WEBVTT - BrainStuff Classics: Was George Washington Almost King of the United States?

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to brain Stuff, a production of I Heart Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Hey brain Stuff, Lauren vog Obam here with a classic

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<v Speaker 1>episode from our archives. When the founders of the United

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<v Speaker 1>States created our government, one thing they did was put

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<v Speaker 1>in place measures to prevent a monarchy from developing. But

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<v Speaker 1>some contemporary people did suggest that George Washington, our first president,

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<v Speaker 1>take on the role of king instead. Here's how it

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<v Speaker 1>all went down, Hey brain Stuff, Lauren vog obam Here.

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<v Speaker 1>There's a popular yarn among American history enthusiasts that George Washington,

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<v Speaker 1>in the waning months of the Revolutionary War, was offered

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<v Speaker 1>the crown of the fledgling nation by a group of

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<v Speaker 1>American military officers fed up with an ineffective Congress. Historians

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<v Speaker 1>even have washington strongly worded rejection letter to prove it,

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<v Speaker 1>but a closer reading of original historical documents tells a

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<v Speaker 1>different story. In this version, the widespread frustration of army

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<v Speaker 1>officers gets mixed up with the pro monarchy day dreams

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<v Speaker 1>of one foolhardy Colonel Washington still comes out of hero,

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<v Speaker 1>but he was never really close to being a king.

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<v Speaker 1>Let's set the scene. The British suffered a decisive defeat

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<v Speaker 1>at Yorktown to American and French forces in seventeen eighty one,

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<v Speaker 1>resulting in the capture of seven thousand British troops and

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<v Speaker 1>their leader, General Charles Cornwallis. The end of the war

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<v Speaker 1>was finally near, but the beleaguer in American Army, under

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<v Speaker 1>the command of Washington was still considered on duty until

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<v Speaker 1>the Treaty of Paris was signed in seventeen eighty three.

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<v Speaker 1>Back in those preconstitution days, the Articles of Confederation handed

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<v Speaker 1>most power to the States, not the federal government. Congress

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<v Speaker 1>had no power to tax, for example, which was a

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<v Speaker 1>problem when it came to paying and equipping the army.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress had to constantly request military funding from the States,

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<v Speaker 1>which were often slow to pay up, if at all.

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<v Speaker 1>With peace, nearly one the army feared that Congress was

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<v Speaker 1>going to stiff them on back pay. The officer corps

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<v Speaker 1>were especially worried about their pensions, which they were romist

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<v Speaker 1>would secure them financially for the rest of their lives.

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<v Speaker 1>Could they trust Congress to keep its word an exact

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<v Speaker 1>payment from the states. Among those army officers sweating over

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<v Speaker 1>their pension in seventeen eighty two was Colonel Louis Nicola,

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<v Speaker 1>a sixty five year old Irish born military veteran who

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<v Speaker 1>lent significant expertise to Washington's forces during the war. Nicola

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<v Speaker 1>and Washington corresponded frequently, usually about Nicola's duties as a

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<v Speaker 1>commander of the Invalid Corps, a garrison of injured soldiers

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<v Speaker 1>who were still fit enough to serve. But Nicola's letter

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<v Speaker 1>to Washington on May seventeen, eight two was something completely different.

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<v Speaker 1>In this now infamous missive, Nicola opened with a reminder

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<v Speaker 1>of what would be at stake if the military wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>properly compensated, namely the threat of open mutiny. Nicola wrote,

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<v Speaker 1>God forbid we should ever think of involving that country

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<v Speaker 1>we have, under your conduct and auspices, rescued from oppression

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<v Speaker 1>into a new scene of blood and confusion. But it

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<v Speaker 1>cannot be expected. We should forego claims on which our

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<v Speaker 1>future subsistence and that of families depend. Then Nicola moved

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<v Speaker 1>on to what he called his scheme. He admitted to

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<v Speaker 1>Washington that he wasn't a quote, a violent admirer of

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<v Speaker 1>a republican form of government, preferring instead a mixed form

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<v Speaker 1>of government with elected representatives ruled by a benevolent monarch,

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<v Speaker 1>and who better for such a leading role than Washington himself.

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<v Speaker 1>Nicola wrote, some people have so connected the ideas of

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<v Speaker 1>tyranny and monarchy as to find it very difficult to

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<v Speaker 1>separate them. It may therefore be requisite to give the

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<v Speaker 1>head of such a constitution, as I propose, some title

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<v Speaker 1>apparently more moderate. But if all things were once suggested,

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<v Speaker 1>I believe strong arguments might be produced for admitting the

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<v Speaker 1>title of king, which I conceive would be attended with

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<v Speaker 1>some material advantages. Washington's response, dated the very same day,

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<v Speaker 1>was withering. He wrote, be assured, sir, no occurrence in

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<v Speaker 1>the course of the war has given me more painful

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<v Speaker 1>sensations than your information of there being such ideas existing

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<v Speaker 1>in the army as you have expressed, and I must

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<v Speaker 1>view with a horrens and reprehend with severity. I am

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<v Speaker 1>much at a loss to conceive what part of my

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<v Speaker 1>conduct could have given encouragement to an address which seems

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<v Speaker 1>to me big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall

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<v Speaker 1>my country. If I am not deceived in the knowledge

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<v Speaker 1>of myself, you could not have found a person to

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<v Speaker 1>whom your schemes are more disagreeable. Washington's rejection of an

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<v Speaker 1>American monarchy was absolute, but was a single letter from

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<v Speaker 1>a presumptuous colonel, the equivalent of being offered the crown,

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<v Speaker 1>as many believe. We spoke with Denver Brunsman, a history

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<v Speaker 1>professor at George Washington University and scholar of the Revolutionary

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<v Speaker 1>War and of Washington. He thinks it would be an

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<v Speaker 1>exaggeration to say that Washington was ever seriously offered the

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<v Speaker 1>title of king. He said, Niccolo was not someone who

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<v Speaker 1>was in the position to do that, and I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think he was part of any real large movement. That

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't mean there weren't people who had those sentiments, and

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<v Speaker 1>I think Niccolo was representative of that. There were other

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<v Speaker 1>individuals in the officer Corps who were extremely frustrated with

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<v Speaker 1>Congress and any hope for a possible solution. Brunsman continued,

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<v Speaker 1>what's most important is Washington's reaction to even the notion

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<v Speaker 1>of being king. She shuts down any possibility. I think

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<v Speaker 1>that's impressive and shows why Washington was able to garner

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<v Speaker 1>the trust of the American people. Today's episode was written

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<v Speaker 1>by Dave Ruse and produced by Tristan McNeil and Tyler Clang.

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<v Speaker 1>For more in listen lots of other topics, visit how

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