WEBVTT - Court Tests if Partisan Gerrymandering Can Go Too Far (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>On the second day of its term, the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>heard a case that has the potential to change the

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<v Speaker 1>American political landscape. The Justice is considered whether judges can

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<v Speaker 1>throw out legislative maps for being so partisan they violate

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution. The case could put a new check on jerrymandering,

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<v Speaker 1>or drawing election districts for political advantage. It would be

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<v Speaker 1>a first if the Court rules that voting maps can

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<v Speaker 1>be so one sided they violate the Constitution. In oral arguments, today,

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<v Speaker 1>the conservative and liberal justices appear to appear divided on

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<v Speaker 1>the issue, with Justice Anthony Kennedy in the middle as

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<v Speaker 1>the swing vote. Joining me our elections law experts Michael Lee,

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<v Speaker 1>senior counsel at the Brennan Center, and Richard Brafault, professor

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<v Speaker 1>at Columbia Law School. Rich Last year, a divided three

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<v Speaker 1>judge Federal Court panel ruled that Republicans in Wisconsin had

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<v Speaker 1>gone too far in drawing maps, and that was the

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<v Speaker 1>first time that a federal court in more than thirty

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<v Speaker 1>years rejected a voting map as part as in jerrymandering.

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<v Speaker 1>Tell us a little bit about the case before we

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<v Speaker 1>discussed the Supreme Court arguments. Sure, the case deals with

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<v Speaker 1>the map that the Republicans, and that that state of Wisconsin,

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<v Speaker 1>which at that point had a Republican governor and lopsided

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<v Speaker 1>majorities in both houses of the state legislature, Republican majorities

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<v Speaker 1>drew for the state legislature going forward. I think the

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<v Speaker 1>challenges particularly to this um to the maps in the

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<v Speaker 1>state Senate and the State Assembly. Uh, the plaintiffs were

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<v Speaker 1>argued that the entire state map was was unconstitutional nop.

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<v Speaker 1>They didn't challenge specific districts, they challenged the map as

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<v Speaker 1>a whole of them. In elections in which the Democrats

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<v Speaker 1>got actually slightly more votes than Republicans, I think in

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<v Speaker 1>two thousand and twelve they won my forty of the vote,

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<v Speaker 1>the Republicans slightly less. The Republicans won sixty out of

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<v Speaker 1>ninety nine seats, and the election the Republicans got of

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<v Speaker 1>the two party vote and one sixty three out of

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<v Speaker 1>out of ninety nine seats, so they got lopsided majorities

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<v Speaker 1>even when they Republicans did, even when they had less

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<v Speaker 1>than a majority or just slightly more than a majority.

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<v Speaker 1>The Democratic claim was that some combination of discriminatory in

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<v Speaker 1>Tampa plan was written. It's hardly by Republicans with an

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<v Speaker 1>effort to maximize Republican advantage, and this this enormous steward

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<v Speaker 1>favorite Republicans headed up to an unconstitutional gerrymander. All right, Michael,

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<v Speaker 1>you were at the Supreme Court arguments today. Tell us

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<v Speaker 1>your impressions. Well, I think it was overall a really

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<v Speaker 1>strong argument on behalf of the Wisconsin plaintiffs. UM. The

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<v Speaker 1>Court was very engaged, and they ask a lot of questions,

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<v Speaker 1>and they were clearly clearly wrestling with some of these issues,

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<v Speaker 1>but they also seemed like they clearly wanted to to

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<v Speaker 1>sort of do something, and they seemed increasingly comfortable with

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<v Speaker 1>the idea that they could do so, not only because

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<v Speaker 1>they are all of these statistical measures, but because they're

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<v Speaker 1>um focusing on defining a clear statement of the problem, UM,

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<v Speaker 1>and that that that will help get to a point

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<v Speaker 1>where they can actually solve at least this form of

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<v Speaker 1>extreme gerrymandering. Does that include some of the conservative justices,

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<v Speaker 1>like Justice Roberts said that we'd have to decide in

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<v Speaker 1>every case whether the Democrats or the Republicans win, and

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<v Speaker 1>that it would affect the integrity of the Court's decision.

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<v Speaker 1>Did you feel any of that from the conservatives concerns, well,

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<v Speaker 1>some of the conservatives who are skeptical, both for legal reasons.

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Corsage in particular had sort of an originalist view

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<v Speaker 1>of this UM and you know, other people sort of

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<v Speaker 1>wondered about how you would sort of make these measures

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<v Speaker 1>work and whether they were reliable. UM. But I think

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<v Speaker 1>that the Paul Smith, who argued the case on behalf

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<v Speaker 1>of the Wisconsin plaintiffs, did a good job of putting

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<v Speaker 1>everything in context and explaining that you know, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>these measures are just one part of what the court

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<v Speaker 1>would have to have to look at UM and UM.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, they could divide it a formulation that you

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<v Speaker 1>know would work really well. And Justice Briar offered one

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<v Speaker 1>that that focus on, you know, whether there was a

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<v Speaker 1>single party control and then whether there was an asymmetry

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<v Speaker 1>and you prove it through one or multiple tests, and

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<v Speaker 1>Invulsements suggested that multiple tests might actually be useful, and

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<v Speaker 1>then whether it was durable UM and you know, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>there was some back and forth about whether durability was

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<v Speaker 1>something that the court could really sort of know. But

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<v Speaker 1>as one of the justices pointed out, UM, I believe

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<v Speaker 1>it was Justice Kagan like this, Uh, you know, this

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<v Speaker 1>is something that already is being done like map for ours,

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<v Speaker 1>and when they draw these maps are actually trying to

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<v Speaker 1>project how they will perform for the course of a decade.

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<v Speaker 1>So if you can do it for evil, you can

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<v Speaker 1>certainly do it for good. Um in terms of you know,

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<v Speaker 1>policing Jerry mannering. And then you know there's there's also

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<v Speaker 1>room for um a justification. So arguing that it's the

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<v Speaker 1>geography of the state, the residential patterns, or the voting

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<v Speaker 1>right fact that the causes a skew. Um. You know

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<v Speaker 1>that that works out to be a pretty manageable test.

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<v Speaker 1>And at the end of the day, it really about

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<v Speaker 1>the test. It's about sort of a clear articulation of

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<v Speaker 1>a constitution standard. And um you know that that seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to get a lot of buy in from a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of the justices. And um rich in about forty five

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<v Speaker 1>seconds here can you explain briefly how Justice Kennedy has

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<v Speaker 1>been seen as the Court's pivotal point in this Why

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<v Speaker 1>sure it derives from the last time the Court grappled

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<v Speaker 1>with this, which is in two thousand and four with

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<v Speaker 1>the Court in Effects split four one four where four

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<v Speaker 1>justices led by Justice Scholey or the Conservatives essentially saying,

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<v Speaker 1>we just Jerryman recently nothing, and the Court can take

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<v Speaker 1>up the other four justices the liberals in effect saying yes,

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<v Speaker 1>we can, although they all had different tests for it.

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kennedy in the middle sided with the Conservatives and

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<v Speaker 1>saying and throwing out the challenge in that case is

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<v Speaker 1>that I haven't seen a standard yet, but I'm hopeful

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<v Speaker 1>that we might on in particularly focused on the First Amendment,

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't think to think about and he focused on the

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<v Speaker 1>possibilities of new technology. Alright, thought, rich We've been talking

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<v Speaker 1>about a Jerryman during case that has reached the Preme

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<v Speaker 1>Court that could have implications for the American political landscape.

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<v Speaker 1>My guests are Richard Bruffall, he's a professor at Columbia

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<v Speaker 1>Law School, and Michael Lee. He's a senior counsel at

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<v Speaker 1>the Brennan Center. And Michael was at the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>arguments today. Michael, you heard rich talking about Justice Kennedy

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<v Speaker 1>in this two thousand four ruling is looking for a

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<v Speaker 1>better plan or you know, way to do this, and

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<v Speaker 1>the Democrats here were ready to give him that plan.

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<v Speaker 1>But I understand he didn't ask any direct questions about it,

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<v Speaker 1>all right, he um. Most of his questions were aimed

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<v Speaker 1>at Wisconsin and the State of Wisconsin's lawyers, the two

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<v Speaker 1>sets who argued today, Um, and he had a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of tough questions for them. Um. So it's a little

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<v Speaker 1>bit hard to sort of read where exactly he is. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>although you know, you know, what the plaintiffs offered in

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<v Speaker 1>the way of a test was built up on things

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<v Speaker 1>that justice can he said both in two thousand four

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<v Speaker 1>and then in a later two thousand six case, and

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<v Speaker 1>so um, perhaps that's a signal that he's um comfortable

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<v Speaker 1>with what they have done, or perhaps comfortable that justice

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<v Speaker 1>taken and all of the other justices asking the questions

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<v Speaker 1>sort of really got it all of the things that

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<v Speaker 1>needed to be asked rich Wisconsin is among the majority

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<v Speaker 1>of states where the state legislature has the primary role

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<v Speaker 1>in redistricting. If the Supreme Court rules in favor of

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<v Speaker 1>the plaintiffs, will a plan Will they have to have

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<v Speaker 1>a plan for how this how these redistricting maps will

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<v Speaker 1>be done, or will they just reverse what will happen? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>but pite effectually one below. So if the Supreme Court,

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<v Speaker 1>the Spreme Court could actually affirm what the pre judge

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<v Speaker 1>court found, which that the current plan is unconstitutional. More

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<v Speaker 1>going forward, though, um, one of the challenges for the

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<v Speaker 1>Court is to come up with a standard which deals

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<v Speaker 1>with Wisconsin but doesn't necessarily exposed every plan on the

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<v Speaker 1>country to litigation. That's one of their concerns. One approach

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<v Speaker 1>the number of states have taken. I think you were

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<v Speaker 1>hinting at that a number of states have adopted independent

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<v Speaker 1>redistricting commissions. It's extremely unlikely the Sprint Court ever mandate

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<v Speaker 1>anything like that. It's hard impossible to imagine. One could

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<v Speaker 1>imagine that this that if the Court finds that that

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<v Speaker 1>gerryman ery is unconstitutional, that might give a boost efforts

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<v Speaker 1>at the state levels to create such independent districting commissions.

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<v Speaker 1>And Michael, you said that the Justice seemed very positive

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<v Speaker 1>about possibly um getting rid of this gerrymandering. But is

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<v Speaker 1>it What kind of a step would that be? It

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<v Speaker 1>describe how momentous a step that would be if the

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<v Speaker 1>Court decides in favor of the Democrats here, Well, it

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<v Speaker 1>would be huge because right now the Supreme Court has

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<v Speaker 1>never put partisan jerrymandering out of bounds in the same

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<v Speaker 1>way that it's put racial gerrymandering, out of bounds, and

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<v Speaker 1>other sorts of discrimination. And as a result, many states

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<v Speaker 1>have felt that they can go to town when it

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<v Speaker 1>comes to partisanship, UM, as long as I can sort

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<v Speaker 1>of justify it on the basis of politics. And and

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<v Speaker 1>that includes in many places in the South, in particular,

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<v Speaker 1>things that are very disadvantageous to African Americans are Latinos.

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<v Speaker 1>And you've heard throughout this decade in the South, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>states defend maps that are disadvantageous to minorities by saying, no, no, no,

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<v Speaker 1>we weren't trying to hurt African Americans or Latinos. We

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<v Speaker 1>were trying to target democrats and lo and behold, they

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<v Speaker 1>just happened to be African American and Latinos. And that's

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<v Speaker 1>a that's a um, you know opening that's still available

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<v Speaker 1>right now, because if you fit in the politics bucket,

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<v Speaker 1>you're out of bound, your inbounds. But if you fit

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<v Speaker 1>in the race boocket, you're out of bounds, and the

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<v Speaker 1>court could close that and UM, you know, help um

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<v Speaker 1>not only sure political fairness, but fairness for communities of

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<v Speaker 1>color and rich. As Michael said, I've also been reading

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<v Speaker 1>from other political experts who say that this could be

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<v Speaker 1>practically revolutionary, could change the American political scene. Do you

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<v Speaker 1>agree with that? It's hard to it would have a

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<v Speaker 1>big impact. There are right now a significant number a

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<v Speaker 1>number of states which have gerrymandrid congressional delegations and gerry

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<v Speaker 1>mandrid state legislatures. Much return on exactly what the court says.

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<v Speaker 1>Part of the proof that the plaintiffs in Wisconsin we're

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<v Speaker 1>able to make was that wis constant is really extreme,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's a really extreme gerrymander, more than almost any

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<v Speaker 1>plan in the country over the last forty years. If

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<v Speaker 1>the opinion has limited to something extreme, it's not clear

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<v Speaker 1>how far it will go. I mean we I think

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<v Speaker 1>we need to see exactly what they say. But certainly

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<v Speaker 1>Michael suggesting gerry mandering has been normal, has been increasing

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<v Speaker 1>and has gotten worse, that it would the increased use

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<v Speaker 1>of computerization to develop plans. If, if, if the Court

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't act on this, I think we're going to see

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<v Speaker 1>even more extreme jerrymandering going forward. Michael, did the justices

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<v Speaker 1>ask questions about the sophisticated technology that now allows digital

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<v Speaker 1>precision in devising these voting maps? They did, and and

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<v Speaker 1>Paul Smith really was almost apocalyptic and talking about what

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<v Speaker 1>the cycle would look like. UM one, the maps are

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<v Speaker 1>next redrawn based on all of the sophistic headed technology.

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<v Speaker 1>And he pointed to one of the briefs that was

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<v Speaker 1>filed by a number of political scientists which does a

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<v Speaker 1>good job of laying that out. But the justices also

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<v Speaker 1>um on the plus. But they also seem to think

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<v Speaker 1>that technology could help solve this problem and make this manageable.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, they struggled to think that they could manage

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<v Speaker 1>this problem and not have to get into everything. But

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<v Speaker 1>now you can draw thousands of millions even of computer

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<v Speaker 1>simulated maps and and test out the actual maps against

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<v Speaker 1>those and and you know, decide whether they're likely to

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<v Speaker 1>be random or not. So technology is both um you know,

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<v Speaker 1>a really a real danger but perhaps something that makes

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<v Speaker 1>us much more uh comfortable for the court to feel

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<v Speaker 1>like they can get involved and not have to make

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<v Speaker 1>lots of complicated decisions about where lines go. Were with

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<v Speaker 1>about thirty seconds left, Michael, And since you were there,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm going to ask you in your opinion after hearing

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<v Speaker 1>the arguments, do you believe that the court is going

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<v Speaker 1>to um rule in favor of the Democrats here? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, I've always famously misguessed the court on any

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<v Speaker 1>number of occasions, so I don't want to start of

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<v Speaker 1>like hazards. I guess you know the case that was

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<v Speaker 1>presented by the Wisconsin plantiffs challenging the maps, it was

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<v Speaker 1>really strong. Alright, I'll have to we'll have to leave

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<v Speaker 1>it there. Thank you both. That's Michael Leese and your

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<v Speaker 1>counsel at the Brennan Center and Richard Ruffal, Professor, Columbia

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<v Speaker 1>Law School.