WEBVTT - Here's Why Defense Spending Isn't Delivering

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Audio Studios, podcasts, radio news. I'm Stephen Carroll and

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<v Speaker 1>this is Here's Why, where we take one news story

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<v Speaker 1>and explain it in just a few minutes with our

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<v Speaker 1>experts here at Bloomberg.

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<v Speaker 2>We spent over trillion dollars over the last short period

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<v Speaker 2>trillion in order to protect these countries from Russia, and

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<v Speaker 2>has nothing to do with us. We have a notion,

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<v Speaker 2>but it's been a long term thing and they haven't

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<v Speaker 2>treated us right.

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<v Speaker 3>Europeans have that first task of government is to keep

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<v Speaker 3>our country safe. The second task is to have a

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<v Speaker 3>strong economy, and you need both to deter the Russians.

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<v Speaker 3>We need to strong economies, healthy finances connected to strong economies.

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<v Speaker 3>But first of all, we have to defend ourselves.

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<v Speaker 4>We're all committed to an increase in European defense investments.

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<v Speaker 4>That is burden shifting in an orderly way, but very

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<v Speaker 4>decided way.

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<v Speaker 1>Around the world, governments are pouring more than two trillion

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<v Speaker 1>dollars into defense, from drones to missiles to AI systems.

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<v Speaker 1>A more unstable world has sparked a rush to beef

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<v Speaker 1>up military resources. After haranguing from President Trump, NATO members

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<v Speaker 1>have pledged to spend five percent of GDP on defense.

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<v Speaker 1>The money is flowing, but the results are mixed. Here's

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<v Speaker 1>why defense spending isn't delivering. Becha Wasser leads defense research

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<v Speaker 1>at Bloomberg Economics and she joins US now for more.

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<v Speaker 1>Becka put this in context for US, who is spending

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<v Speaker 1>more on defense and how significant are the sums of

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<v Speaker 1>money involved.

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<v Speaker 5>Most governments have pledged that they're going to meet NATO's

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<v Speaker 5>new goal of spending three point five percent of GDP

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<v Speaker 5>on core defense spending, with the additional one point five

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<v Speaker 5>percent of GDP on associated military spending things like infrastructure.

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<v Speaker 5>If you look at Europe's five largest economies, they are

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<v Speaker 5>likely to well undershoot that target. Some of the modeling

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<v Speaker 5>that my team has done at Bloomberg Economics, we've looked

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<v Speaker 5>at it, and they're probably going to come closer to

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<v Speaker 5>meeting about three percent of GDP by twenty thirty. You're

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<v Speaker 5>going to see Germany as one of the largest economies,

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<v Speaker 5>really spearhead Europe's defense build up, while others like the UK,

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<v Speaker 5>France and Italy they have modest hikes and modest hikes

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<v Speaker 5>and spend. But others like Spain are likely to well

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<v Speaker 5>undershoot that target, even though they are raising defense spending slightly.

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<v Speaker 5>And to put it in sort of bigger context, almost

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<v Speaker 5>all of this is going to be debt financed, and

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<v Speaker 5>we are talking about debt into the hundreds of billions.

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<v Speaker 1>Okay, so there are huge amounts of money involved. Then

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<v Speaker 1>where is it going and what results is that money

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<v Speaker 1>delivering so far?

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<v Speaker 5>So the biggest challenge is not on defense spending. The

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<v Speaker 5>biggest challenge is translating that increased defense spend into genuine

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<v Speaker 5>military capabilities. And Europe faces some very sizable capability gaps.

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<v Speaker 5>They have essentially organized to have peacetime militaries, but a

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<v Speaker 5>revisionist Russia and resurgent aggression in the European continent with

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<v Speaker 5>Russia's invasion of Ukraine really changed that. Additionally, more recently,

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<v Speaker 5>we've seen the US reduce its contributions to the NATO

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<v Speaker 5>Force model, taking some forces and capabilities away from Europe's

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<v Speaker 5>ability to deter Russia from any potential aggression. So that

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<v Speaker 5>means that you've got these huge gaps in what European

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<v Speaker 5>militaries already have in their arsenals, and these are things

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<v Speaker 5>that are offensive, like long range strike. Some of those

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<v Speaker 5>longer range missiles that you would need in a potential conflict.

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<v Speaker 5>They also range things like air defense interceptors that we've

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<v Speaker 5>seen this enormous need for from Ukraine but also in

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<v Speaker 5>the Iran War. And then some of the capability gaps

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<v Speaker 5>are really on these unsexy areas, but things that are

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<v Speaker 5>critically important, things like space based intelligence and surveillance assets,

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<v Speaker 5>things like command and control systems. These are so important

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<v Speaker 5>for Europe to be able to operate together. But these

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<v Speaker 5>are the types of things that Europe needs to be

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<v Speaker 5>spending money on and they're starting to do that, but

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<v Speaker 5>there's no way for them to kind of quickly fill

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<v Speaker 5>these gaps. Part of that is because there are all

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<v Speaker 5>of these weapons development projects that are in process, but

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<v Speaker 5>they're not yet mature, and so that means that Europe

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<v Speaker 5>is probably going to have to rely on buying more

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<v Speaker 5>weapons from the United States and from external providers if

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<v Speaker 5>they want to fill the gaps in the near term.

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<v Speaker 5>That stands in the face of European defense autonomy, Europe's

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<v Speaker 5>desire to go it alone in the face of reduced

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<v Speaker 5>American reliability, and it also means that there could be

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<v Speaker 5>a temporal gap that Russia could exploit before Europe is

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<v Speaker 5>able to actually make that defense spend turn into tangible

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<v Speaker 5>military assets.

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<v Speaker 1>So what's needed then to address those gaps? Can anything

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<v Speaker 1>be done about us?

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<v Speaker 5>I think there's a lot that can be done, and

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<v Speaker 5>we're already seeing Europe already starting to do the right things.

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<v Speaker 5>But I think there is this higher risk right now

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<v Speaker 5>of European defense industrial fragmentation, where, for good measure, all

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<v Speaker 5>of these countries want to see the increase in defense

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<v Speaker 5>spend flow back to their own countries, to their own

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<v Speaker 5>local economies to be able to have domestic benefit. That

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<v Speaker 5>all makes sense, but that does risk creating a number

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<v Speaker 5>of different weapons programs with weapons that might not be interoperabile,

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<v Speaker 5>that might not be able to you work together very well.

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<v Speaker 5>It also means that you're going to have essentially companies

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<v Speaker 5>that are producing weapons in smaller amounts because the contracts

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<v Speaker 5>are going to be smaller. In order to overcome this,

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<v Speaker 5>Europe would need to pick some winners and some losers

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<v Speaker 5>and have a little bit of industrial consolidation, and that's

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<v Speaker 5>a really tricky thing to be done domestically. But I

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<v Speaker 5>think as time goes on, as some of these programs mature,

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<v Speaker 5>as there is the need for really filling these gaps quickly,

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<v Speaker 5>and within Europe's defense industry, we are going to see

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<v Speaker 5>that play out over time.

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<v Speaker 1>Is this a uniquely European challenge? Obviously, Europe has been

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<v Speaker 1>upping its defense spending, most notably as it tries to

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<v Speaker 1>increase these new NATO targets. But do the United States

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<v Speaker 1>and China face any similar challenges in trying to beef

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<v Speaker 1>up their own defenses.

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<v Speaker 5>Listen, defense spending is hard. Weapons capability development is hard.

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<v Speaker 5>Fielding some of these military capabilities is even harder. So

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<v Speaker 5>all countries essentially have same challenges, but they look a

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<v Speaker 5>little bit different. China is notoriously opaque about its defense spending,

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<v Speaker 5>and the true number that it spends on defense is

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<v Speaker 5>likely a fraction of what we know publicly. But China

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<v Speaker 5>has been able to essentially take some of its national

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<v Speaker 5>industries and use them to produce defense equipment, which is

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<v Speaker 5>why you see it producing capabilities at a rate that

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<v Speaker 5>is much higher than the United States and much much

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<v Speaker 5>higher than Europe. For the United States, it has a

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<v Speaker 5>very high defense spend. If you look at this year's

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<v Speaker 5>budget request, it's one point five trillion dollars, but Still,

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<v Speaker 5>the US only spends about three point four percent of

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<v Speaker 5>its GDP on defense, which is much lower than what

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<v Speaker 5>it's spent during the Cold War. And right now the

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<v Speaker 5>US defense industry is overstretched. It can't produce weapons as

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<v Speaker 5>fast as it needs to. It doesn't have enough capacity,

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<v Speaker 5>It doesn't have the surge capability that it needs, particularly

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<v Speaker 5>as it now needs to replenish its own stockpiles after

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<v Speaker 5>the Iran War, let alone fulfill the needs of so

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<v Speaker 5>many global customers and countries that have bought US weapons.

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<v Speaker 5>So each country has its own unique challenges, but I

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<v Speaker 5>think the math behind defense spending and capability development is

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<v Speaker 5>very much the same.

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<v Speaker 1>How do new technologies, newer forms of weapons factor into

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<v Speaker 1>this conversation. How much of investment in research is a

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<v Speaker 1>part of this.

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<v Speaker 5>I think traditionally countries have really focused on spending on

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<v Speaker 5>military personnel. In recent years we've seen that shift towards

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<v Speaker 5>spending more toward equipment. But even smaller than that is

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<v Speaker 5>the percentage of defense spending that goes to research and development.

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<v Speaker 5>So you know, there is going to need to be

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<v Speaker 5>an increase in research and development spending for that next

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<v Speaker 5>generation of weapons. But at the same time, we see

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<v Speaker 5>countries really wanting to do things not only faster, but cheaper,

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<v Speaker 5>and this is why we have such an emphasis on

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<v Speaker 5>things like low cost drones in part to reduce some

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<v Speaker 5>of the manpower challenges that some country space and some

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<v Speaker 5>of the fiscal challenges that they face when it comes

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<v Speaker 5>to being able to buy some of this really expensive equipment.

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<v Speaker 5>So I think we're going to continue to see some

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<v Speaker 5>bending on AI drones, lower cost missiles in order to

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<v Speaker 5>essentially get the dynamic of the cost per shot down

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<v Speaker 5>and try and make it so that different countries and

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<v Speaker 5>different militaries can do more potentially with less.

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<v Speaker 1>Beca wesser leading our defense research at Bloomberg Economics. Thank

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<v Speaker 1>you for more explanations like this from our team of

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<v Speaker 1>three thousand journalists and analysts around the world. Go to

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg dot com slash explainers. I'm Stephen Carol. This is

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<v Speaker 1>here's why I'll be back next week with more. Thanks

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<v Speaker 1>for listening.