evolved, so we get new scientific

0:20:18.800 --> 0:20:24.320
<v Speaker 1>information over time. UH. And that I think properly has

0:20:24.400 --> 0:20:27.800
<v Speaker 1>driven some some changes UH in in in the approach

0:20:27.880 --> 0:20:31.119
<v Speaker 1>to two particular issues, and that question of in person

0:20:31.160 --> 0:20:34.520
<v Speaker 1>schooling is absolutely one of them. So let's say that

0:20:34.800 --> 0:20:38.720
<v Speaker 1>the mayor said that schools will remain closed. Does anyone

0:20:38.840 --> 0:20:43.800
<v Speaker 1>have an ability to appeal that decision? Is it something

0:20:43.800 --> 0:20:46.960
<v Speaker 1>that you would take to court? Sure, you certainly could, um.

0:20:47.040 --> 0:20:51.639
<v Speaker 1>The UM. You know they're have courts have absolutely found

0:20:51.880 --> 0:20:55.400
<v Speaker 1>a right to education UM. And you know there has been,

0:20:55.440 --> 0:20:59.520
<v Speaker 1>certainly in New York a considerable amount of litigation around

0:20:59.600 --> 0:21:03.880
<v Speaker 1>that UM. And so you you have essentially another situation

0:21:04.080 --> 0:21:09.840
<v Speaker 1>similar to the situation regarding churches and synagogues where uh,

0:21:09.880 --> 0:21:12.679
<v Speaker 1>you know, you have this this right to education pitted

0:21:12.680 --> 0:21:15.400
<v Speaker 1>against the police power of the states, So you you

0:21:15.520 --> 0:21:18.119
<v Speaker 1>could absolutely make the argument. I mean, that's one of

0:21:18.119 --> 0:21:20.040
<v Speaker 1>the great things about our system is you can always

0:21:20.080 --> 0:21:22.520
<v Speaker 1>make the argument. What the courts will say are a

0:21:22.680 --> 0:21:26.679
<v Speaker 1>different matter. I think as far as the masks mask wearing,

0:21:26.880 --> 0:21:30.240
<v Speaker 1>are there any states or cities who have really gotten

0:21:30.320 --> 0:21:35.119
<v Speaker 1>serious about finding people who are not wearing masks? You know,

0:21:35.320 --> 0:21:38.119
<v Speaker 1>you always hear sort of anecdotes about how how particular

0:21:38.160 --> 0:21:42.040
<v Speaker 1>places are responding. Mask wearing is one of those things

0:21:42.160 --> 0:21:45.760
<v Speaker 1>that folls on this continuum where you know, there's there's

0:21:46.000 --> 0:21:50.000
<v Speaker 1>plenty of laws that everyone sort of recognizes and accepts about,

0:21:50.200 --> 0:21:53.120
<v Speaker 1>you know, governing people's clothing. You know, we have indecent

0:21:53.160 --> 0:21:56.240
<v Speaker 1>exposure laws, for instance. But on the other hand, there

0:21:56.359 --> 0:22:01.600
<v Speaker 1>is a natural and understandable concern about government mandating what

0:22:01.720 --> 0:22:05.120
<v Speaker 1>you can wear and what you can't wear. In other situations,

0:22:05.200 --> 0:22:08.800
<v Speaker 1>the key is always one of intention, and you know,

0:22:08.800 --> 0:22:13.040
<v Speaker 1>a mask wearing statute accompanied by a fine, I think

0:22:13.119 --> 0:22:17.280
<v Speaker 1>under the current circumstances would probably survive judicial route. How

0:22:17.320 --> 0:22:23.000
<v Speaker 1>will the federal government determine what states get the vaccine,

0:22:23.560 --> 0:22:26.879
<v Speaker 1>how much of the vaccine they get, and which vaccine

0:22:26.880 --> 0:22:29.760
<v Speaker 1>they get. Who makes that determination is the federal government.

0:22:30.520 --> 0:22:34.280
<v Speaker 1>So that is one of those questions that UM is

0:22:34.359 --> 0:22:37.719
<v Speaker 1>in some ways up in the air. Uh. The federal

0:22:37.760 --> 0:22:43.680
<v Speaker 1>government has issued a vaccine distribution plan, but it is

0:22:43.720 --> 0:22:47.600
<v Speaker 1>expressed in very general terms, and I think mostly talks

0:22:47.640 --> 0:22:50.880
<v Speaker 1>about how they're going to go about making those decisions,

0:22:51.160 --> 0:22:56.440
<v Speaker 1>as opposed to what those decisions will be UM. States. Uh,

0:22:56.600 --> 0:22:58.800
<v Speaker 1>you know I have already started to engage on that

0:22:58.920 --> 0:23:02.600
<v Speaker 1>question themselves. Uh. And for instance here in New York. UM,

0:23:02.720 --> 0:23:04.400
<v Speaker 1>you know, there is a I think a much more

0:23:04.480 --> 0:23:09.040
<v Speaker 1>detailed plan as to what how those decisions are going

0:23:09.080 --> 0:23:12.320
<v Speaker 1>to be made. UM. There's not you know, a hard

0:23:12.320 --> 0:23:16.280
<v Speaker 1>and fast existing rule driving that decision. Now, like so

0:23:16.320 --> 0:23:20.760
<v Speaker 1>many things during the pandemic, UM, you know, Uh, the

0:23:20.760 --> 0:23:23.160
<v Speaker 1>the decision makers are in a position where they can,

0:23:24.000 --> 0:23:26.320
<v Speaker 1>uh they have a lot of leeway in how they

0:23:26.320 --> 0:23:30.800
<v Speaker 1>make those decisions. And UH, I think you see the

0:23:30.840 --> 0:23:34.880
<v Speaker 1>decision really turning on on two different things. Right. There

0:23:35.040 --> 0:23:40.440
<v Speaker 1>is the decision about uh, you know, what is an

0:23:40.520 --> 0:23:44.560
<v Speaker 1>essential worker. UM. There's a general recognition that essential workers

0:23:45.119 --> 0:23:48.520
<v Speaker 1>should probably have uh First priority or at least a

0:23:48.560 --> 0:23:53.639
<v Speaker 1>high priority UM, and that generally involves workers who are

0:23:53.640 --> 0:23:57.439
<v Speaker 1>involved in addressing the disease. And also UM sort of

0:23:57.440 --> 0:24:01.920
<v Speaker 1>the second poll I think that uh, decision makers are

0:24:01.920 --> 0:24:06.040
<v Speaker 1>are are aiming towards is workers essential to keeping the

0:24:06.040 --> 0:24:08.879
<v Speaker 1>economy going. So that's sort of one set, and then

0:24:08.920 --> 0:24:13.480
<v Speaker 1>the other set is, uh, you know, populations that are

0:24:13.560 --> 0:24:16.919
<v Speaker 1>disproportionately impacted by the disease. And there's a lot of

0:24:16.920 --> 0:24:20.359
<v Speaker 1>overlap there, right, essential workers, uh you know, for instance,

0:24:20.359 --> 0:24:23.920
<v Speaker 1>workers and hospitals who are supposed to the disease every day, uh,

0:24:23.960 --> 0:24:26.240
<v Speaker 1>you know, are probably more likely to contract it. But

0:24:26.280 --> 0:24:29.959
<v Speaker 1>there's there's other populations where you know, they wouldn't necessarily

0:24:30.040 --> 0:24:33.720
<v Speaker 1>qualify as essential workers and yet still are disproportionately impacted,

0:24:33.760 --> 0:24:36.120
<v Speaker 1>and and there is a sense that you then need

0:24:36.200 --> 0:24:39.879
<v Speaker 1>to to put them high on the priority list for

0:24:39.920 --> 0:24:43.720
<v Speaker 1>receiving the vaccipation. Tomorrow, a panel of advisors at the

0:24:43.800 --> 0:24:47.600
<v Speaker 1>c d C is going to meet to determine how

0:24:47.640 --> 0:24:51.280
<v Speaker 1>to allocate the initial supplies of the vaccine. Is it

0:24:51.359 --> 0:24:53.680
<v Speaker 1>up to the c d C or is it up

0:24:53.760 --> 0:24:58.600
<v Speaker 1>to the president or someone in the cabinet. Everyone recognizes

0:24:58.720 --> 0:25:04.560
<v Speaker 1>that the seat you see has primary responsibility for I

0:25:04.600 --> 0:25:10.800
<v Speaker 1>think evaluating the science and making recommendations. What happens after that,

0:25:11.359 --> 0:25:16.480
<v Speaker 1>uh is an interesting question, right because certainly some amount

0:25:16.480 --> 0:25:21.560
<v Speaker 1>of decision making could happen on the federal level. Traditionally

0:25:22.480 --> 0:25:26.320
<v Speaker 1>public health related decision making has occurred though on the

0:25:26.359 --> 0:25:29.600
<v Speaker 1>state level. UM So, I think this becomes a very

0:25:29.640 --> 0:25:32.919
<v Speaker 1>interesting question, right where if if you face a situation

0:25:32.960 --> 0:25:36.440
<v Speaker 1>where the federal government says one thing, in the state

0:25:36.520 --> 0:25:42.240
<v Speaker 1>says something very different. Um. Uh. And I think you know,

0:25:42.280 --> 0:25:45.960
<v Speaker 1>if push came to shove from a legal point of view,

0:25:46.040 --> 0:25:50.520
<v Speaker 1>I would guess the state would win. But uh, you

0:25:50.520 --> 0:25:53.080
<v Speaker 1>know that a lot of that will depend on where

0:25:53.080 --> 0:25:58.920
<v Speaker 1>the controversy arrises. So will there be groups lobbying about

0:25:58.960 --> 0:26:03.320
<v Speaker 1>who gets the vaccine first or which vaccine they get

0:26:03.359 --> 0:26:08.240
<v Speaker 1>because the vaccines seem to have different efficacies so far. Certainly,

0:26:08.280 --> 0:26:10.399
<v Speaker 1>I mean that that's that's the one thing you can

0:26:10.440 --> 0:26:14.680
<v Speaker 1>count on, particularly in an environment like this, when government

0:26:15.800 --> 0:26:21.720
<v Speaker 1>takes and necessarily has such a significant decision making role. Um.

0:26:22.000 --> 0:26:25.760
<v Speaker 1>You know, it's not like uh it was before the pandemic,

0:26:25.800 --> 0:26:28.119
<v Speaker 1>when you know the private sector could largely do what

0:26:28.160 --> 0:26:32.000
<v Speaker 1>it wanted. I think there's a general recognition that government

0:26:32.240 --> 0:26:36.280
<v Speaker 1>is making a lot of uh, the most important decisions here,

0:26:36.680 --> 0:26:40.240
<v Speaker 1>if not the most important decisions, and um, you need

0:26:40.280 --> 0:26:44.520
<v Speaker 1>to engage with government in order to uh, you know,

0:26:44.560 --> 0:26:48.359
<v Speaker 1>at least make sure your perspective is hurt. Uh. And

0:26:48.480 --> 0:26:51.840
<v Speaker 1>by the way, this is yet another First Amendment right,

0:26:51.840 --> 0:26:56.280
<v Speaker 1>the right to petition your government for redressive grievances. Uh.

0:26:56.400 --> 0:27:00.600
<v Speaker 1>And that's that's something that you know is continues even

0:27:00.640 --> 0:27:04.760
<v Speaker 1>in a in a COVID environment. So we've seen the

0:27:04.960 --> 0:27:09.840
<v Speaker 1>problems with people not wanting to get the vaccine from measles,

0:27:10.680 --> 0:27:13.440
<v Speaker 1>and I would anticipate that they're going to be a

0:27:13.480 --> 0:27:15.800
<v Speaker 1>lot of people who don't want to get the vaccine

0:27:15.880 --> 0:27:19.240
<v Speaker 1>for COVID. What can the state do? Can the state

0:27:19.320 --> 0:27:24.560
<v Speaker 1>do anything to compel people to get the vaccine? It's

0:27:24.560 --> 0:27:29.480
<v Speaker 1>a great question. Uh. The there is generally a a

0:27:29.720 --> 0:27:35.919
<v Speaker 1>I think strong hesitation to compel medical treatment, which is

0:27:35.920 --> 0:27:40.560
<v Speaker 1>why historically, for instance, when it comes to things like vaccination, UM,

0:27:40.600 --> 0:27:47.200
<v Speaker 1>you won't see a flat out uh compulsion. There even

0:27:47.280 --> 0:27:51.080
<v Speaker 1>sort of the Seminal case before the Supreme Court from

0:27:51.240 --> 0:27:56.800
<v Speaker 1>involved in Massachusetts law where um there was a compulsive

0:27:56.840 --> 0:28:00.320
<v Speaker 1>smallpox vaccination, but you could you could buy your way

0:28:00.320 --> 0:28:02.520
<v Speaker 1>out of it, you could pay a fine and and

0:28:02.600 --> 0:28:05.960
<v Speaker 1>not get the vaccination. Um. And I think that that

0:28:06.480 --> 0:28:09.520
<v Speaker 1>makes sense, right because there is you know that that

0:28:09.640 --> 0:28:12.280
<v Speaker 1>sort of violation of bodily integrity, I think is something

0:28:12.400 --> 0:28:17.000
<v Speaker 1>that uh, government across the board, you know, courts, executive

0:28:17.000 --> 0:28:21.639
<v Speaker 1>and legislature all recognizes something that is significant and you know,

0:28:21.640 --> 0:28:25.280
<v Speaker 1>should only be done in the most extreme cases. But

0:28:25.400 --> 0:28:30.040
<v Speaker 1>that said, um, you know, the there it is recognize

0:28:30.119 --> 0:28:34.159
<v Speaker 1>that the state has an interest in in protecting the

0:28:34.200 --> 0:28:39.000
<v Speaker 1>citizenry against disease. And so in general, courts have been

0:28:40.320 --> 0:28:46.800
<v Speaker 1>very liberal in allowing government to make decisions that effectively

0:28:46.880 --> 0:28:50.960
<v Speaker 1>compel it, for instance, requiring vaccination in order to attend school.

0:28:52.000 --> 0:28:55.520
<v Speaker 1>So I think you would probably see something like that. Um.

0:28:55.680 --> 0:28:58.280
<v Speaker 1>You you would definitely see people who are not going

0:28:58.320 --> 0:29:01.560
<v Speaker 1>to take it. Uh. And then and the question becomeslicate,

0:29:01.640 --> 0:29:04.960
<v Speaker 1>what what our government's options? Then? Can they you know,

0:29:05.440 --> 0:29:07.880
<v Speaker 1>issue a fine? Can they imposed the fine for not

0:29:08.000 --> 0:29:10.800
<v Speaker 1>doing that? Um? And I guess it will probably ultimately

0:29:10.800 --> 0:29:13.680
<v Speaker 1>depend on the numbers. Right if if they feel like

0:29:13.840 --> 0:29:18.120
<v Speaker 1>enough people are getting the vaccination, irrespective of the people

0:29:18.160 --> 0:29:19.720
<v Speaker 1>that refuse to do so, you might not see a

0:29:19.760 --> 0:29:24.280
<v Speaker 1>lot done. Um. If they see widespread rejection of the vaccines,

0:29:24.880 --> 0:29:26.600
<v Speaker 1>then government is going to have to take a harder

0:29:26.640 --> 0:29:30.160
<v Speaker 1>look at it and maybe look towards, uh, you know,

0:29:30.240 --> 0:29:33.880
<v Speaker 1>more serious measures. Thanks for being on the Bloomberg Glass Show. Mark,

0:29:34.400 --> 0:29:38.040
<v Speaker 1>that's Mark Houston of Farrell Fritz. I'm June Grosso. Thanks

0:29:38.080 --> 0:29:40.600
<v Speaker 1>so much for listening, and please tune into The Bloomberg

0:29:40.640 --> 0:29:43.160
<v Speaker 1>Glass Show every week night at ten dam Eastern on

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Radio.