WEBVTT - Ricardo Hausmann on What it Takes to Win a Trade War

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Audio Studios, Podcasts, Radio News.

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<v Speaker 2>Hello and welcome to another episode of The Odd Laws podcast.

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<v Speaker 2>I'm Joe Wisenthal.

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<v Speaker 3>And I'm Tracy Alloway.

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<v Speaker 2>In this ongoing trade war, I don't know. I guess

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<v Speaker 2>it's a trade war, all the trade headlines. I have

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<v Speaker 2>to say. One of the things I always think about

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<v Speaker 2>is and I write about it, and we reference it.

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<v Speaker 2>The two of us reference it all the time. The

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<v Speaker 2>complexity and the importance of sort of building complex things

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<v Speaker 2>as a marker of a sort of country's capacity for wealth,

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<v Speaker 2>and the sort of complex international trade webs that undergird

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<v Speaker 2>the production of complex things.

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<v Speaker 3>Joe, I know what you think about. It's monkeys and do.

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<v Speaker 2>You think about that?

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah?

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<v Speaker 3>I do think about that.

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<v Speaker 1>Okay.

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<v Speaker 3>The reason I think about monkeys and trees is because

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<v Speaker 3>couple of years ago we had Ricardo Houseman on the

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<v Speaker 3>podcast and he used this metaphor to describe why some

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<v Speaker 3>countries are richer, more economically developed than others. And the

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<v Speaker 3>metaphor was that certain products or industries are like trees

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<v Speaker 3>in a forest, and the firms are like monkeys, and

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<v Speaker 3>so businesses kind of jump from tree to tree, and

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<v Speaker 3>so what you find is if a country gets good

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<v Speaker 3>at one particular product, then the business the monkey will

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<v Speaker 3>jump to the next tree, the next adjacent product, and

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<v Speaker 3>use that experience to build out their offerings. And so

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<v Speaker 3>you tend to see, you know, the more complex economies,

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<v Speaker 3>the bigger forests, the more monkeys swinging from trees are

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<v Speaker 3>indicative of greater advancement and more wealth.

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<v Speaker 2>Right, And this is how you can have a you know,

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<v Speaker 2>a country that at one point specialized in rubber becoming

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<v Speaker 2>a major player in cell phones, or a economy that

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<v Speaker 2>one point made t shirts, which requires some level of

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<v Speaker 2>coordination of supply chains from the thread and the electricity

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<v Speaker 2>to power the looms suddenly become much more advanced any

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<v Speaker 2>number of things. Anyway, I think there's a very powerful idea.

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<v Speaker 2>But when I think about, you know, the idea that Okay,

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<v Speaker 2>now there's this trade barrier between the US and Canada,

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<v Speaker 2>for example, and we have these complex webs of supply

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<v Speaker 2>chains in which goods cross the border multiple times. Do

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<v Speaker 2>we constrain our capacity to do complex things?

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<v Speaker 3>Are the monkeys going to slam headfirst into a trade wad?

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah, it's literally right, Like they're swinging around and they're

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<v Speaker 2>making these webs and densifying and then suddenly they slam

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<v Speaker 2>into a wall in a very real way. What does

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<v Speaker 2>it mean for American wealth if America is sort of

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<v Speaker 2>like constrained.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, this ecology of trade, I think it's a very

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<v Speaker 3>valid question.

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<v Speaker 2>Well, I'm very excited back on the podcast that we're

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<v Speaker 2>going to be speaking with Ricardo Housman, professor at the

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<v Speaker 2>Harvard Kennedy School and the founding director of the Harvard

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<v Speaker 2>Growth Lab. So, Professor Housman, thank you so much for

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<v Speaker 2>coming back on Outlaws.

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<v Speaker 4>Thank you for having me. I'm really happy to be back.

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<v Speaker 2>It does not seem like if we're thinking from the

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<v Speaker 2>complexity framework, right, if we're gonna start like putting up nets,

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<v Speaker 2>maybe it's nets, we're gonna start putting up nets in

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<v Speaker 2>the forest between the trees from place it does seem

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<v Speaker 2>harder for the monkeys to swing.

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<v Speaker 4>Well, the way I think about the problem is that

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<v Speaker 4>the complexity that you were talking about in the introduction

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<v Speaker 4>is really the amount of knowledge that you have to

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<v Speaker 4>put together in order to be able to do things.

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<v Speaker 4>And the question is a little bit you know, how

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<v Speaker 4>mobile is that knowledge, how easy it is for you

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<v Speaker 4>to get to that knowledge? And that knowledge takes if

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<v Speaker 4>you want three forms, it takes the form of embodied

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<v Speaker 4>knowledge and tools and materials. So when you buy a cookbook,

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<v Speaker 4>it says if you want to make an omelet, it says,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, take eggs, take milk, take this, take that.

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<v Speaker 4>It doesn't tell you how to make eggs. It doesn't

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<v Speaker 4>tell you how to make milk. You just you just

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<v Speaker 4>buy the eggs, and you don't you disregard all the

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<v Speaker 4>technologies that go into making chickens and to making eggs,

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<v Speaker 4>and to feeding the chickens, and you disregard all of that.

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<v Speaker 4>You just buy the eggs, right, and all the knowledge

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<v Speaker 4>that was embedded in it, it's just in the egg.

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<v Speaker 4>So embodied knowledge is one form of knowledge, and trade

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<v Speaker 4>is one way to get it right. Codified knowledge is

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<v Speaker 4>the knowledge that exists in recipes, formulas, algorithms, do files.

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<v Speaker 4>You know, you just need to have the code and

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<v Speaker 4>follow the instructions if you are and then the third

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<v Speaker 4>form of knowledge is nohow in brains. And the problem

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<v Speaker 4>with knowledge is that there's very little knowledge that fits

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<v Speaker 4>in a brain. So if you want to run a company,

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<v Speaker 4>you need a lot of knowledge. You need knowledge about accounting,

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<v Speaker 4>about finance, about human resource management, about procurement, about production,

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<v Speaker 4>about branding, about marketing, you know about taxes, about contracts.

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<v Speaker 4>So you need a lot of knowledge. And to bring

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<v Speaker 4>that knowledge together, you need a team of people that

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<v Speaker 4>you need to put together. And complexity comes from, you know,

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<v Speaker 4>the breadth of the team that you have to put together. Now,

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<v Speaker 4>the more you can kind of modify stuff, then you

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<v Speaker 4>don't need to put the brains together because it's all

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<v Speaker 4>in the code. That's one of the things that we

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<v Speaker 4>may talk about artificial intelligence. It makes things in some

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<v Speaker 4>sense simpler because the knowledge is in the machine. It's

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<v Speaker 4>no longer you no longer need a brain to do it. Now,

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<v Speaker 4>what these trade barriers are doing is that they are

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<v Speaker 4>preventing you from, say, buying the eggs right so that

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<v Speaker 4>now you need to know how to do the eggs yourself.

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<v Speaker 4>So in some sense it's making things harder to do.

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<v Speaker 4>As Larry Summers has pointed out, there are about sixty

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<v Speaker 4>times more jobs using steel than job making steel. So

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<v Speaker 4>you know, you protect steel, you're making it easier for

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<v Speaker 4>all those guys that were going to make omelets by

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<v Speaker 4>making now the eggs harder to get. And that's going

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<v Speaker 4>to come at a detriment. You're going to get maybe

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<v Speaker 4>more jobs and steel making in the US, and you're

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<v Speaker 4>going to make all the people who use steel have

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<v Speaker 4>more trouble competing in the domestic market with their products

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<v Speaker 4>and more trouble selling their products abroad because now they're

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<v Speaker 4>buying more expensive eggs, more expensive steel. In this metaphor,

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<v Speaker 4>so in some sense, yes, what you're saying is that

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<v Speaker 4>bread barriers are going to make the ability to put

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<v Speaker 4>things together harder in the US. It's going to incentivize

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<v Speaker 4>some of the things that are being protected, but it's

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<v Speaker 4>going to create difficulties for everybody who you uses those

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<v Speaker 4>things to make other things.

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<v Speaker 3>Is there a way to design tariffs or other protectionist

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<v Speaker 3>trade measures in such a way that you would preserve

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<v Speaker 3>knowledge and I guess preserve access to some of the

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<v Speaker 3>components you need to build out more complex industries.

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<v Speaker 4>I mean, an interesting question is what is the case

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<v Speaker 4>for intervening in the market. Why would you need a policy?

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<v Speaker 4>And then the second question is would trade would tariffs

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<v Speaker 4>be your instrument? Okay, so I would say that economic

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<v Speaker 4>theory gives you at least three good reasons to intervene

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<v Speaker 4>in the market. That might justify something you might want

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<v Speaker 4>to call industrial policy. And then the question is is

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<v Speaker 4>tariff's the right industrial policy because now they're putting tariffs

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<v Speaker 4>on steel and aluminum. They want more still and aluminum

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<v Speaker 4>being made in the US. If you wanted more still

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<v Speaker 4>and aluminum made in the US, what instruments could you

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<v Speaker 4>have used? And its tariffs the right way? Okay, So

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<v Speaker 4>first there is the argument that in order to make something,

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<v Speaker 4>you have to know how to make it. You know,

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<v Speaker 4>it's hard to make things you don't know how to

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<v Speaker 4>make it, and typically when you start something you don't

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<v Speaker 4>you're not particularly good at it, but maybe over time

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<v Speaker 4>you become better at it. There are some learning curves,

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<v Speaker 4>and you want to get into those learning curves. And

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<v Speaker 4>that's a compelling reason maybe to intervene in a relatively

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<v Speaker 4>new industry where you know you haven't yet to figure

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<v Speaker 4>things out, saying maybe like solar panels or batteries, or

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<v Speaker 4>you know something that's relatively new that you still have

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<v Speaker 4>yet to figure out. You wouldn't do it for a

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<v Speaker 4>mature industry like say like electric gas turbines, because you

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<v Speaker 4>know they've optimized that to death and you know there's

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<v Speaker 4>there's no significant breakthroughs for decades now, so still would

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<v Speaker 4>not be the obvious thing that would come to mind. Right,

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<v Speaker 4>it's a nineteenth century chnology, it's an industry that has

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<v Speaker 4>that's quite mature, etc. But you might have a national

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<v Speaker 4>security reasons to protect it or something, but definitely not

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<v Speaker 4>learning curves. By the way, those learning curves, if they

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<v Speaker 4>are like inside the company, if it's something that the

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<v Speaker 4>company is learning and the company owns, markets have been

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<v Speaker 4>super happy to fund that. I mean, markets have funded

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<v Speaker 4>Amazon for decades while the company was losing money because

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<v Speaker 4>they're saying no, no, the company is figuring out how

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<v Speaker 4>to sell stuff on the internet. Eventually, when they do

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<v Speaker 4>figure it out, they will have access to a humongous

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<v Speaker 4>market and that's going to be super valuable. So markets

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<v Speaker 4>supported negative cash flows in Amazon for a very long time.

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<v Speaker 4>So you have to argue that these learning curves somehow

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<v Speaker 4>spill over into the value chain, spill over into more

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<v Speaker 4>complicated things to coordinate, and that's why you need some

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<v Speaker 4>kind of action. Sometimes the reason why industries get into

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<v Speaker 4>trouble is that you have chicken and egg problems that

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<v Speaker 4>you know the supplier is not there because you are

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<v Speaker 4>not there and you're not there because the supplier is

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<v Speaker 4>not there. So there's a good equilibrium in which both

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<v Speaker 4>you and your suppliers are there, and there's a bad

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<v Speaker 4>equilibrium in which neither of you is there. So how

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<v Speaker 4>do you go from the val equilibrium where none is

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<v Speaker 4>there to the good equilibrium where both are there. And

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<v Speaker 4>that's a problem that we know how to solve. In

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<v Speaker 4>each one of these cases, caras may not be the

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<v Speaker 4>right instrument. So for example, you know, if you wanted

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<v Speaker 4>the supplier and you to be there, well, maybe the

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<v Speaker 4>garment comes and says, you know, I'm going to give

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<v Speaker 4>a supplier the guarantee that you're going to buy from them,

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<v Speaker 4>and I'm going to give you a guarantee that the

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<v Speaker 4>supplier is going to be there to sell you. So

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<v Speaker 4>you install your plant, he installs this plant, and the

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<v Speaker 4>guarantee expires worthless. So the government can coordinate on the

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<v Speaker 4>good equilibrium. Essentially no money and taxing nobody. A set

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<v Speaker 4>of guarantees would do the trick. If you want the

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<v Speaker 4>firm to learn, I mean, one thing is to have

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<v Speaker 4>these temporary what they call infant protection and the term

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<v Speaker 4>in the literature is infant industry protection. So you take

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<v Speaker 4>an industry at its infancy, and you give it some

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<v Speaker 4>protection until it finds its way, and then you open

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<v Speaker 4>up an alternative to that is you subsidize their capital investment,

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<v Speaker 4>or you guarantee their demand maybe government procurement or something else,

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<v Speaker 4>or you give it a special tax treatment, so you

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<v Speaker 4>have other ways to intervene. The moment you intervene with tariffs,

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<v Speaker 4>you're essentially dumping the cost on the consumers of that industry,

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<v Speaker 4>and the consumers of that industry are going to become

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<v Speaker 4>less competitive, and their size will shrink, and they may

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<v Speaker 4>become vulnerable to other attacks. So it's not the ideal instrument.

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<v Speaker 4>There's an additional reason why it may not be the

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<v Speaker 4>right thing to do. The US is and politically, part

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<v Speaker 4>of all these policy is based on the fact that

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<v Speaker 4>the Midwest did very poorly. The russ Belt did very poorly.

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<v Speaker 4>They lost a lot of manufacturing jobs, and you would

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<v Speaker 4>like jobs to go back to the Midwest. Pittsburgh loss

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<v Speaker 4>it's steal industry. Garandianna lots it's steal industry. Youngstown, Ohio, Cleveland, Detroit,

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<v Speaker 4>et cetera. These cities lost jobs in some industries. Now

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<v Speaker 4>you put the barriers you put tariffs at the national level.

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<v Speaker 4>It doesn't mean that the industries are going to go

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<v Speaker 4>to the Midwest. They may go to write to work

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<v Speaker 4>states in the South. They may go to the Southwest.

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<v Speaker 4>So it's not not your solution to the places at

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<v Speaker 4>your t I have to help those might be better

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<v Speaker 4>dealt with using place based instruments.

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<v Speaker 2>You know, I really like this idea of physical products

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<v Speaker 2>as embedded knowledge, so that if I'm making some recipe

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<v Speaker 2>that calls for eggs, that the eggs that I buy

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<v Speaker 2>are the end result of all the knowledge of the farmers.

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<v Speaker 2>I don't have to have that knowledge myself. It makes

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<v Speaker 2>it simpler process. I was reading a speech recently Ellen Young.

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<v Speaker 2>This speech was given I think in nineteen twenty eight.

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<v Speaker 2>Here's the former president of the London School of Economics,

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<v Speaker 2>and he said, it is generally agreed that Adam Smith,

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<v Speaker 2>when you suggested the division of labor leads to inventions

0:13:49.000 --> 0:13:52.760
<v Speaker 2>because workmen engaged in specialized routine operations come to see

0:13:52.800 --> 0:13:55.600
<v Speaker 2>better ways of accomplishing the same results miss the main point.

0:13:55.800 --> 0:13:57.800
<v Speaker 2>The important thing, of course, is that with the division

0:13:57.800 --> 0:14:00.960
<v Speaker 2>of labor, a group of complex processes is transformed into

0:14:00.960 --> 0:14:03.960
<v Speaker 2>a succession of simpler process. So therefore making something with

0:14:04.040 --> 0:14:07.040
<v Speaker 2>eggs is simpler because someone else doing the simple job

0:14:07.120 --> 0:14:09.840
<v Speaker 2>of making of growing eggs, I'm making the simple job

0:14:09.880 --> 0:14:12.360
<v Speaker 2>of maybe making an omelet or something. Something becomes a

0:14:12.400 --> 0:14:15.800
<v Speaker 2>succession of simpler jobs. But the question I have is,

0:14:16.240 --> 0:14:19.320
<v Speaker 2>does that mean that sort of like sheer market size

0:14:19.840 --> 0:14:22.960
<v Speaker 2>as measured by even by things like population, et cetera,

0:14:23.080 --> 0:14:27.040
<v Speaker 2>become important in these questions because if we're going to

0:14:27.120 --> 0:14:31.680
<v Speaker 2>make complex things, doesn't that on some level require either

0:14:31.760 --> 0:14:35.520
<v Speaker 2>through our population or our friends population, a decent number

0:14:35.520 --> 0:14:38.840
<v Speaker 2>of people who can then do all of these individually

0:14:38.880 --> 0:14:39.680
<v Speaker 2>simple tasks.

0:14:40.520 --> 0:14:44.120
<v Speaker 4>Well, I mean, if that's the reason why value chains

0:14:44.120 --> 0:14:48.560
<v Speaker 4>have become longer, where you just slice it into more modules,

0:14:48.600 --> 0:14:52.200
<v Speaker 4>and then you bring those modules together, and then some OEM,

0:14:52.400 --> 0:14:57.360
<v Speaker 4>some original equipment manufacturer that is putting fifty thousand pieces together,

0:14:57.440 --> 0:15:00.160
<v Speaker 4>and then each one of the fifty thousand pieces, it

0:15:00.200 --> 0:15:05.120
<v Speaker 4>becomes a more manageable task. But some industries require a

0:15:05.160 --> 0:15:08.240
<v Speaker 4>lot of a lot of talent that has to come together.

0:15:09.000 --> 0:15:12.560
<v Speaker 4>And for example, when you go to the do you

0:15:12.600 --> 0:15:16.640
<v Speaker 4>see a film? In the movies, sometimes they put at

0:15:16.640 --> 0:15:19.040
<v Speaker 4>the end of a movie it says the end, but

0:15:19.720 --> 0:15:22.360
<v Speaker 4>it's a misnomer because after they put the end, they

0:15:22.400 --> 0:15:25.520
<v Speaker 4>start showing you the credits, and the credits go on

0:15:25.640 --> 0:15:28.640
<v Speaker 4>for minutes and minutes. You know, there's there's the casting,

0:15:28.760 --> 0:15:32.600
<v Speaker 4>there's the sound effects, there's the visual effects, there's editing,

0:15:32.840 --> 0:15:37.440
<v Speaker 4>director of photography. So you need a whole massive team

0:15:37.480 --> 0:15:41.840
<v Speaker 4>of people that are involved in that in that movie

0:15:41.880 --> 0:15:46.400
<v Speaker 4>making industry. Well, an industry that requires this deep pool

0:15:46.440 --> 0:15:51.920
<v Speaker 4>of differentiated talent tends to locate only in very large cities,

0:15:51.920 --> 0:15:55.480
<v Speaker 4>say like Los Angeles or New York. That's the only

0:15:55.560 --> 0:15:58.720
<v Speaker 4>place where you would you could put together all that

0:15:58.880 --> 0:16:04.000
<v Speaker 4>necessary talent that is required. So industries that require a

0:16:04.040 --> 0:16:07.960
<v Speaker 4>more diverse pool of talent tend to locate themselves in

0:16:08.040 --> 0:16:12.200
<v Speaker 4>bigger cities, and the ones that are kind of simpler,

0:16:12.240 --> 0:16:15.400
<v Speaker 4>lower complexity, they can afford to locate in a smaller

0:16:15.440 --> 0:16:18.600
<v Speaker 4>city because in that smaller city they could probably find

0:16:19.360 --> 0:16:24.640
<v Speaker 4>the more limited diversity of skills that they need. Now,

0:16:25.680 --> 0:16:28.200
<v Speaker 4>one of the things that is a feature of the

0:16:28.240 --> 0:16:32.760
<v Speaker 4>American economy over the last twenty years is that the

0:16:32.960 --> 0:16:37.000
<v Speaker 4>industries that tend to locate in large cities have done

0:16:37.080 --> 0:16:40.600
<v Speaker 4>dramatically better than the industries that tend to locate in

0:16:40.680 --> 0:16:45.280
<v Speaker 4>smaller cities. The industries that tend to locate in smaller cities,

0:16:45.840 --> 0:16:49.240
<v Speaker 4>they tend to demand more land and not that diverse

0:16:49.360 --> 0:16:52.440
<v Speaker 4>labor force. So they're not willing to pay the high

0:16:52.440 --> 0:16:56.280
<v Speaker 4>prices of land of big cities so they can buy

0:16:56.280 --> 0:16:58.760
<v Speaker 4>more land and they don't rely so much on this

0:16:58.920 --> 0:17:02.560
<v Speaker 4>diverse labor force. But the industries that require a deep,

0:17:03.600 --> 0:17:06.800
<v Speaker 4>diverse pool of talent, they are willing to pay the

0:17:06.880 --> 0:17:11.080
<v Speaker 4>higher price of land in larger cities because they don't

0:17:11.160 --> 0:17:14.600
<v Speaker 4>use that much land. So what I would put it

0:17:14.600 --> 0:17:16.639
<v Speaker 4>to you is that part of the drama of the

0:17:16.800 --> 0:17:20.840
<v Speaker 4>US is the fact that there's been this shift in

0:17:20.960 --> 0:17:24.280
<v Speaker 4>demand in favor of the things that happened to be

0:17:24.280 --> 0:17:27.040
<v Speaker 4>done in bigger cities. And by the way, let me

0:17:27.080 --> 0:17:30.639
<v Speaker 4>make a very important point. We just saw the elections

0:17:30.640 --> 0:17:35.040
<v Speaker 4>in Poland, and the elections in Poland meant that, you know,

0:17:35.960 --> 0:17:39.000
<v Speaker 4>the president that won that election is a more called it,

0:17:39.040 --> 0:17:43.479
<v Speaker 4>a more trump like figure, and in fact, his party

0:17:43.560 --> 0:17:47.679
<v Speaker 4>pis he got elected more or less ten years or

0:17:47.680 --> 0:17:50.639
<v Speaker 4>eleven years before Trump, so there was already kind of

0:17:50.720 --> 0:17:55.800
<v Speaker 4>like a Trumpian motivation behind the election of that party.

0:17:56.560 --> 0:18:02.679
<v Speaker 4>They were upset about Trey and globalization, and Europe and

0:18:02.760 --> 0:18:06.520
<v Speaker 4>so on. Now, the interesting thing about Poland is that

0:18:06.600 --> 0:18:11.639
<v Speaker 4>Poland is at the exact opposite experience of the US.

0:18:11.680 --> 0:18:18.080
<v Speaker 4>In terms of trade. Poland has seen rising market share

0:18:18.600 --> 0:18:23.480
<v Speaker 4>across the board in all industries, in agriculture and manufacturing,

0:18:23.560 --> 0:18:28.120
<v Speaker 4>in cars, in machinery, in textiles, they have made out

0:18:28.320 --> 0:18:33.760
<v Speaker 4>like Bandits. Trade has exploded positively in Poland. But the

0:18:34.760 --> 0:18:39.280
<v Speaker 4>thing that has exploded in Poland has benefited these larger

0:18:39.480 --> 0:18:46.879
<v Speaker 4>urban areas and has has heard the smaller, less metropolitan

0:18:46.920 --> 0:18:50.760
<v Speaker 4>parts of the country, and that has generated a political backlafe.

0:19:06.200 --> 0:19:09.919
<v Speaker 3>So even even if the gains have been absolute for

0:19:10.080 --> 0:19:13.919
<v Speaker 3>Poland overall, I guess the relative differences within the country

0:19:14.080 --> 0:19:16.480
<v Speaker 3>are are have become a grievance.

0:19:17.119 --> 0:19:22.040
<v Speaker 4>Yes, let me say one point that we often they

0:19:22.080 --> 0:19:25.520
<v Speaker 4>do not emphasize. No, we often think of countries as

0:19:25.560 --> 0:19:27.960
<v Speaker 4>small open economies. They are small in the sense that

0:19:28.040 --> 0:19:30.400
<v Speaker 4>what they do is not going to change the global economy.

0:19:30.440 --> 0:19:34.040
<v Speaker 4>The US is relatively bigger, but many countries think a

0:19:34.080 --> 0:19:37.439
<v Speaker 4>smaller open economy. When you think of a city, a

0:19:37.480 --> 0:19:40.520
<v Speaker 4>city tends to be an even smaller and even more

0:19:40.560 --> 0:19:45.080
<v Speaker 4>open economy. It's smaller, right, much smaller than the country

0:19:45.080 --> 0:19:48.880
<v Speaker 4>it's in right, and it's more open because it trades

0:19:48.960 --> 0:19:50.919
<v Speaker 4>with not only the rest of the world, but the

0:19:50.920 --> 0:19:54.800
<v Speaker 4>rest of the country, and the labor force can either

0:19:55.040 --> 0:19:57.080
<v Speaker 4>come from the rest of the country or leave to

0:19:57.119 --> 0:20:01.879
<v Speaker 4>the rest of the country. Right, So what tends to

0:20:02.000 --> 0:20:05.120
<v Speaker 4>characterize a city. And you know, for a country, its

0:20:05.160 --> 0:20:10.200
<v Speaker 4>export base is super important. For a city, its export

0:20:10.240 --> 0:20:16.360
<v Speaker 4>base is even more important because a city is less

0:20:16.720 --> 0:20:20.120
<v Speaker 4>self sufficient than a country. A city needs to consume

0:20:20.280 --> 0:20:24.159
<v Speaker 4>a lot of things that it doesn't make. Most cities

0:20:24.160 --> 0:20:28.240
<v Speaker 4>don't make cars, don't make antibiotics, most cities don't make

0:20:28.720 --> 0:20:31.479
<v Speaker 4>X ray machines, they don't make, you know, eggs. So

0:20:31.560 --> 0:20:33.959
<v Speaker 4>all of these things have to be brought in and

0:20:34.040 --> 0:20:36.159
<v Speaker 4>to pay for these things that they want to consume

0:20:36.160 --> 0:20:39.200
<v Speaker 4>in the city, they need to earn money from outside

0:20:39.240 --> 0:20:42.119
<v Speaker 4>the city. They need to export in order to be

0:20:42.160 --> 0:20:46.480
<v Speaker 4>able to import. So the set of export activities in

0:20:46.560 --> 0:20:51.720
<v Speaker 4>a city determines very much the life of the city.

0:20:51.840 --> 0:20:55.320
<v Speaker 4>If those export activities in the city get into trouble,

0:20:56.680 --> 0:20:59.639
<v Speaker 4>then it's not just that those jobs in those exports,

0:20:59.680 --> 0:21:04.359
<v Speaker 4>in thus trees getting, you know, are lost, but those

0:21:04.400 --> 0:21:07.360
<v Speaker 4>workers used to you know, go to the barber, go

0:21:07.440 --> 0:21:09.919
<v Speaker 4>to a grocer go to the dentist. So all those

0:21:10.000 --> 0:21:14.040
<v Speaker 4>jobs in all of these local services also get lost,

0:21:14.080 --> 0:21:18.040
<v Speaker 4>and you get this multiplier local effect and people start

0:21:18.119 --> 0:21:20.800
<v Speaker 4>leaving the city. The moment people start leaving the city,

0:21:20.880 --> 0:21:25.080
<v Speaker 4>their housing prices go down. There's less money to pay

0:21:25.160 --> 0:21:28.879
<v Speaker 4>for education, so the quality of education, the theories, and

0:21:28.920 --> 0:21:33.720
<v Speaker 4>you get all of these negative local effects in the city. Okay,

0:21:34.200 --> 0:21:38.399
<v Speaker 4>that's associated with the export industry of your city getting

0:21:38.400 --> 0:21:41.719
<v Speaker 4>into trouble. So what I'm saying is that the shift

0:21:41.760 --> 0:21:48.160
<v Speaker 4>in demand has it hurt cities. The kinds of industries

0:21:48.160 --> 0:21:51.199
<v Speaker 4>that tend to locate in smaller cities, the kind of

0:21:51.200 --> 0:21:53.960
<v Speaker 4>industries that need less of a deep pool of talent

0:21:54.160 --> 0:21:58.000
<v Speaker 4>and more land. And the current industry is a good example.

0:21:58.680 --> 0:22:02.880
<v Speaker 4>The whole still you skill is a dirty, complicated, large thing.

0:22:03.160 --> 0:22:05.639
<v Speaker 4>So it may hire a lot of workers, but it

0:22:05.640 --> 0:22:07.880
<v Speaker 4>doesn't want to have too many people around them. They

0:22:07.880 --> 0:22:10.760
<v Speaker 4>need a lot of land, so they're not going to

0:22:10.760 --> 0:22:13.199
<v Speaker 4>go to Los Angeles. They're going to go to a

0:22:13.200 --> 0:22:15.159
<v Speaker 4>place where they can acquire a lot of land to

0:22:15.160 --> 0:22:18.600
<v Speaker 4>put their big plant. And it's the fact that the

0:22:18.680 --> 0:22:23.119
<v Speaker 4>export sector of cities in the Midwest, say, got into trouble.

0:22:23.440 --> 0:22:26.479
<v Speaker 4>The fact that the export activities in some parts of

0:22:26.520 --> 0:22:30.880
<v Speaker 4>Poland got into trouble, that they got into this negative

0:22:30.960 --> 0:22:35.240
<v Speaker 4>spiral as people you know, left because they have better opportunities,

0:22:35.240 --> 0:22:38.000
<v Speaker 4>and maybe other parts of the country, in larger cities,

0:22:38.400 --> 0:22:43.480
<v Speaker 4>they leave behind a deteriorating economic and social situation.

0:22:44.920 --> 0:22:48.600
<v Speaker 3>I promise not to get to hung up on metaphors

0:22:48.600 --> 0:22:50.679
<v Speaker 3>and monkeys, but I just want to go back to

0:22:50.720 --> 0:22:54.840
<v Speaker 3>the egg analogy for one second. So I understand. You know,

0:22:54.920 --> 0:22:59.840
<v Speaker 3>division of labor expertise can lead to efficiency and app

0:23:00.440 --> 0:23:05.520
<v Speaker 3>gains economically for everyone. However, you know, I'm thinking back

0:23:05.560 --> 0:23:08.560
<v Speaker 3>to when egg prices were very high in the US

0:23:09.119 --> 0:23:12.600
<v Speaker 3>earlier this year, and I joked on this podcast that

0:23:12.680 --> 0:23:14.359
<v Speaker 3>I was going to get my own chickens so that

0:23:14.440 --> 0:23:18.560
<v Speaker 3>I could declare egg independence, egg autarchy and have my

0:23:18.640 --> 0:23:22.600
<v Speaker 3>own supply. Are there not arguments, you know for certain

0:23:22.680 --> 0:23:26.000
<v Speaker 3>things that you would want to have the capacity to

0:23:26.119 --> 0:23:29.800
<v Speaker 3>build those components at home in order to enable you

0:23:30.480 --> 0:23:33.240
<v Speaker 3>to build more complex items.

0:23:33.880 --> 0:23:36.480
<v Speaker 4>Well, no, you would want to make sure that you

0:23:36.600 --> 0:23:40.439
<v Speaker 4>have a diversified source of supply, so that there's a

0:23:40.560 --> 0:23:44.480
<v Speaker 4>problem in Brazil, you can buy from somewhere else. Right,

0:23:44.560 --> 0:23:49.920
<v Speaker 4>So this whole thing about food security that some countries say,

0:23:49.960 --> 0:23:52.000
<v Speaker 4>you know, we need to have food security, so we

0:23:52.040 --> 0:23:54.560
<v Speaker 4>need to produce food in our country at three times

0:23:54.600 --> 0:23:59.119
<v Speaker 4>the international price. Well, I mean that's not food security.

0:23:59.240 --> 0:24:04.000
<v Speaker 4>That's exacerbated risk because you know your country can be

0:24:04.080 --> 0:24:06.400
<v Speaker 4>hit by a drought, by a storm, by et cetera.

0:24:06.560 --> 0:24:09.240
<v Speaker 4>Many things that could destroy your food production. So you're

0:24:09.280 --> 0:24:11.399
<v Speaker 4>going to face much less risk if you have a

0:24:11.440 --> 0:24:16.439
<v Speaker 4>diversified source of materials. And that's one reason why you

0:24:16.440 --> 0:24:19.960
<v Speaker 4>would want to have a good trading relationships with many

0:24:19.960 --> 0:24:23.240
<v Speaker 4>countries because that way, you know, if you get in trouble,

0:24:23.280 --> 0:24:27.600
<v Speaker 4>you can buy from somewhere else. So no, I in general,

0:24:27.680 --> 0:24:32.120
<v Speaker 4>this idea that the price of wheat worldwide goes up,

0:24:32.760 --> 0:24:35.320
<v Speaker 4>that's the reason for you to have your own wheat production.

0:24:35.480 --> 0:24:39.919
<v Speaker 4>That doesn't follow at all. Your wheat production might be

0:24:40.119 --> 0:24:42.560
<v Speaker 4>it might subject you to even more risks than a

0:24:42.640 --> 0:24:46.879
<v Speaker 4>diversified source of wheat from across the world. It's a

0:24:46.920 --> 0:24:50.560
<v Speaker 4>different thing if you're talking militarily, right.

0:24:50.720 --> 0:24:53.359
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, I was going to say, what about something like

0:24:53.600 --> 0:24:56.880
<v Speaker 3>I want to build semiconductors domestically because I think they're

0:24:56.880 --> 0:25:00.000
<v Speaker 3>a very important part of our defense strategy.

0:25:00.600 --> 0:25:05.960
<v Speaker 4>Well, I can perfectly understand that you have an incredible

0:25:06.040 --> 0:25:12.919
<v Speaker 4>concentration of semiconductors in Taiwan, and it's very easy to

0:25:12.960 --> 0:25:15.919
<v Speaker 4>imagine a situation where you no longer have access to

0:25:16.080 --> 0:25:20.840
<v Speaker 4>those semiconductors. So in that case, I can I can

0:25:20.920 --> 0:25:24.120
<v Speaker 4>see the case that would justify things like the Chips Act,

0:25:24.560 --> 0:25:29.159
<v Speaker 4>not necessararily things like tariffs on chips, but because tariffs

0:25:29.200 --> 0:25:33.000
<v Speaker 4>and chips would make all industries that use chips less competitive,

0:25:33.000 --> 0:25:37.480
<v Speaker 4>et cetera. But you know, in creating an encouragement for

0:25:38.320 --> 0:25:43.280
<v Speaker 4>and by the way, convincing TSMC or the Taiwan Semiconductor

0:25:43.320 --> 0:25:48.080
<v Speaker 4>Manufacturing Company, which is the best a foundry in the world,

0:25:48.560 --> 0:25:51.040
<v Speaker 4>to come and see if they can figure out how

0:25:51.040 --> 0:25:53.640
<v Speaker 4>to make it in Arizona. And by the way, it's

0:25:53.800 --> 0:25:57.960
<v Speaker 4>very interesting and it shows you the importance of knowledge

0:25:58.000 --> 0:26:01.960
<v Speaker 4>and know how that sometimes it's very very difficult for

0:26:02.119 --> 0:26:05.119
<v Speaker 4>the same firm that supposedly the firm knows how to

0:26:05.160 --> 0:26:09.600
<v Speaker 4>do something, say Boying knows how to make airplanes in Seattle. Well,

0:26:09.680 --> 0:26:13.679
<v Speaker 4>guess what, making airplanes in South Carolina. Making Boying airplanes

0:26:13.720 --> 0:26:17.600
<v Speaker 4>in South Carolina proved to be much harder than making

0:26:17.640 --> 0:26:22.719
<v Speaker 4>airplanes in Seattle, and transporting the knowledge was a big headache,

0:26:22.760 --> 0:26:27.080
<v Speaker 4>and right now TSMC is facing serious challenges and transporting

0:26:27.800 --> 0:26:32.000
<v Speaker 4>the knowledge to Arizona. So if you put the accent

0:26:32.080 --> 0:26:35.640
<v Speaker 4>on moving the knowledge, things look a little bit different

0:26:36.080 --> 0:26:38.520
<v Speaker 4>than just a discussion about tariffs.

0:26:38.800 --> 0:26:42.840
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, supposedly the yields on the Arizona fabs are quite impressive,

0:26:43.119 --> 0:26:46.440
<v Speaker 2>and they're starting together momentum. Of course, your point is taken,

0:26:46.600 --> 0:26:48.720
<v Speaker 2>but actually this does raise some questions. I mean, you've

0:26:48.720 --> 0:26:53.160
<v Speaker 2>talked about, okay, the importance of diversity of your supply chain.

0:26:53.880 --> 0:26:57.000
<v Speaker 2>To my mind, actually when I hear that, I think, okay,

0:26:57.040 --> 0:27:02.600
<v Speaker 2>there's something legitimate about like anxiety about China specifically, because

0:27:02.640 --> 0:27:06.359
<v Speaker 2>what's happening in manufactured goods is that it's not a

0:27:06.400 --> 0:27:10.040
<v Speaker 2>globally diverse supply chain. It's becoming in many areas a

0:27:10.160 --> 0:27:13.879
<v Speaker 2>China only supply chain. That China's lead in this, that

0:27:13.960 --> 0:27:17.480
<v Speaker 2>its network effects, that it's internal whatever is becoming so

0:27:17.840 --> 0:27:21.879
<v Speaker 2>concentrated in one country for such a big range of

0:27:22.080 --> 0:27:25.840
<v Speaker 2>goods that at least from a non China perspective, it

0:27:25.840 --> 0:27:29.240
<v Speaker 2>feels like from a risk management standpoint, et cetera, that

0:27:29.280 --> 0:27:33.080
<v Speaker 2>there probably is a very good imperative to put forth

0:27:33.160 --> 0:27:37.320
<v Speaker 2>effort towards not necessarily having an American production capacity, but

0:27:37.440 --> 0:27:39.280
<v Speaker 2>a non China production capacity.

0:27:40.040 --> 0:27:44.440
<v Speaker 4>Well, we went through a Japan scare in the nineteen eighties, right,

0:27:44.760 --> 0:27:47.919
<v Speaker 4>And what ended up happening in Japan is that Japan

0:27:48.080 --> 0:27:51.000
<v Speaker 4>kept on progressing and becoming good at everything to a

0:27:51.119 --> 0:27:54.199
<v Speaker 4>point that wages in Japan went top a lot, and

0:27:54.320 --> 0:27:58.320
<v Speaker 4>Japan started to move their industries outside, the phenomenon that

0:27:58.520 --> 0:28:04.119
<v Speaker 4>was called the flying Geese, right, and so Toyota started

0:28:04.160 --> 0:28:08.600
<v Speaker 4>to make cars in Thailand and put things in Korea

0:28:08.640 --> 0:28:11.400
<v Speaker 4>and so on and so forth, and then they went

0:28:11.480 --> 0:28:15.960
<v Speaker 4>into poor states like Vietnam or Indonesia. So what you

0:28:16.040 --> 0:28:19.960
<v Speaker 4>have is that the more advanced manufacturing or the more

0:28:20.000 --> 0:28:23.440
<v Speaker 4>advanced parts of the value chain like R and D design,

0:28:24.680 --> 0:28:28.399
<v Speaker 4>et cetera, are retained in headquarters, and you move the

0:28:28.440 --> 0:28:33.360
<v Speaker 4>more labor intensive, the less skill intensive, the less complex parts,

0:28:33.800 --> 0:28:37.639
<v Speaker 4>the more standardized parts. You moved to a locations that

0:28:37.720 --> 0:28:41.120
<v Speaker 4>pay lower wages, and everybody is better off because for

0:28:41.200 --> 0:28:44.720
<v Speaker 4>those locations, it's a step up for you. It's a

0:28:44.760 --> 0:28:48.680
<v Speaker 4>way to save on labor costs that you cannot afford

0:28:48.680 --> 0:28:50.920
<v Speaker 4>in your country because you want to pay your workers

0:28:51.040 --> 0:28:53.640
<v Speaker 4>very very well, and you can afford to do that

0:28:53.760 --> 0:28:55.640
<v Speaker 4>because you have plenty of jobs for them, and the

0:28:55.680 --> 0:28:57.800
<v Speaker 4>more complex part of the value chain you don't need

0:28:57.840 --> 0:29:00.240
<v Speaker 4>to hire them, and the less complex part part of

0:29:00.240 --> 0:29:04.040
<v Speaker 4>the beligian So there is a world in which this

0:29:04.200 --> 0:29:06.920
<v Speaker 4>is a process. China is getting richer. A lot of

0:29:06.920 --> 0:29:10.000
<v Speaker 4>the things that are being done in China, by the way,

0:29:10.040 --> 0:29:12.520
<v Speaker 4>initially they were done in the coast, and so now

0:29:12.520 --> 0:29:15.520
<v Speaker 4>the coast has become too expensive, they're moving to elsewhere

0:29:15.520 --> 0:29:18.200
<v Speaker 4>in the country and to elsewhere in the region. And

0:29:18.360 --> 0:29:21.200
<v Speaker 4>you know, now there's more production in Vietnam, there's more

0:29:21.240 --> 0:29:25.120
<v Speaker 4>production even in Cambodia. There's more production in poor other

0:29:25.160 --> 0:29:29.040
<v Speaker 4>countries simply because the Chinese worker is now too expensive.

0:29:29.440 --> 0:29:32.320
<v Speaker 4>So there's a world in which this is just part

0:29:32.360 --> 0:29:36.040
<v Speaker 4>of just a repetition of what happened in Japan. But

0:29:36.160 --> 0:29:40.680
<v Speaker 4>let me make an important point. When a production is

0:29:40.720 --> 0:29:44.480
<v Speaker 4>happening elsewhere, it might be happening in a country. A

0:29:44.520 --> 0:29:49.000
<v Speaker 4>good question is where does the knowledge that they're using

0:29:49.200 --> 0:29:53.480
<v Speaker 4>come from? Because what is happening in the world today

0:29:53.600 --> 0:29:56.480
<v Speaker 4>is that the rich countries are becoming more and more

0:29:56.600 --> 0:30:02.240
<v Speaker 4>concentrated in producing knowledge. In order to monetize that knowledge,

0:30:02.520 --> 0:30:05.600
<v Speaker 4>they need to put brick and mortar things that they

0:30:05.640 --> 0:30:08.280
<v Speaker 4>prefer to put them in other parts of the world.

0:30:08.880 --> 0:30:11.440
<v Speaker 4>So Japan, for example, has come up with a lot

0:30:11.480 --> 0:30:13.440
<v Speaker 4>of innovations and a lot of R and D and

0:30:13.480 --> 0:30:16.240
<v Speaker 4>a lot of patents. But the way they monetize their

0:30:16.240 --> 0:30:19.800
<v Speaker 4>patents is not by hiring Japanese workers. That you know,

0:30:20.320 --> 0:30:25.400
<v Speaker 4>Japanese labor forces is declining and so on, and they

0:30:25.400 --> 0:30:28.960
<v Speaker 4>are at full employment. Anyway, they monetize their knowledge by

0:30:29.000 --> 0:30:33.840
<v Speaker 4>deploying that knowledge elsewhere with foreign direct investments and so on.

0:30:34.200 --> 0:30:38.200
<v Speaker 4>And that means that a lot of the of accounting

0:30:38.400 --> 0:30:41.800
<v Speaker 4>of how this process happens is not well captured by

0:30:41.800 --> 0:30:46.680
<v Speaker 4>our standard accounting techniques. For example, if Japan does R

0:30:46.720 --> 0:30:51.360
<v Speaker 4>and D and that improves the productivity of their foreign investment,

0:30:52.040 --> 0:30:56.400
<v Speaker 4>it doesn't show up as higher Japanese productivity. It is

0:30:56.520 --> 0:30:59.720
<v Speaker 4>increasing productivity, but not just not in Japan, in the

0:30:59.720 --> 0:31:03.400
<v Speaker 4>place is where Japan has its plans, and the same

0:31:03.480 --> 0:31:05.280
<v Speaker 4>is happening in the US. If you think of the

0:31:05.360 --> 0:31:09.600
<v Speaker 4>Magnificent Seven, the magnificence and for example Google, when Google

0:31:09.680 --> 0:31:14.080
<v Speaker 4>sort of like this places all the small newspapers of

0:31:14.120 --> 0:31:19.680
<v Speaker 4>the world because all advertising revenue is moving to it's

0:31:19.800 --> 0:31:23.360
<v Speaker 4>moving online, and Google is capturing a good chunk of

0:31:23.360 --> 0:31:28.520
<v Speaker 4>that that doesn't count as a US export because it's

0:31:28.840 --> 0:31:32.360
<v Speaker 4>some subsidiary that Google put in I don't know, in

0:31:32.440 --> 0:31:36.640
<v Speaker 4>South Africa or wherever that is collecting that revenue, and

0:31:36.680 --> 0:31:40.000
<v Speaker 4>that revenue you could count it as a US export,

0:31:40.560 --> 0:31:42.720
<v Speaker 4>but it's not being counted as a US export.

0:31:43.040 --> 0:31:45.520
<v Speaker 2>It turns into the US marketcap exactly.

0:31:45.560 --> 0:31:50.200
<v Speaker 4>It turns into the US into US marketcap. But US

0:31:50.200 --> 0:31:57.280
<v Speaker 4>marketcap is very poorly captured by balance of payment statistics. So,

0:31:57.560 --> 0:32:01.160
<v Speaker 4>for example, if you started the year two thousand, From

0:32:01.200 --> 0:32:05.480
<v Speaker 4>two thousand to the present, according to official statistics, the

0:32:05.640 --> 0:32:09.600
<v Speaker 4>US borrowed sixteen trillion dollars from the rest of the world.

0:32:09.680 --> 0:32:14.440
<v Speaker 4>It ran a cumulative current account deficit of sixteen trillion dollars.

0:32:15.000 --> 0:32:18.800
<v Speaker 4>You'd say, gee, you borrow sixteen trillion dollars. Well, how

0:32:18.880 --> 0:32:21.320
<v Speaker 4>much are you paying for those sixteen trillion dollars. Let's

0:32:21.360 --> 0:32:27.240
<v Speaker 4>say four percent? No, so four percent would be six

0:32:27.360 --> 0:32:31.640
<v Speaker 4>hundred and forty billion dollars in interest payments right on

0:32:32.160 --> 0:32:34.760
<v Speaker 4>the deck you borrowed. Now, if you look at the

0:32:34.880 --> 0:32:40.320
<v Speaker 4>US balance of payments primary income, essentially, the US doesn't

0:32:40.480 --> 0:32:42.880
<v Speaker 4>look like a country that has an external debt. They

0:32:42.880 --> 0:32:47.000
<v Speaker 4>are essentially paying zero. They borrowed sixteen trillion dollars, which

0:32:47.040 --> 0:32:51.320
<v Speaker 4>is say, sixty percent of GDP, and they're essentially not

0:32:51.400 --> 0:32:53.960
<v Speaker 4>paying anything for it. So you would say, well, if

0:32:53.960 --> 0:32:56.520
<v Speaker 4>I can borrow sixty percent of GDP for free, I

0:32:56.560 --> 0:32:59.760
<v Speaker 4>would do that. Well, in some sense, that's what do

0:32:59.760 --> 0:33:02.280
<v Speaker 4>you has done. The way I would like to describe

0:33:02.320 --> 0:33:06.000
<v Speaker 4>it is that US didn't just borrow sixteen trillion dollars.

0:33:06.360 --> 0:33:09.960
<v Speaker 4>It borrowed more like thirty two trillion dollars. It used

0:33:09.960 --> 0:33:14.440
<v Speaker 4>sixteen trillion dollars to cover that official deficit and use

0:33:14.480 --> 0:33:17.080
<v Speaker 4>the other sixteen trillion dollars to mix it with your

0:33:17.160 --> 0:33:22.240
<v Speaker 4>knowledge and invest abroad. And that investment abroad, say Google

0:33:22.400 --> 0:33:27.360
<v Speaker 4>in South Africa, mixed with US knowledge as this huge

0:33:27.440 --> 0:33:31.160
<v Speaker 4>rate of return. So when you borrow thirty two trillion dollars,

0:33:31.200 --> 0:33:34.600
<v Speaker 4>sixteen trillion dollars you borrowed at four percent, but the

0:33:34.640 --> 0:33:37.720
<v Speaker 4>other sixteen trillion dollars you invested at a much higher

0:33:37.840 --> 0:33:42.120
<v Speaker 4>rate of return because it was mobilizing your knowledge. And

0:33:42.200 --> 0:33:45.760
<v Speaker 4>so thirty two trillion, say, you pay four percent over

0:33:45.880 --> 0:33:49.120
<v Speaker 4>thirty two trillion dollars you borrowed, but you make eight

0:33:49.200 --> 0:33:53.000
<v Speaker 4>percent on the sixteen trillion dollars you invest abroad. Well,

0:33:53.040 --> 0:33:56.200
<v Speaker 4>it just turns out that eight percent over sixteen trillion

0:33:56.280 --> 0:33:58.840
<v Speaker 4>dollars is the same as four percent over thirty two

0:33:58.920 --> 0:34:03.280
<v Speaker 4>trillion dollars. You're not really running a deficit. You are

0:34:03.400 --> 0:34:09.239
<v Speaker 4>monetizing your knowledge, but current accounting standards don't capture that.

0:34:09.360 --> 0:34:13.160
<v Speaker 3>Well, this is very This reminds me of the Matrix

0:34:13.200 --> 0:34:15.560
<v Speaker 3>and that scene where they say there is no spoon.

0:34:15.680 --> 0:34:18.880
<v Speaker 3>What if there is no US external deficit? But okay,

0:34:19.000 --> 0:34:23.000
<v Speaker 3>one thing I'm struggling to understand. So you know, you're

0:34:23.239 --> 0:34:27.480
<v Speaker 3>arguing that the US actually has a significant amount of

0:34:27.560 --> 0:34:30.719
<v Speaker 3>knowledge and know how that is mixed up with its

0:34:31.040 --> 0:34:34.360
<v Speaker 3>foreign direct investment, and that doesn't show up in the

0:34:34.440 --> 0:34:40.680
<v Speaker 3>official trade statistics. And I guess one thing I'm kind

0:34:40.680 --> 0:34:44.840
<v Speaker 3>of curious about is and you're arguing that the statistics

0:34:44.960 --> 0:34:50.000
<v Speaker 3>undervalue foreign direct investment. But I would have thought that,

0:34:50.120 --> 0:34:55.759
<v Speaker 3>like foreign direct investment, valuations inherently reflect market expectations. And

0:34:55.840 --> 0:34:59.160
<v Speaker 3>to Joe's point, I'm channeling Joe's love of the efficient

0:34:59.200 --> 0:35:03.360
<v Speaker 3>market's HYPOTHESI here, but they should be captured in market

0:35:03.360 --> 0:35:06.520
<v Speaker 3>cap and things like that. Why do we assume that

0:35:06.840 --> 0:35:13.080
<v Speaker 3>the statistical agencies, the accounting systems systematically mispriced these assets.

0:35:13.320 --> 0:35:15.640
<v Speaker 3>Are they not included anywhere.

0:35:15.719 --> 0:35:19.200
<v Speaker 4>They use book value. When you see the investment abroad,

0:35:19.239 --> 0:35:24.080
<v Speaker 4>they count how many dollars you sent abroad, and then

0:35:24.200 --> 0:35:27.920
<v Speaker 4>they count how much money did you make abroad. And

0:35:28.480 --> 0:35:30.799
<v Speaker 4>when you look at it, the rate of return on

0:35:31.000 --> 0:35:34.920
<v Speaker 4>FBI is double the rate of return on debt in

0:35:35.000 --> 0:35:38.200
<v Speaker 4>the accounts, So they're not counting the firm direct investment

0:35:38.800 --> 0:35:42.479
<v Speaker 4>at the market value. By the way, it's very hard

0:35:42.480 --> 0:35:45.400
<v Speaker 4>to calculate that market value because these are subsidiaries of

0:35:45.480 --> 0:35:49.319
<v Speaker 4>companies that listed the S and P five hundred and say,

0:35:49.320 --> 0:35:52.879
<v Speaker 4>if the price earningserration in the US is twenty six

0:35:53.040 --> 0:35:55.800
<v Speaker 4>or something like that last time I checked, it means

0:35:55.800 --> 0:35:58.400
<v Speaker 4>that they are thinking that all that's money that the

0:35:58.440 --> 0:36:02.680
<v Speaker 4>Magnificent seven are making a broad they multiply by twenty

0:36:02.719 --> 0:36:06.560
<v Speaker 4>six or an even higher number. Right, But that was

0:36:06.640 --> 0:36:09.520
<v Speaker 4>not the accounting was made at book value. So in

0:36:09.560 --> 0:36:12.879
<v Speaker 4>most of these companies there's a huge difference between book

0:36:12.960 --> 0:36:15.120
<v Speaker 4>value and market value.

0:36:15.320 --> 0:36:17.880
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, I was about to say, this is the argument.

0:36:17.920 --> 0:36:20.560
<v Speaker 3>I think We've even done an episode on this about

0:36:20.719 --> 0:36:24.200
<v Speaker 3>stock market valuations and how companies with a large amount

0:36:24.239 --> 0:36:28.080
<v Speaker 3>of intangibles. It's not reflected in book value.

0:36:27.800 --> 0:36:30.760
<v Speaker 4>Right, and that, in my mind is the market's valuation

0:36:30.880 --> 0:36:34.600
<v Speaker 4>of your knowledge exactly. So in a world where knowledge

0:36:34.680 --> 0:36:38.760
<v Speaker 4>is intensive, then book value becomes less of a guide

0:36:38.760 --> 0:36:42.040
<v Speaker 4>on what's actually happening. In a lot of international trade

0:36:42.080 --> 0:36:45.080
<v Speaker 4>statistics is book value because that's what they have to

0:36:45.120 --> 0:36:46.120
<v Speaker 4>make the statistics.

0:36:46.480 --> 0:36:48.879
<v Speaker 2>I think there's a really interesting question. I have one

0:36:48.960 --> 0:36:51.040
<v Speaker 2>last question, and I wasn't expecting to go here, but

0:36:51.080 --> 0:36:52.600
<v Speaker 2>I thought that was so interesting what you were saying

0:36:52.600 --> 0:36:56.560
<v Speaker 2>about Poland and some of the politics not necessarily being

0:36:56.560 --> 0:37:00.560
<v Speaker 2>about the country's overall trading position visa the rest of

0:37:00.600 --> 0:37:04.280
<v Speaker 2>the world, but the internal dynamics of what is happening

0:37:04.320 --> 0:37:07.760
<v Speaker 2>in these countries, where the booms are happening in cities,

0:37:07.800 --> 0:37:10.560
<v Speaker 2>and how that is a function to some extent of experts.

0:37:11.120 --> 0:37:13.560
<v Speaker 2>But I'm curious. One of the things that people bemoan

0:37:14.040 --> 0:37:17.080
<v Speaker 2>about the current environment in the United States and probably

0:37:17.120 --> 0:37:20.360
<v Speaker 2>elsewhere is that cities are no longer a good place

0:37:20.360 --> 0:37:23.879
<v Speaker 2>for upward mobility. That you can't be poor or middle

0:37:23.880 --> 0:37:25.600
<v Speaker 2>class that move to a city and find a job

0:37:25.640 --> 0:37:27.839
<v Speaker 2>and move up the career ladder in the same way

0:37:27.880 --> 0:37:32.760
<v Speaker 2>you could when cities were more centers of hard industrial activity.

0:37:32.800 --> 0:37:35.120
<v Speaker 2>And I'm curious when you talk about the types of

0:37:35.120 --> 0:37:38.560
<v Speaker 2>companies that locate in big cities versus the type of

0:37:38.640 --> 0:37:42.719
<v Speaker 2>companies that locate in smaller cities, et cetera. Are the

0:37:42.880 --> 0:37:46.040
<v Speaker 2>type of companies that locate in big cities not as

0:37:46.200 --> 0:37:52.120
<v Speaker 2>conducive inherently towards upward mobility because there's just so much

0:37:52.400 --> 0:37:55.319
<v Speaker 2>talent required just to get in the door anywhere at

0:37:55.320 --> 0:37:55.920
<v Speaker 2>these firms.

0:37:57.080 --> 0:37:59.360
<v Speaker 4>No, I think that the problem of big cities in

0:37:59.400 --> 0:38:03.640
<v Speaker 4>the US is the fact that they have regulated urban

0:38:03.760 --> 0:38:07.959
<v Speaker 4>space in such a way that housing supply is very inelastic,

0:38:08.640 --> 0:38:11.280
<v Speaker 4>so as people try to move to a city, housing

0:38:11.360 --> 0:38:14.720
<v Speaker 4>prices go up until it's unaffordable to move into a city.

0:38:15.160 --> 0:38:18.280
<v Speaker 4>That if cities had a more elastic supply of housing,

0:38:18.320 --> 0:38:22.360
<v Speaker 4>a more elastic supply of urban space, this dynamic would

0:38:22.560 --> 0:38:26.480
<v Speaker 4>help generate more opportunities in those cities and would help

0:38:26.520 --> 0:38:31.240
<v Speaker 4>maybe raise the price of labor in the cities where

0:38:31.320 --> 0:38:35.000
<v Speaker 4>people are leaving, because now they've become scarcer and people

0:38:35.120 --> 0:38:37.879
<v Speaker 4>would be willing to pay more for them. So that's

0:38:37.880 --> 0:38:41.040
<v Speaker 4>why you're seeing so much growth in cities like Boiseaira

0:38:41.280 --> 0:38:45.320
<v Speaker 4>or or Salt Lake City, or cities in Texas, Visa

0:38:45.400 --> 0:38:50.600
<v Speaker 4>these cities in California and having incredibly inelastic supply of housing.

0:38:51.040 --> 0:38:52.920
<v Speaker 4>So I would put there that, you know, on a

0:38:52.960 --> 0:38:57.719
<v Speaker 4>more inclusive policy involves urban development that allows for that

0:38:58.280 --> 0:38:59.360
<v Speaker 4>inclusion to happen.

0:39:00.160 --> 0:39:04.600
<v Speaker 2>Ricardo Houseman, So great chatting with you. Always extremely thought provocative,

0:39:04.880 --> 0:39:07.640
<v Speaker 2>always takes us down avenues that I don't expect. Really

0:39:07.680 --> 0:39:09.320
<v Speaker 2>appreciate you coming back on outlause.

0:39:09.719 --> 0:39:10.439
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, that was great.

0:39:10.440 --> 0:39:12.880
<v Speaker 4>Thank you, Ricardo, Thank you for having me.

0:39:26.680 --> 0:39:29.120
<v Speaker 2>Really like every time, like I mean every time. We've

0:39:29.120 --> 0:39:32.359
<v Speaker 2>always spoken to Ricardo twice, but I feel like every

0:39:32.400 --> 0:39:34.719
<v Speaker 2>time I talk to him, there's like a bunch of

0:39:34.760 --> 0:39:36.759
<v Speaker 2>ideas that are going to stick in my head for

0:39:36.800 --> 0:39:39.120
<v Speaker 2>a long time I'll be chewing on. In this one,

0:39:39.239 --> 0:39:44.080
<v Speaker 2>it's this idea that like official trade statistics don't capture

0:39:44.080 --> 0:39:48.160
<v Speaker 2>the fact that market value of this trade and which

0:39:48.200 --> 0:39:51.000
<v Speaker 2>you could see in the stock market trading in the

0:39:51.120 --> 0:39:54.960
<v Speaker 2>United States is much higher than what just sort of

0:39:55.040 --> 0:39:58.000
<v Speaker 2>like what is captured in the activity. I'm really intrigued

0:39:58.000 --> 0:39:58.600
<v Speaker 2>by this idea.

0:39:58.840 --> 0:40:02.400
<v Speaker 3>On board with that idea, but I kind of wonder

0:40:02.719 --> 0:40:05.759
<v Speaker 3>how far you can stretch it, and like can you

0:40:05.800 --> 0:40:08.840
<v Speaker 3>stretch it all the way to actually, the US doesn't

0:40:08.840 --> 0:40:11.480
<v Speaker 3>have an external deficit, or could you stretch it all

0:40:11.480 --> 0:40:14.320
<v Speaker 3>the way to the idea that like, okay, well China

0:40:14.719 --> 0:40:20.000
<v Speaker 3>needs to like worry about accruing liabilities from importing US expertise, Like.

0:40:20.520 --> 0:40:23.240
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, I don't know what we need. Is a debate

0:40:23.320 --> 0:40:25.920
<v Speaker 2>between Ricardo and Brad. Sets are ups because one of

0:40:25.960 --> 0:40:29.239
<v Speaker 2>the dimensions. Look, one of the counter arguments to some

0:40:29.440 --> 0:40:33.480
<v Speaker 2>of this stuff would be that there are actual flows,

0:40:33.560 --> 0:40:37.080
<v Speaker 2>because the entity that might be set up in South

0:40:37.120 --> 0:40:41.120
<v Speaker 2>Africa by a US multinational might pay licensing fees back

0:40:41.160 --> 0:40:43.520
<v Speaker 2>so the home country for the right to use the

0:40:43.560 --> 0:40:46.440
<v Speaker 2>Google name and so forth. Obviously, Brad talks a lot

0:40:46.440 --> 0:40:48.400
<v Speaker 2>about this in the context I mean, he talks a

0:40:48.400 --> 0:40:51.440
<v Speaker 2>lot about this actually in the context of software. But

0:40:51.520 --> 0:40:53.719
<v Speaker 2>there is some you know. The fact is is that

0:40:53.920 --> 0:40:58.759
<v Speaker 2>like Microsoft is gigantic and so even, and there's you know,

0:40:58.800 --> 0:41:01.080
<v Speaker 2>these companies that are trillions in trillions of dollars and

0:41:01.120 --> 0:41:04.040
<v Speaker 2>have huge footholds all around the world, and whether they're

0:41:04.040 --> 0:41:07.000
<v Speaker 2>accruing value to America in a way that doesn't show

0:41:07.080 --> 0:41:11.319
<v Speaker 2>up strictly in trade statistics strikes me as an important

0:41:11.400 --> 0:41:12.799
<v Speaker 2>load to continue to mind.

0:41:13.040 --> 0:41:15.160
<v Speaker 3>Well, that's the other thing I was going to say,

0:41:15.239 --> 0:41:18.560
<v Speaker 3>which is, you see this debate in markets quite a lot,

0:41:18.640 --> 0:41:24.120
<v Speaker 3>and the difficulty in analyzing intangibles is it's hard, right,

0:41:24.239 --> 0:41:27.319
<v Speaker 3>Like how do you put a price on things like

0:41:27.600 --> 0:41:31.400
<v Speaker 3>brand value or soft power and stuff like that, And

0:41:31.440 --> 0:41:34.080
<v Speaker 3>so you get these arguments over. Okay, well, book value

0:41:34.080 --> 0:41:37.840
<v Speaker 3>doesn't include intangibles, but you know, maybe it should. But

0:41:37.960 --> 0:41:40.400
<v Speaker 3>if it should, then how do you avoid the problem

0:41:40.440 --> 0:41:43.560
<v Speaker 3>of over inflating because you think that this brand value

0:41:43.600 --> 0:41:46.320
<v Speaker 3>is really good and it's difficult to actually measure.

0:41:46.840 --> 0:41:50.719
<v Speaker 2>Also, it doesn't matter what our trade statistics say if

0:41:50.760 --> 0:41:53.920
<v Speaker 2>we can't make things critical for national security, Like to

0:41:53.960 --> 0:41:57.000
<v Speaker 2>your point, whatever you say, oh, we don't really run

0:41:57.040 --> 0:41:59.640
<v Speaker 2>any sort of trade issues, except if you don't actually

0:41:59.640 --> 0:42:02.719
<v Speaker 2>have the physical capacity to make important things that are

0:42:02.760 --> 0:42:06.000
<v Speaker 2>necessary for having a sovereign nation, then it kind of

0:42:06.000 --> 0:42:08.560
<v Speaker 2>doesn't matter, doesn't You could run surplus and it wouldn't matter.

0:42:08.760 --> 0:42:10.840
<v Speaker 3>I reject the idea that I need to have a

0:42:10.880 --> 0:42:15.760
<v Speaker 3>diversified supply chain of eggs. I'm going full on egg autarchy.

0:42:15.760 --> 0:42:19.360
<v Speaker 2>But here's the thing, Tracy, Like, you could do egg autarchy,

0:42:19.400 --> 0:42:22.480
<v Speaker 2>but God forbid, Like some wolves get in there like

0:42:22.520 --> 0:42:24.640
<v Speaker 2>you do still have the option of going to the

0:42:24.640 --> 0:42:28.120
<v Speaker 2>grocery store, right, So like, even if you know it's like.

0:42:28.520 --> 0:42:31.280
<v Speaker 3>See, then I just need a diversified supply of new chickens.

0:42:31.560 --> 0:42:35.120
<v Speaker 2>It's like that pulp song about the Greek girl at

0:42:35.120 --> 0:42:37.080
<v Speaker 2>the thirst for knowledge. It's like you'll never know what

0:42:37.160 --> 0:42:39.200
<v Speaker 2>it's like because you always have the option to go

0:42:39.239 --> 0:42:40.040
<v Speaker 2>to the grocery stores.

0:42:40.440 --> 0:42:40.680
<v Speaker 4>You know.

0:42:40.800 --> 0:42:44.279
<v Speaker 2>It's like you can't actually replicate true autarchy knowing in

0:42:44.320 --> 0:42:45.760
<v Speaker 2>your head that you have that backup.

0:42:45.920 --> 0:42:46.720
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, that's true.

0:42:46.800 --> 0:42:47.920
<v Speaker 3>That's a good point.

0:42:48.040 --> 0:42:49.560
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, that was a good one, wasn't it.

0:42:49.640 --> 0:42:52.319
<v Speaker 3>That was very good. Okay, I think all right, shall

0:42:52.360 --> 0:42:54.760
<v Speaker 3>we leave it there? Yeah, this has been another episode

0:42:54.760 --> 0:42:57.680
<v Speaker 3>of the Authoughts podcast. I'm Tracy Alloway. You can follow

0:42:57.719 --> 0:42:59.919
<v Speaker 3>me at Tracy Alloway and I'm Jill Wise.

0:43:00.160 --> 0:43:02.160
<v Speaker 2>Oh, you can follow me at the Stalwart. Follow our

0:43:02.200 --> 0:43:05.359
<v Speaker 2>producers Kerman Rodriguez at Kerman armand dash Ol Bennett at

0:43:05.400 --> 0:43:08.920
<v Speaker 2>Dashbot and Kelbrooks at Kelbrooks from our Odd Lots content.

0:43:09.000 --> 0:43:11.160
<v Speaker 2>Go to bloomberg dot com slash od Lots with a

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<v Speaker 3>Lots and if you enjoy odd Lots, if you like

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<v Speaker 3>Thanks for listening. Eight