WEBVTT - Democracy Forward's Jentleson on New Book

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Business Week with Carol Masser from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>We know this past week is going to go down

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<v Speaker 1>in US history as the U. S. House of Representatives

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<v Speaker 1>impeach President Trump for a second time, with ten Republicans

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<v Speaker 1>voting in favor. We talked about that with Josh Green earlier.

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<v Speaker 1>A reminder too, of the division and dysfunction we are

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<v Speaker 1>seeing in the GOP. For seven years, Adam Gentlesen has

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<v Speaker 1>been had an up close view of growing Senate dysfunction

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<v Speaker 1>as a top aid to former Democratic Majority leader Harry

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<v Speaker 1>Reid of Nevada. He writes about it in his new book,

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<v Speaker 1>Kill Switch, The Rise of the Modern Senate and the

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<v Speaker 1>Crippling of American Democracy. He is public affairs director at

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<v Speaker 1>Democracy Forward. It's a legal advocacy group against corruption in

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<v Speaker 1>the executive branch and government. Adam joins us on the

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<v Speaker 1>phone from Maryland. First of all, did I see your

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<v Speaker 1>last name correctly? I like to get it right. You did?

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<v Speaker 1>You did? All right? Well, Adam, it's great to have

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<v Speaker 1>you here. Congratulations. First, I've got to ask you before

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<v Speaker 1>we diggle a bit deeper into your book. Is the

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<v Speaker 1>last two weeks they hate the anger of the division,

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<v Speaker 1>the polarization. Are you surprised that we're here? I hate

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<v Speaker 1>to say it, but I'm not surprised. I think this

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<v Speaker 1>is the logical result of what the president has been

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<v Speaker 1>staking for the last four years. Um, And you know

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<v Speaker 1>something I talked about in the book. I mean, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the rise of these forces predates him. Um. He took

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<v Speaker 1>over the GOP in terms of assuming its leadership, but

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of the forces that propelled him to office

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<v Speaker 1>existed before he even stepped into the political arena. So

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<v Speaker 1>I think that it's horrible to see what we've been

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<v Speaker 1>seeing over the last week, but it is sort of

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<v Speaker 1>sadly the culmination of a lot of trends of extreme

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<v Speaker 1>partisanship that have been building for decades now. So explain

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<v Speaker 1>your title to kill switch? What do you mean? So?

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<v Speaker 1>When I worked in the Senate, one of the things

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<v Speaker 1>you hear a lot is that the Senate is supposed

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<v Speaker 1>to act as a cooling fauthor. This is dates back

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<v Speaker 1>to an apocryphal story about George Washington explaining to Thomas

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<v Speaker 1>Jefferson as they were drinking some tea, that the Senate

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<v Speaker 1>was supposed to act like the Fosster under Jefferson's tea.

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<v Speaker 1>There you would splash out of a saucer, cool on

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<v Speaker 1>the splash off the cup, and cool on the saucer

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<v Speaker 1>before I was ready to drink. Uh? What that was

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<v Speaker 1>true at a time? Um The founders created the Senate

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<v Speaker 1>to be delivered and thoughtful. They also created it to

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<v Speaker 1>not have a filibuster and to not have a supermajority

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<v Speaker 1>threshold for passing legislation. They created it as a majority

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<v Speaker 1>rule institution. It was designed to be thoughtful, but also

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<v Speaker 1>to get things done and for debate to be thorough

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<v Speaker 1>but limited. What we see today in the modern center

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<v Speaker 1>is a body that allows the party that's out of

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<v Speaker 1>power to use the rules of they as they have

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<v Speaker 1>come to evolve, to stop everything that comes before the chamber.

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<v Speaker 1>This combines with the forces of partisanship that are dominating

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<v Speaker 1>our politics today to turn the Senate from what was

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<v Speaker 1>once a cooling saucer now into a kill switch that

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<v Speaker 1>shuts down everything that the federal government tries to do.

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<v Speaker 1>And a big reason for that is in something that

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<v Speaker 1>you really dig deeply into in your book is the filibuster.

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<v Speaker 1>That's right, and so the book explains the historical evolution

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<v Speaker 1>of the filibuster. Um. This is something that you know,

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<v Speaker 1>if folks know anything about the Senate, they tend to

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<v Speaker 1>know about the filibuster. And when they think of it,

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<v Speaker 1>they tend to think of Jimmy Stewart in Mr Smith

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<v Speaker 1>goes to Washington, right, holding the floor, talking at length. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>sort of using it as an underdog against the forces

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<v Speaker 1>of corruption and entrenched power. Um. The thing is, this

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<v Speaker 1>is not really what the filibuster has ever truly been

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<v Speaker 1>in practice. Uh. And even though it is directly associated

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<v Speaker 1>with the Senate in the popular imagination, it was not

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<v Speaker 1>part of the Senate and was not meant to be

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<v Speaker 1>part of the Senate. Um. When the Framers created the Senate,

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<v Speaker 1>they did not include the filibuster. And not only did

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<v Speaker 1>they not include it, they argued against ever creating something

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<v Speaker 1>like it. They were writing the Constitution in the shadow

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<v Speaker 1>of the Articles of Confederation, which had established a super

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<v Speaker 1>majority threshold for most bills to pass Congress. The Framers

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<v Speaker 1>saw that that was a disaster, and they are dude

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<v Speaker 1>very clearly in the Federalist Papers and other writings that

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<v Speaker 1>establishing a supermajority threshold would have the direct effect of

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<v Speaker 1>giving what they called a pertinacious minority, the ability to

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<v Speaker 1>bring everything to a halt for the sole purpose of

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<v Speaker 1>embarrassing the majority. You know, they were realised, they understood

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<v Speaker 1>this essential fact of politics that you give the party

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<v Speaker 1>that's that a power of this ability to throw a

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<v Speaker 1>monkey engine in the system, they're going to use it.

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<v Speaker 1>It took basically two centuries for that power to evolve

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<v Speaker 1>in the way that it has today. But that is

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<v Speaker 1>what we've come to scene. That's what we've come to

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<v Speaker 1>see happen in the Senate is the minority use that

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<v Speaker 1>power and that monkey wrench, and exactly the way that

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<v Speaker 1>the Framers warned us they would. One thing I want

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<v Speaker 1>to ask you, um, take us back to the first

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<v Speaker 1>time you got to the Senate. What was it like?

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<v Speaker 1>What was your first experience of it? The first start

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<v Speaker 1>I got to the Senate, I was I was brought

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<v Speaker 1>up to meet my boss, Senator Harry Reid. And it's

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<v Speaker 1>an incredibly ornate building. I mean, unfortunately, a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>scenes are on display this last week of the inside

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<v Speaker 1>of the Capital for the wrong reasons. But when you're

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<v Speaker 1>there and able to appreciate it, it is incredibly dramatic.

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<v Speaker 1>You've got painted walls, you've got arched ceilings, you've got

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<v Speaker 1>giant chandeliers, you've got historic portraits everywhere. It's overwhelming. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>It feels a little bit like versa I uh in

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<v Speaker 1>a little bit uh, a little fancy for a democracy,

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<v Speaker 1>more than you might expect. Um. But it's an incredibly

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<v Speaker 1>intimidating place. Uh. And then the leader's office is they've

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<v Speaker 1>they've nicknamed at the taj Mahal for a good reason.

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<v Speaker 1>It's got these huge views of them all, dramatic feelings,

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<v Speaker 1>huge fireplaces. It's it's a lot to take in, is

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<v Speaker 1>as a young staffer. Um. Yeah, And I think it's

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<v Speaker 1>interesting when we read about right, we grew up reading

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<v Speaker 1>about history. We read about the capital, and it is something.

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<v Speaker 1>It's got it. It must have just been something to

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<v Speaker 1>actually be kind of part of it. Then uh and

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<v Speaker 1>didn't live up to your expectations? Did it? Did it

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<v Speaker 1>go beyond your expectations or did it start to disappoint

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<v Speaker 1>how quick? My big yeah, pretty quickly. My big tickle

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<v Speaker 1>a was was the big, massive gap between what you

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<v Speaker 1>expect from such a grand institution and what it was

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<v Speaker 1>able to produce. Uh. You know, I was there during

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<v Speaker 1>a period of historic gridlock. One of the defining experiences

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<v Speaker 1>for me I talked about us in the book was

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<v Speaker 1>after the murder of twenty first creators in Newtown, Connecticut. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>The absolute failure of the Senate to pass any kind

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<v Speaker 1>of policy solution, even in the middle of the road. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>Some might argue, not even not even strong enough policy

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<v Speaker 1>like background checks. Um, it is stunning. You know, this

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<v Speaker 1>institution that has a reputation for being slow and has

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<v Speaker 1>a reputation for working in a deliberative fashion. But I

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<v Speaker 1>think that in many ways has been used as an

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<v Speaker 1>excuse for it to simply do nothing. And I think

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<v Speaker 1>that's the problem that we're seeing today. We as we

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<v Speaker 1>as a federal government are simply unable to operate in

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<v Speaker 1>an intelligent way to meet the policy challenges that we face.

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<v Speaker 1>And and part of what I argue in the book

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<v Speaker 1>is that we need to find ways to restore the Senate,

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<v Speaker 1>to keep what's good about it, to can let it

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<v Speaker 1>continue to be a deliberative body, but actually make it

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<v Speaker 1>be a ace where good ideas don't just go to die.

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<v Speaker 1>Good ideas go there to be developed and perfected and

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<v Speaker 1>then actually passed. What's been miss McConnell's role in all

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<v Speaker 1>of this, well, no one has done more to increase

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<v Speaker 1>gridlock in dysfunction in Congress than Miss McConnell. When he

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<v Speaker 1>took over as leader, there was a historic rise in

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<v Speaker 1>the use of the filibuster under his watch and at

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<v Speaker 1>his direction. I should be clear about that. Um. It

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<v Speaker 1>was explicitly a strategy of his. He decided when President

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<v Speaker 1>Obama came into office that he could attack Obama's core

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<v Speaker 1>political brand of fixing our broken politics in Washington, something

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<v Speaker 1>President Obama talked about from his convention speech in two

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<v Speaker 1>thousand four all the way up through his inauguration in

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<v Speaker 1>two thousand and eight. McConnell knew that if he used

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<v Speaker 1>the tools of obstruction at his disposal, even though at

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<v Speaker 1>the time he represented the minority of Senators representing just

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<v Speaker 1>thirty five of the American population, that he could bring

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<v Speaker 1>that political brand down to earth and voters would see

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<v Speaker 1>a gridlock Washington. They would see that Obama had not

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<v Speaker 1>delivered on his promises, and then Republicans would have roped

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<v Speaker 1>to massive political victories, as they did almost immediately in

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<v Speaker 1>the two dozen and ten midterms, and Republicans gained enormous

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<v Speaker 1>numbers of seats in both the House and Senate. So

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<v Speaker 1>you know, he brought gridlock. The problem is it worked

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<v Speaker 1>and that has increased the incentives for both sides to

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<v Speaker 1>deploy gridlock, which is a shame. Right, This whole idea

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<v Speaker 1>of bipartisan deals, I think, you know, go back multiple decades.

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<v Speaker 1>I've said this a million times Adam on Air. I

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<v Speaker 1>remember being in a a Bloomberg event. This was a few

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<v Speaker 1>years ago, and it was Alan Greenspan and he said

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<v Speaker 1>when he got to Washington in the seventies, he'd go

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<v Speaker 1>to a social event and you would have both Democrats

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<v Speaker 1>and Republicans at that social event, socializing. He said, now

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<v Speaker 1>you would do something and this was mind you still

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<v Speaker 1>a few years ago, but he said, you'd go somewhere

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<v Speaker 1>and it was either all Democrats are all Republicans. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>how did we get so far away from from being

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<v Speaker 1>you know, lawmakers represented by we the people, um to

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<v Speaker 1>do our bidding right while we go about working supporting

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<v Speaker 1>our families. Right. It was interesting. I had a car

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<v Speaker 1>ride in this morning. Is an immigrant and older individual,

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<v Speaker 1>very thoughtful. He said, we're the ones you and me.

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<v Speaker 1>He pointed to me, you know, to keep the engine going,

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<v Speaker 1>the engine being the economy. He said, our voice, we

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<v Speaker 1>vote for those to protect us. We put you there

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<v Speaker 1>to be our eyes, and this is what you give us.

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<v Speaker 1>He said. The word that describes this moment for him

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<v Speaker 1>politically is betrayal. I had to write it down because

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<v Speaker 1>it just stood with me. But right, this is what

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<v Speaker 1>our lawmakers are, policymakers, Democrats and both Republicans. I hate

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<v Speaker 1>to point the finger, but you know, it's just becomes

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<v Speaker 1>so dysfunctional. No, that's absolutely right. And the problem is

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<v Speaker 1>that our political system has come to incentivize gridlock. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, these are larger forces at work. These are

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<v Speaker 1>the forces of polarization that we see in all aspects

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<v Speaker 1>of our lives, right where we shock. Uh you know

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<v Speaker 1>what what we watch on TV, all those things, the

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<v Speaker 1>big sort. Uh, it's come to the Senate. And the

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<v Speaker 1>Senate was one of the last American institutions to actually

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<v Speaker 1>fall to this sorting. But it has fallen now. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>And what that means is that the party that's out

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<v Speaker 1>of power has enormous incentives to block the other side

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<v Speaker 1>so that they can regain power. Now, one of the

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<v Speaker 1>things that's interesting here is that you would expect sort

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<v Speaker 1>of narrow majorities to increase the possibility for bipartisanship. Right,

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<v Speaker 1>they're both parties sort of have evenly balanced power, maybe

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<v Speaker 1>they'll work together. The problem is political scientists have found

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<v Speaker 1>for for decades now, is that narrow majorities actually increase

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<v Speaker 1>the incentives to obstruct because the party that's out of

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<v Speaker 1>power knows it only takes one or two more seats

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<v Speaker 1>for them to get back into power. So if they

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<v Speaker 1>make the party in power look bad, they the party

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<v Speaker 1>out of power and the very next election can ride

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<v Speaker 1>that voter discontent back to power by gaining just a

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<v Speaker 1>few seats. Some narrow majorities can actually be very bad

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<v Speaker 1>for cooperation. One last quick question, Is there a simple

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<v Speaker 1>way out? I think I think you need to Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>I think you need to get rid of the filibuster,

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<v Speaker 1>but also restore some living incentives for senators to be

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<v Speaker 1>on the floor together, to talk to each other, to

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<v Speaker 1>bring amendments to the floor, to deconstruct the power of

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<v Speaker 1>leadership so that rank and file senators can bring bills

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<v Speaker 1>to the floor. You need to make the Senate the

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<v Speaker 1>free and open place again. That's what it was designed

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<v Speaker 1>to be, and I think you need to it back

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<v Speaker 1>to that God. It's time to like pull out the

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<v Speaker 1>history books and remember what this is supposed to be

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<v Speaker 1>all about. Adam Gentlesen, thank you so much. Public Affairs Director,

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<v Speaker 1>Democracy Forward, former Deputy chief of Staff to Senator Harry Read.

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<v Speaker 1>His new book that is out, Kill Switch, The Rise

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<v Speaker 1>of the Modern Senate and the Crippling of American Democracy

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<v Speaker 1>really just gets to the heart of some of our problems.