WEBVTT - Wells Fargo Plunges After Fed Growth Ban

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes of the Bloomberg Law Podcast on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. Central bank enforcement

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<v Speaker 1>actions against banks have been ratcheting up in recent years,

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<v Speaker 1>and now Wells Fargo has been hit with a sanction

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<v Speaker 1>called unprecedented by FETE officials. After markets closed on Friday, Janet,

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<v Speaker 1>Yellen's final work day in office, the FED announced a

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<v Speaker 1>harsh new punishment for Wells Fargo, which has been involved

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<v Speaker 1>in scandal after scandal. The FED banned the bank from

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<v Speaker 1>growing until it convinces authorities it's fixed. It's many problems. Yellen,

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<v Speaker 1>speaking on CBS Sunday Morning yesterday, cautioned against rolling back

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<v Speaker 1>enforcement of banks. They are now much safer, much sounder,

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<v Speaker 1>and much better at managing their rit and it would

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<v Speaker 1>be a grief mistake to rules that back. My guess

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<v Speaker 1>is Robert Hockett, professor at Cornell Law School, Bob, how

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<v Speaker 1>harsh and how unusual is this action against Wells Fargo. Well, Hi, Jane,

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<v Speaker 1>thanks for having me on it's actually not as harsh

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<v Speaker 1>as one might have thought. It's definitely unprecedented, and that's

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<v Speaker 1>what's sort of interesting about this. It's unprecedented, I think

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<v Speaker 1>precisely because the regulators were trying to decide whether there's

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<v Speaker 1>some sort of potent form of enforcement that nevertheless falls

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<v Speaker 1>short of the much more severe enforcement actions that the

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<v Speaker 1>FED could have taken. Describe what the action actually is.

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<v Speaker 1>So essentially it's a limitation placed on the right of

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<v Speaker 1>the institution to grow. And what that means is it's

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<v Speaker 1>going to be limited as to the size of its

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<v Speaker 1>asset portfolio until it convinces the ft that it has

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<v Speaker 1>taken appropriate action directed by its internal governance and law

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<v Speaker 1>compliance measures or programs. So essentially what they're saying is okay,

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<v Speaker 1>well as a sort frozen at its current size. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>Now that's a punishment in the sense that in two senses,

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<v Speaker 1>I guess. On the one hand, banks typically do like

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<v Speaker 1>to grow their asset uh portfolio is because, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>that means that they're standing to it to yield higher

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<v Speaker 1>profits to their shareholders. In that sense, it hurts. But

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<v Speaker 1>more importantly, I think it hurts because it gets a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of attention precisely because it's an unusual form of sanction,

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<v Speaker 1>and that means that the public is once again paying

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<v Speaker 1>close attention to repeat offender and to the fact that

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<v Speaker 1>Wells is a repeat offender. Major US banks have bounced

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<v Speaker 1>back from past crackdowns. Do you expect this to be

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<v Speaker 1>any different? I'm sorry? Is what major US banks have

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<v Speaker 1>bounced back from these crackdowns before, Morgan, Chase, City Group, etcetera.

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<v Speaker 1>Do you expect it to be any different for Wells Cards? No?

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<v Speaker 1>I actually don't. I mean, at least I don't expect

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<v Speaker 1>it to be any different if they actually do correct

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<v Speaker 1>what's been going on internally, and it looks as that

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<v Speaker 1>they're trying to do that. As you know, there's a

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<v Speaker 1>major shuffle has been underway on the board and that

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<v Speaker 1>is itself, that's to say, the Wales Board and that

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<v Speaker 1>is itself and attempts to sort of get a wrap

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<v Speaker 1>on or get a get a grip on its internal

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<v Speaker 1>compliance problems and to sort of impose a discipline within

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<v Speaker 1>the organization, which apparently has been rather difficult for the

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<v Speaker 1>board to do in the past. What else does it

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<v Speaker 1>have to do, Bob in order to get to fix

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<v Speaker 1>its problems Well one thing is to develop, typically with

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<v Speaker 1>an outside consultant and effective form of internal compliance procedure.

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<v Speaker 1>That can include hotlines or anonymous tip lines for employees

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<v Speaker 1>to be able to report abuses that they see going on.

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<v Speaker 1>It can include uh sort of heavier reporting requirements that

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<v Speaker 1>higher ups might place on those lower down to ensure

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<v Speaker 1>that they're all complying with the law, any number of

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<v Speaker 1>such things. And then the second thing is that it's

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<v Speaker 1>typical to seek some kind of endorsement of the measures

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<v Speaker 1>that have been adopted from some outside so called reputational intermediary,

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<v Speaker 1>which could could be any number of intermediaries, including the

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<v Speaker 1>standard of PORES or fits or you name it. UM.

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<v Speaker 1>And if the board, the FED board that is, finally

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<v Speaker 1>becomes satisfied UH with the warrant of reputational intermediaries that

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<v Speaker 1>the internal compliance procedures adopted by Wells are substantial and

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<v Speaker 1>indeed likely to work, that could indeed see a relaxation

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<v Speaker 1>than of the sanction looking forward as far as other

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<v Speaker 1>banks are concerned to are looking at this harsh penalty.

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<v Speaker 1>President Donald Trump has repeatedly said he wants to loosen

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<v Speaker 1>constraints on the financial industry, so does this harsh penalty

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<v Speaker 1>signal a new reality or is it Yellin's final salvo.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it signifies just the same reality as we

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<v Speaker 1>had before. To tell you the truth, a couple of

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<v Speaker 1>couple of reasons for that. The first is, as I

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<v Speaker 1>mentioned earlier, it is possible for the regulators to impose

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<v Speaker 1>much more difficult, much more onerous sanctions, including monetary fines

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<v Speaker 1>or even imprisonment or regulatory sanctions against individual human beings

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<v Speaker 1>who make decisions in an organization. And I note that

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<v Speaker 1>the FETE has not done anything quite like that in

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<v Speaker 1>connection with Wales, so in that sense, it's not that unusual.

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<v Speaker 1>It's also I mean, it's not that that's harsh, um uh,

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<v Speaker 1>And it doesn't really change. It's a significant move away

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<v Speaker 1>from where we were in the previous two or three years.

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<v Speaker 1>For another thing, is you know, Trump has suggested that

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<v Speaker 1>while he wants to relax the various regulatory requirements and

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<v Speaker 1>the like, he has also been claiming that he wants

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<v Speaker 1>the penalties to be harsh for those who nevertheless violate

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<v Speaker 1>what rules remain. Now, of course, we always have to

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<v Speaker 1>say what Mr Trump says with a grain of salty

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<v Speaker 1>might say something different. Tomorrow. But there's no I think

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<v Speaker 1>signal at this point that there's going to be some

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<v Speaker 1>fun of it will change in the way that we

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<v Speaker 1>deal with banks, the size of of wells. This was

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<v Speaker 1>a consent degree, so perhaps they had to give a

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<v Speaker 1>little to get a little, and that's why it wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>as harsh as anticipated by you. Uh, it's that's possibly

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<v Speaker 1>the case, um, you know. So the idea here is

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<v Speaker 1>that typically if you can get the regulated entity to

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<v Speaker 1>agree with whatever penalty or rectificatory measure has been decided

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<v Speaker 1>on by the regulator, that does make things easier for

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<v Speaker 1>the regulator because of course it spares it the trouble

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<v Speaker 1>having to engage in litigation. But of course it also

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<v Speaker 1>spares the litigated, i mean the regulated entity from possible

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<v Speaker 1>litigation expenses as well. So while it is sort of

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<v Speaker 1>a given take that arrives at a consent decree, it's

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<v Speaker 1>probably worth keeping in mind that both signs gain if

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<v Speaker 1>they can avoid litigation, which is to say that both

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<v Speaker 1>sides gain if they can reach an agreement as to

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<v Speaker 1>some sort of direct deficatory measure. About thirty seconds, you

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<v Speaker 1>can have a quick answer here. You mentioned criminal penalties,

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<v Speaker 1>which we never see. Do you expect to see them

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<v Speaker 1>in the coming years. I fear not. I don't think them.

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<v Speaker 1>To the Trump administration, we're likely to see anything um

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<v Speaker 1>in the way from old cudalts. Is particularly given that

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<v Speaker 1>we didn't see anything like that during the Obama years.

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<v Speaker 1>So they force your you might stay of Obama was

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<v Speaker 1>allowed to do this. I suspect the Trump, who seems

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<v Speaker 1>to be more friendly to big bankers, won't do it either.

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<v Speaker 1>Thanks so much, Bob. As always, that's Robert Hockett, professor

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<v Speaker 1>at Cornell Law School. The House Intelligence Committee is holding

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<v Speaker 1>a closed door session at five PM to consider releasing

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<v Speaker 1>the Democratic rebuttal memo to the Republican memo that alleges

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<v Speaker 1>bias in the Russia investigation. President Donald Trump and some

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<v Speaker 1>Republican allies are using the so called Newness Memo to

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<v Speaker 1>allege bias in Special Counsel Robert Mueller's investigation. Several former

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<v Speaker 1>intelligence officials have publicly criticized the memo, drafted by the

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<v Speaker 1>chair of the committee, Republican devon Newness. Here's former CIA

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<v Speaker 1>director Leon Panetta speaking on Fox News Sunday. I think

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<v Speaker 1>in this instance, very frankly, that the Newness charges against FISA,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly without looking at the entire application, without talking to

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<v Speaker 1>the judges who actually make these decisions. I think that's irresponsible.

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<v Speaker 1>The Democratic counter memo was authored by California Representative Adam

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<v Speaker 1>Shift The pan Top Democrat. Joining me is William Banks,

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<v Speaker 1>professor at Syracuse University Law School. Bill, you've read the memo.

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<v Speaker 1>What's your analysis? Well, I agree with what Mr Panetta

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<v Speaker 1>said just now, and I think it's a very unfortunate

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<v Speaker 1>turn of events for the investigation to have. It may

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<v Speaker 1>have the elements of the investigation by the Mueller team

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<v Speaker 1>revealed in this way. It's a it's clearly partisan, it's

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<v Speaker 1>an effort to protect President Trump, and it's you know,

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<v Speaker 1>it compromises a valuable intelligence source that the Bureau had

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<v Speaker 1>been working with. And it of course is also very

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<v Speaker 1>much a sort of a cherry picked gleaning of a

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<v Speaker 1>few elements of a much larger FISE application. Tell us

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<v Speaker 1>about the FIS accords and what it takes to get

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<v Speaker 1>a surveillance on an American citizen. It's important to remember,

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<v Speaker 1>June that the purpose of the FIZER process is to

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<v Speaker 1>collect foreign intelligence or counter intelligence. In this case, it

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<v Speaker 1>was counter intelligence involved in Carter Page, this is not

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<v Speaker 1>a criminal process, so we don't expect the same Fourth

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<v Speaker 1>Amendment protections for citizens that we would if a criminal

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<v Speaker 1>sanction or possible jail could be forthcoming. Still, the process

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<v Speaker 1>does do more to protect Americans than it does persons

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<v Speaker 1>who are not from the United States. So the the predicate,

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<v Speaker 1>if you will, is still the same probable cause to

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<v Speaker 1>believe that the target is an agent of foreign power,

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<v Speaker 1>in this case Russia. The thing that's different about US

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<v Speaker 1>persons in this regard is that none of the uh,

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<v Speaker 1>none of the activities that are the base for an

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<v Speaker 1>order of surveillance could be based on protected First Amendment activities,

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<v Speaker 1>and the process requires that they seek remol of the

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<v Speaker 1>authorization more frequently than they would have to if the

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<v Speaker 1>target were not a US person. So something I find

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<v Speaker 1>difficult to understand is this memo is about Carter Page,

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<v Speaker 1>who White House officials described as a peripheral member of

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<v Speaker 1>a relatively peripheral advisory committee, and last December, White House

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<v Speaker 1>attorney Don McGan wrote to Page to cease saying he's

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<v Speaker 1>a Trump advisor and doesn't didn't the FBI have a

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<v Speaker 1>lot more on Page? He was interviewed by them as

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<v Speaker 1>early as ten as part of an investigation into a

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<v Speaker 1>Russian inspiring So shouldn't the FBI had had more information

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<v Speaker 1>on him than the Steel dossier. They clearly did, and

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<v Speaker 1>I think if the Democratic Memo is released, will learn

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<v Speaker 1>more about some of that other information. You know, the

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<v Speaker 1>defies application is a lengthy process that involves internal vetting

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<v Speaker 1>inside the Department of Justice by numerous officials, lawyers and

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<v Speaker 1>policy officials, and the application itself, when it's carried to

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<v Speaker 1>the FIES the court would have been lengthy, I don't know,

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<v Speaker 1>fifty pages, maybe more so. The Steel dossier would have

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<v Speaker 1>been a very small part of a larger package of materials.

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<v Speaker 1>As you say, they've been looking at at Steel or

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<v Speaker 1>a page rather for up to three years prior to

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<v Speaker 1>this application. And of course it's also important to remember

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<v Speaker 1>this was actually stated at the bottom of the of

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<v Speaker 1>the newest Memo that the investigation of the potential uh

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<v Speaker 1>for collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russian interference

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<v Speaker 1>was first investigated concerning Adopolis, not Card or Page. So

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<v Speaker 1>there was a prior application that had already been reviewed. No,

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<v Speaker 1>we hardly on Panetta to say, you know, we shouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>do this without talking to the judges. Judges don't normally

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<v Speaker 1>explain their decisions to people unless there's some kind of

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<v Speaker 1>criminal process, and you know, they have to look into

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<v Speaker 1>what the judge found. And so is that likely to

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<v Speaker 1>happen that one of the judges would come forward, Oh,

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<v Speaker 1>it's it's almost surely not going to happen. We don't

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<v Speaker 1>even know which judges might have been involved in the

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<v Speaker 1>Carter page application as the as the materials reveal the

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<v Speaker 1>page request was renewed on two or three occasions. I

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<v Speaker 1>forget the details. Now, it's likely that on the first

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<v Speaker 1>occasion and then on the renewals, there might have been

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<v Speaker 1>a different judge involved each time. The judge wouldn't have

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<v Speaker 1>been identified. The judge won't identify himself for herself now,

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<v Speaker 1>and that's the way the process is supposed to work.

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<v Speaker 1>So Bill, now, let's say the Democrats are allowed to

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<v Speaker 1>come out with their memo. Is good to have to

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<v Speaker 1>dueling memos out there and about the FBI's process. And

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<v Speaker 1>is it dangerous to release the second memo? You I

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<v Speaker 1>doubt that it's dangerous to release it at this point.

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<v Speaker 1>It's about achieving turbopartisan balance here. The best result is

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<v Speaker 1>for no memos to have been released, because it was

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<v Speaker 1>a real affront to the integrity and the Apartment of

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<v Speaker 1>Justice in the whole five process, the entire intelligence community

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<v Speaker 1>for that matter. So I think the better thing would

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<v Speaker 1>have been for there to be no memo. I think

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<v Speaker 1>once there's a heavily partisan memo out, it's fair to

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<v Speaker 1>have a rebuttal memo out. I think that Representative Shift

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<v Speaker 1>and others would be very careful not to release sensitive information,

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<v Speaker 1>uh in the chance that their memo does come out. Now,

0:13:53.679 --> 0:13:57.520
<v Speaker 1>another part to this is that Senate Judiciary Chair Chuck

0:13:57.520 --> 0:14:01.840
<v Speaker 1>Grassley is calling on the FBI to stop blocking the

0:14:01.880 --> 0:14:04.720
<v Speaker 1>release of key portions of his memo that calls for

0:14:04.760 --> 0:14:08.680
<v Speaker 1>a criminal investigation of Christopher Steele, which is who's the

0:14:08.720 --> 0:14:11.760
<v Speaker 1>former British spy who compiled that dossier we know so

0:14:11.840 --> 0:14:14.440
<v Speaker 1>much about. In about a minute, can you tell me

0:14:14.559 --> 0:14:20.040
<v Speaker 1>what grass Lee is trying to accomplish. Uh, It's very

0:14:20.080 --> 0:14:23.080
<v Speaker 1>hard to know exactly what he's trying to accomplish. One

0:14:23.080 --> 0:14:27.240
<v Speaker 1>of the things that we learned, unfortunately, is that in

0:14:27.240 --> 0:14:30.840
<v Speaker 1>in releasing the newest memo, we now know that Steele

0:14:31.080 --> 0:14:36.840
<v Speaker 1>was an FBI source prior to the so called dossier

0:14:37.040 --> 0:14:41.000
<v Speaker 1>and prior to the investigation, Carter page. So, in the

0:14:41.080 --> 0:14:44.360
<v Speaker 1>context of the of the larger investigation, one of the

0:14:44.400 --> 0:14:47.360
<v Speaker 1>things that happened is that the Bureau was lost the

0:14:47.400 --> 0:14:52.000
<v Speaker 1>source that had been using for foreign intelligence gathering for years.

0:14:52.040 --> 0:14:54.680
<v Speaker 1>So I think coming out with more now, I think

0:14:54.720 --> 0:14:58.080
<v Speaker 1>that they've already lost Steel and whatever value that he

0:14:58.160 --> 0:15:02.040
<v Speaker 1>might have provided to the process or law. Well, we'll

0:15:02.040 --> 0:15:04.400
<v Speaker 1>see how this plays out, and there are certainly different

0:15:04.640 --> 0:15:06.920
<v Speaker 1>different parts of this. Now it seems as if there

0:15:07.080 --> 0:15:09.360
<v Speaker 1>it's like a tree with the branches spreading. Thanks so

0:15:09.440 --> 0:15:12.280
<v Speaker 1>much for being here. Bill. That's William Banks, professor at

0:15:12.280 --> 0:15:15.880
<v Speaker 1>Syracuse University Law School. Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg

0:15:15.960 --> 0:15:19.000
<v Speaker 1>Law Podcast. You can subscribe and listen to the show

0:15:19.080 --> 0:15:23.760
<v Speaker 1>on Apple podcast, SoundCloud, and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcast.

0:15:24.160 --> 0:15:26.920
<v Speaker 1>I'm June Brosso. This is Bloomberg