WEBVTT - 15 Judges Will Rehear Emoluments Case

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes at the Bloomberg Law Podcast, on Apple podcast, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. President Trump's decision

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<v Speaker 1>to host the G seven summit at his deral resort

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<v Speaker 1>sparked an immediate backlash and concerns that Trump continues to dismiss.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think you people in this Phonia monuments laws.

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<v Speaker 1>And by the way, I would say that it's cost

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<v Speaker 1>me anywhere from two to five billion dollars to be president,

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<v Speaker 1>and that's okay. Between what I lose and what I

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<v Speaker 1>could have made, I would have made a fortune. The

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<v Speaker 1>President reversed himself on that decision, and a federal appeals

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<v Speaker 1>court is now in a position to reverse itself on

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<v Speaker 1>the question of whether Trump used his office to enrich

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<v Speaker 1>himself in violation of the Constitution's emoluments clauses. The US

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<v Speaker 1>Appeals Court for the Fourth Circuit in Virginia has voted

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<v Speaker 1>to re here an emoluments case brought by the Attorneys

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<v Speaker 1>General of d C in Maryland on bank joining me

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<v Speaker 1>is Andrew Kent, a professor at Fordham Law School. So

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<v Speaker 1>the case will be reheard on December twelve with the

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<v Speaker 1>full Fourth Circuit fifteen judges or more and on bank hearing,

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<v Speaker 1>which is rare in any circuit. How significant is this

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<v Speaker 1>I think it is significant. It usually signals that there's uh,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, a pretty decent number of judges who are

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<v Speaker 1>dissatisfied with what the three judge panel did. So it

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<v Speaker 1>could be bad news for President Trump. Possibly. We've heard

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<v Speaker 1>the term emoluments a lot since Trump became president. Have

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<v Speaker 1>the legal issues around the emoluments clauses been interpreted by

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<v Speaker 1>the courts very little? There's a little bit of activity.

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<v Speaker 1>And these are the first times ever that courts have

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<v Speaker 1>interpreted the monuments clauses of the Constitution. There's been, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>some differences of opinion about it, and certainly the plaintiffs

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<v Speaker 1>in these cases and President Trump and his lawyers have

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<v Speaker 1>extremely front views about what the amoluments clauses prohibit. Can

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<v Speaker 1>you generally say what those views are? Sure? The President's

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<v Speaker 1>view is is that, you know, among other things, sort

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<v Speaker 1>of ordinary commercial transactions, you might say, arms length transactions

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<v Speaker 1>such as Kuwaiti and Saudi government officials staying at the

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<v Speaker 1>Trump hotel, which is one of the allegations, and the

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<v Speaker 1>Planets complained. They would say that those are not the

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<v Speaker 1>type of thing that are covered by the clause. The

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<v Speaker 1>clause would ban giving you a cash payment to the

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<v Speaker 1>president or something like that, But when the president is

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<v Speaker 1>offering goods to the market generally and a foreign government

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<v Speaker 1>happens to to purchase them, they would say that's not

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<v Speaker 1>an a molument. And the Planets have a much broader view.

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<v Speaker 1>They essentially think that any kinds of payments, including profits

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<v Speaker 1>from ordinary commercial transactions from foreign governments, you know, could

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<v Speaker 1>violate the foreign amoluments clause. So with President Trump maintaining

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<v Speaker 1>his ownership in companies that do business with foreign diplomats,

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<v Speaker 1>it's sort of hard to see the line. Did Trump's

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<v Speaker 1>choice of his direct raw resort cross the line? You know?

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<v Speaker 1>I think even he may have recognized that across the line,

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<v Speaker 1>since he walked it back pretty quickly. Government ethicists were

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<v Speaker 1>outraged about that pretty uniformly. Steering a contract to yourself

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<v Speaker 1>is pretty much at the core of the criminal law

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<v Speaker 1>against using the government's money. So yeah, I think a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of people felt across the line, and then depending

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<v Speaker 1>on what the financial arrangements would have been, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the plantiffs in these cases that the Fourth Circus hearing

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<v Speaker 1>would also, I think, have thought that there were moluments

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<v Speaker 1>violations when foreign governments would have been paying Trump to

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<v Speaker 1>stay at the Durell Resort. From everything that his acting

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<v Speaker 1>chief of Staff McK mulvaney said, the President was surprised

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<v Speaker 1>at the blowback, and the reversal wasn't based on legal considerations.

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<v Speaker 1>It seemed to be based on political considerations. Yeah, I

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<v Speaker 1>can't imagine how they could have truly have been surprised.

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<v Speaker 1>It was just, on its face, just pretty outrageous. But

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<v Speaker 1>you know, maybe maybe they were surprised. I think you

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<v Speaker 1>remember this is you know, the president, who you know

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<v Speaker 1>was was supposedly surprised that people were upset when he

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<v Speaker 1>fired Jim comey um. You know that was the reporting

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<v Speaker 1>that that happened at the time too, So you know,

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<v Speaker 1>maybe and the political feelers about what's gonna what's going

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<v Speaker 1>to seem you know, really across the line to a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of people are not what they have been for

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<v Speaker 1>other presidents. I'm not sure is a violation of the

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<v Speaker 1>emoluments clauses an impeachable offense. I would think that it

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<v Speaker 1>certainly could be. You know, the impeachable offenses are. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>there's obviously a lot of disagreement about it, but at

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<v Speaker 1>its core are kind of great abuses of the office.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, certainly abusing the office for personal gain would

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<v Speaker 1>be at the core of the kinds of things that

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<v Speaker 1>that motivated putting the impeachment clause in the Constitution. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>the folks who wrote the Constitution were very worried about

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<v Speaker 1>corruption and an influence coming from foreign governments because remember,

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<v Speaker 1>the United States was quite small and weak when you know,

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<v Speaker 1>we were first independent. So it's easy to find the

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<v Speaker 1>quotes from James Madison and people like that, basically saying

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<v Speaker 1>the president who kind of sells out the United States

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<v Speaker 1>for the luker of a foreign country should be subject

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<v Speaker 1>to impeachment. So this this is pretty close to the

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<v Speaker 1>core of what impeachment is. For the Fourth Circuit hearing

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<v Speaker 1>this case on Bank is the second major setback for

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<v Speaker 1>Trump in emoluments cases. Last month, the Second Circuit Court

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<v Speaker 1>of Appeals in Manhattan revived a similar lawsuit that had

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<v Speaker 1>been dismissed by a federal judge in that decision. Did

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<v Speaker 1>the Second Circuit basically criticize the Fourth Circuit? So there

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<v Speaker 1>are different views between the courts. I mean, courts tried

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<v Speaker 1>to be collegial. They can and do disagree about things.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, I think one of the many things that

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<v Speaker 1>might be why the Fourth Circuit is rehearing it is

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<v Speaker 1>the panel opinion. The three judge opinion was extremely dismissive

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<v Speaker 1>of the lawsuit. I mean, there's the language in there

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<v Speaker 1>that feels maybe even a little unnecessary saying that basically,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, why do Maryland and d C even think

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<v Speaker 1>that this is a proper case to come to court?

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<v Speaker 1>And almost a suggestion that they're kind of wasting the

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<v Speaker 1>court's time by bringing the case. Second Circuit has a

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<v Speaker 1>very different view. You know, the primary regulator of presidential

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<v Speaker 1>emoluments is supposed to be Congress. You know, the constitutions

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<v Speaker 1>suggests that Congress could decide to permit certain emoluments or

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<v Speaker 1>gifts from foreign countries if they wanted to to the president.

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<v Speaker 1>But simply because Congress has a role to play here,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think that means as the Fourth Circuit suggested that,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, there's no business at all for judicial review

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<v Speaker 1>of the constitutionality. So you know, they're pretty different, pretty

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<v Speaker 1>different approaches to the sort of propriety of judicial oversight

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<v Speaker 1>by the two courts. What is it that the appellate

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<v Speaker 1>courts are seeing that the lower courts are not, or

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<v Speaker 1>is it based on whether a court is more conservative

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<v Speaker 1>or more liberal. So the issue of standing, which is

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<v Speaker 1>the question about sort, is this the right plain iff

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<v Speaker 1>to bring? This claim is one that a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>people think is fairly political in the sense of not

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<v Speaker 1>partisan politics. But it can be influenced by judges predispositions

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<v Speaker 1>and ideologies about an issue. And that's because the law

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<v Speaker 1>is a mushy and you often see a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>five four splits in the Supreme Court on standing questions.

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<v Speaker 1>You know. So generally speaking, more liberal judges and justices

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<v Speaker 1>tend to want the courts to be more broadly open

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<v Speaker 1>to hear a wider range of kinds of claims, and

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<v Speaker 1>especially claims maybe about government illegality, And generally speaking, more

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<v Speaker 1>conservative judges and justice tend to want sort of stricter

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<v Speaker 1>rules about who can come into court and fewer lawsuits

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<v Speaker 1>about challenging government illegality. So I think withstanding questions about

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<v Speaker 1>suing a sitting president. It's probably somewhat inevitable that there

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<v Speaker 1>might be different perspectives on the issue between more liberal

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<v Speaker 1>and more conservative justice and judges. In the three judges

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<v Speaker 1>that heard the original case in the Fourth Circuit were

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<v Speaker 1>Republican appointees, and by an eight to seven margin, the

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<v Speaker 1>full on Band Court is just barely Democratic appointees in

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<v Speaker 1>the majority. So just because of that, and because of

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<v Speaker 1>the nature of these standing issues, and because of kind

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<v Speaker 1>of the inherently sensitive political nature of lawsuits against the

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<v Speaker 1>president of the United States, there could well be a

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<v Speaker 1>shift between the the original panel and the larger court

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<v Speaker 1>because of the democratic appointing majority. Another federal appeals court,

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<v Speaker 1>the d C. Circuit, is also considering an emoluments lawsuit.

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<v Speaker 1>So you have these different cases bouncing back and forth

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<v Speaker 1>from the appellate court of the district court, and in

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<v Speaker 1>the end, is it going to the Supreme Court that

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<v Speaker 1>makes a final decision on what violates the emoluments clauses.

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<v Speaker 1>I would think that this is the kind of case

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<v Speaker 1>that the Spreme Court would feel that they would need

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<v Speaker 1>to take. You know, the court doesn't have to take

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<v Speaker 1>almost any case. It has a wider amount of discretion,

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<v Speaker 1>but they generally think that cases of exceptional public interests

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<v Speaker 1>in public importance, especially something like this that involves a

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<v Speaker 1>novel clause of the Constitution being applied against a sitting president.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, there's a lot of reasons why the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court would think that they should ultimately step in here

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<v Speaker 1>and resolve these questions. But Andrew, how long would it

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<v Speaker 1>be before the Supreme Court could hear that? Might it

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<v Speaker 1>be before elections or not? Well, Supreme Court has a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of control over that, so that you know, the

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<v Speaker 1>Court can and sometimes does act exceptionally quickly when they

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<v Speaker 1>feel the need to. So you know, we all remember

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<v Speaker 1>the litigation coming out of the contested two thousand election

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<v Speaker 1>between Al Gore and George W. Bush. Their Spreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>was acting within days to schedule arguments and to hear

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<v Speaker 1>cases and issue decisions extremely quickly. The Court has the

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<v Speaker 1>ability to do that if it wants to, but they

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<v Speaker 1>don't always want to. Um, you know, there might be

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<v Speaker 1>reasons why they would prefer to just have a case

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<v Speaker 1>on an ordinary schedule and let you know, months go

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<v Speaker 1>in between the filing of briefs and and all these things.

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<v Speaker 1>So you know, we shouldn't think that the Court doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>have the ability to do this fast. They do have

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<v Speaker 1>the ability, and so they I think we'll be signaling

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<v Speaker 1>something pretty important about their preferences, you know, when we

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<v Speaker 1>see once they're asked to step in, whether they do so,

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<v Speaker 1>and what kind of schedule they set for themselves. Thanks Andrew.

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<v Speaker 1>That's Andrew can To, professor at Fordham Law School. Thanks

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<v Speaker 1>for listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can subscribe

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<v Speaker 1>and listen to the show on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud, and

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<v Speaker 1>on Bloomberg dot com slash podcast. I am June Brosso.

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg