WEBVTT - Flynn Resignation Becomes Legal Question (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>Michael Flynn's tenure was the shortest as a national security

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<v Speaker 1>advisor of all time, with his resignation coming after just

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<v Speaker 1>about twenty four days. Flynn resigned and made reports that

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<v Speaker 1>during the presidential campaign he had discussed u S sanctions

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<v Speaker 1>against Russia during conversations with Russian officials. The White House

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<v Speaker 1>is confirmed as well that General Flynn misled Vice President

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<v Speaker 1>Michael Pence about the conversations. And now there are reports

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<v Speaker 1>that the FBI is investigating contacts between other members of

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<v Speaker 1>the Trump campaign and Russian intelligence in the year before

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<v Speaker 1>the election. These developments have raised concerns about possible disarray

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<v Speaker 1>and the administration's national security apparatus, and also questions about

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<v Speaker 1>whether anyone in the Trump campaign broke the law in

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<v Speaker 1>their contacts with the Russian government. Here to talk to

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<v Speaker 1>us about all of this are Stephen Vladick, a professor

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<v Speaker 1>at the University of Texas Law School, and William Banks,

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<v Speaker 1>founding director of the Institute for National Security and counter Terrorism.

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<v Speaker 1>Thank you both for being here. Steve, Let's start with

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<v Speaker 1>the law itself, the law that um people may have violate.

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<v Speaker 1>To hear that there were some questions to whether General

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<v Speaker 1>Flynn and violated. It is that called the Logan Act.

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<v Speaker 1>Tell us about what the Logan Act is. The Logan Act,

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<v Speaker 1>I think is the favorite, uh, dusty old chestnut that

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<v Speaker 1>folks like to drag out anytime someone we don't like

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<v Speaker 1>does something in the foreign policy that we disagree with. UM.

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<v Speaker 1>This is a see statute, not a typo. UM. The

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<v Speaker 1>Congress passed basically in response to an incident where a

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<v Speaker 1>guy named Dr George Logan, who was a prominent Democratic

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<v Speaker 1>Republican basically a Jeffersonian in Philadelphia, UM, took America's foreign

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<v Speaker 1>policy with France into his own hands, tried to negotiate

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<v Speaker 1>with the French government, even though President Adams and Congress

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<v Speaker 1>at the time we're very much more pro British UM.

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<v Speaker 1>And the statute purports to prohibit anyone, acting without the

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<v Speaker 1>authority of the United States UM, from engaging in correspondence

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<v Speaker 1>or communications with foreign governments that has the effect of

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<v Speaker 1>influencing our foreign policy. It's never been successfully used. The

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<v Speaker 1>last indictment was in early nineteenth century. There are serious

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional objections to it, including that it's a content based

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<v Speaker 1>restriction on speech, and that it's vague. UM. And you know,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think that Jeff Sessions is going to be

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<v Speaker 1>in a big hurry to prosecute Mike Flynn. So it's

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<v Speaker 1>a fun academic exercise, but I think it's actually probably

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<v Speaker 1>not at the end of the day, what the real

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<v Speaker 1>headline is about Michael Flynn. William. Would it be possible

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<v Speaker 1>even to invoke it after it's been ignored for more

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<v Speaker 1>than two hundred years, and what are the optics of

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<v Speaker 1>doing that? I agree with with Steve that it's highly

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<v Speaker 1>unlikely that it's going to be invoked in this case.

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<v Speaker 1>It's a it's a political tool used by an administration

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<v Speaker 1>to control voices outside the government that they don't want

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<v Speaker 1>to have participating in a in a national security or

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<v Speaker 1>foreign affairs matter, and that's certainly not the case with Flynn. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>Steve it it may be impossible to enforce, but it's

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<v Speaker 1>a I mean, it is a real concern when you have,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, usual traditionally we've had kind of one president

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<v Speaker 1>at a time, as they say, and you want you

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<v Speaker 1>don't want private citizens conducting foreign policy, particularly when the

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<v Speaker 1>president is trying to do certain things and a new

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<v Speaker 1>president has been sworn in yet, so where is kind

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<v Speaker 1>of it may not be legally in something we can enforce.

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<v Speaker 1>But it has kind of drawn a line for people,

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<v Speaker 1>hasn't it about how they should behave? Yes? And no,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean I think the Logan APT, I mean, let's

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<v Speaker 1>be clear, the Logan APT itself wasn't directed at the

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<v Speaker 1>problem of presidential transitions. Um, right, I mean George Logan

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<v Speaker 1>was just a private citizen when Congress past that statute. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>The problem of presidential transitions is one Congress has actually

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<v Speaker 1>finally started to grapple within a series of statutes in

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<v Speaker 1>the last fifteen years. And I can totally imagine a

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<v Speaker 1>you know, narrower and much more focused, maybe non criminal

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<v Speaker 1>restriction on what kinds of contacts a transition team is

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<v Speaker 1>allowed to have with foreign governments. But I guess the

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<v Speaker 1>problem is that, you know, compared to that specific problem

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<v Speaker 1>and to the one president at a time, um, you

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<v Speaker 1>know phenomenon, the Logan Act is a is a broadsword,

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<v Speaker 1>not a scalpel. And so you know, I think it's

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<v Speaker 1>the issue here is not so much whether we ever

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<v Speaker 1>want individual members of transition teams, you know, set it

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<v Speaker 1>on the stage for the foreign policy that their president

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<v Speaker 1>is soon going to be conducting, but rather you know,

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<v Speaker 1>is this really the way to do it or should

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<v Speaker 1>Congress go back to the drawing board? Um. And with

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<v Speaker 1>regard to Flynn, I think the issue is, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>separate from the Logan Act, is in other kinds of

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<v Speaker 1>of legal hot water William. That brings up the FBI

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<v Speaker 1>question Flynn in the early days of the Trump presidency

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<v Speaker 1>about his conversations, and investigators believe Flynn was not entirely

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<v Speaker 1>forthcoming to put it. According to The New York Times,

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<v Speaker 1>if the authorities conclude that Flynn knowingly lied to the FBI,

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<v Speaker 1>could that expose him to a felony charge from making

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<v Speaker 1>false statements? It could. And in contrast to the Logan Act,

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<v Speaker 1>it's uh, it's it's written in such a way that

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<v Speaker 1>that it pretty directly applies to what Flynn did. It

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<v Speaker 1>just says that anyone who is within the jurisdiction of

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<v Speaker 1>the government the United States knowingly and willfully makes materially false,

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<v Speaker 1>fictitious of fraudulent statement is is engaged in felonious behavior.

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<v Speaker 1>So I think there's a fair chance. So it's the

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<v Speaker 1>old adage that the cover up is worse than the crime, right,

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<v Speaker 1>So I agree with with Steve about the Logan Act,

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<v Speaker 1>and and it's it's not going to happen in this

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<v Speaker 1>case that he will be sanctioned for what he actually

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<v Speaker 1>might have talked to the Russian ambassador about, but he

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<v Speaker 1>may well be sanctioned for a line about it to

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<v Speaker 1>the Bureau. As the Trump administration considers possible replacements for

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<v Speaker 1>former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, and the FBI is

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<v Speaker 1>reportedly investigating contacts between Trump campaign officials and Russian intelligence

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<v Speaker 1>during last year's campaign. Russia has deployed a land based

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<v Speaker 1>cruise missile that American officials say violates the Intermediate Range

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<v Speaker 1>Nuclear Forces or i n F Treaty. So things with

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<v Speaker 1>Russia and on the federal levels seem to be getting

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<v Speaker 1>very mixed up. We have been talking with Stephen Vladika,

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<v Speaker 1>professor at the University of Texas School of Law, and

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<v Speaker 1>William Banks of the Institute for National Security and counter

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<v Speaker 1>Terrorism about the resignation of an ESSA director Flynn and

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<v Speaker 1>the investigations going on, and we're going to talk about

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<v Speaker 1>this and the and the treat possible treaty valation. Um. William,

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<v Speaker 1>Let's start though, by continuing to talk about the the

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<v Speaker 1>situation involving the possible Logan Act violations or communications with

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<v Speaker 1>the Russian government. You know, we were talking about the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that there's not really a lot of prosecutorial possibility

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<v Speaker 1>here and the and the law is kind of vague.

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<v Speaker 1>Are there other things that we could expect from a

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<v Speaker 1>legal standpoint, perhaps in Congress that might happen as a

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<v Speaker 1>result of UM people being concerned about improper contacts between

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<v Speaker 1>Trump campaign officials and the Russians. Well, as many of

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<v Speaker 1>your listeners know, the Congress is ality determined to begin

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<v Speaker 1>investigation of the of the Russian involvement in the sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>presidential election on the basis of the intelligence communities reports

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<v Speaker 1>that were released before that the Trump administration took office.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think that those they're simply additional impetus to

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<v Speaker 1>get those investigations going now and to broaden their scope

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<v Speaker 1>to include a potential involvement of Trump campaign officials during

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<v Speaker 1>the pendency of the election. Steve Senator Mark Warner of

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate Intelligence Committee investigation said that they're they're going

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<v Speaker 1>to go forward. When he was he said it would

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<v Speaker 1>be appropriate for Flynn to testify, but he wouldn't say

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<v Speaker 1>whether or not they had decided to subpoena him. Would

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<v Speaker 1>his testimony be part of any intensive investigation. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>I would think it would have to be. But you know,

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<v Speaker 1>it's it's telling that that quote comes from Senator Warner,

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<v Speaker 1>who you know, is in the minority right now on

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate Intelligence Committee. Seems like the real question is

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<v Speaker 1>whether it's the Republican leadership um Speaker Ryan, Senator McConnell,

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<v Speaker 1>and the chairs of the relevant committees who are actually

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<v Speaker 1>going to show any interest in having any kind of investigation,

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<v Speaker 1>any kinds of hearings. You know, Congressman Nunez, who's the

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<v Speaker 1>chair of the House Intelligence Committee, said yesterday that he

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<v Speaker 1>thought the far bigger issue coming out of this news

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<v Speaker 1>regarding General flann Um was the leaking um and the

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<v Speaker 1>possibility that someone had disclosed the contents of you know,

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<v Speaker 1>secret surveillance in violation of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.

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<v Speaker 1>So long as Congress thanks that's the story here, I'm

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<v Speaker 1>not especially optimistic that Senator Warner is going to have

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<v Speaker 1>his chaps. Well. Another story we have, William is the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that there's American officials are now saying that Russia

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<v Speaker 1>has violated a treaty, which is of course you know,

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<v Speaker 1>legal obligation between countries that goes back to the Reagan administration. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>by deploying this land based missile system, can you give

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<v Speaker 1>us some backstory what this treaty is and what the

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<v Speaker 1>violation might be. Well, the treaty is is a thirty

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<v Speaker 1>year old treaty, has to do with land based weaponry,

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<v Speaker 1>and and indeed there's I think a pretty good case

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<v Speaker 1>to be made that that the deployment of this particular

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<v Speaker 1>unit by the Russians would be a treaty violation. It's

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<v Speaker 1>you know, it requires some interpretation. Uh. The questions will

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<v Speaker 1>be uh carefully visited inside our government as well as

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<v Speaker 1>in NATO. The larger context here, I think, though, is

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<v Speaker 1>what what plays the Russians are making now because of

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<v Speaker 1>the transition, the youth of the Trump administration, the inexperience

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<v Speaker 1>of many who are now in key positions in the administration,

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<v Speaker 1>so being aggressive in Ukraine rolling out this weapon system. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>They had a near miss with a US ship in

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<v Speaker 1>the in the region, I believe it was yesterday. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>Seems like they're testing US in a in a number

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<v Speaker 1>of ways, including this UH involvement in the in the

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<v Speaker 1>election before the fact Steve considering that it's difficult to

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<v Speaker 1>figure out where Trump's position on Russia is any one day.

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<v Speaker 1>He had some tweets today that seemed to say something

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<v Speaker 1>different than he said before. Is there any Do you

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<v Speaker 1>think there's any likelihood that they would actually do something

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<v Speaker 1>if they found that Russia had violated the Arms Control treaty?

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<v Speaker 1>I wouldn't hold my breast. I mean, I think that

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<v Speaker 1>I think there's a there's a real question here about

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<v Speaker 1>what the diplomatic priorities of the federal government are visa

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<v Speaker 1>the Russia. You know, Secretary Tillerson made a number of

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<v Speaker 1>statements during his confirmation hearing um that he was not

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<v Speaker 1>potentially as sympathetic as as some other administration. Um. But

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<v Speaker 1>I just have a hard time thinking that if we

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<v Speaker 1>were going to draw some kind of diplomatic redline with Russia,

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<v Speaker 1>that this would be it. Um. And I think that's

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<v Speaker 1>the real problem, because then the question becomes, what does

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<v Speaker 1>Russia do next? UM. I think there's no question, as

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<v Speaker 1>Bill rightly says, you know that Russia's gonna sort of

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<v Speaker 1>poke and prod and try to figure out how it

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<v Speaker 1>can take maximum advantage m of the inexperience and frankly

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<v Speaker 1>the incompetence of the new administration, and then the question

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<v Speaker 1>just becomes if it's not going to be the White

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<v Speaker 1>House that pushes back who's left? And I think that's

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<v Speaker 1>why the attention once again has to come back to

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<v Speaker 1>Congress UM and to whether, for example, there should be

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<v Speaker 1>legislation to prevent the president from you know, laterally lifting

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<v Speaker 1>the sanctions against Russia UM and other legislative measures, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>until the less Congress really starts assertive its own institutional

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<v Speaker 1>role here, we're going to see more of this, not

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<v Speaker 1>less of it. Well, it certainly seems as though these

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<v Speaker 1>stories are not going to be going away anytime soon.

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<v Speaker 1>Our thanks to Professor Stephen Vladdock of the University of

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<v Speaker 1>Texas School of Law, and to WILLIAMS. William Banks, the

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<v Speaker 1>founding director of the Institute for National Security Encounter Terrorism,

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<v Speaker 1>for joining us here today on Bloomberg Law. Coming up

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