WEBVTT - Sarah Palin Takes on the New York Times

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Bresso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>There are next door neighbors and you can actually see

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<v Speaker 1>Russia from land here in Alaska. Former Alaska governor and

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<v Speaker 1>vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin is known for her gaffs,

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<v Speaker 1>from saying that Paul Revere warned the British to saying

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution is based on the Bible. The list goes

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<v Speaker 1>on and on. However, it's not Palin but The New

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<v Speaker 1>York Times that's on trial for false statements in a

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<v Speaker 1>defamation case. Palin claims the newspaper hurt her reputation with

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<v Speaker 1>the twenty seventeen opinion piece that tried to tie her

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<v Speaker 1>political rhetoric to a deadly shooting. It's an uphill battle

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<v Speaker 1>because of the Supreme Courts landmark nineteen sixty four decision

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<v Speaker 1>in New York Times v. Sullivan. But Palin maybe looking

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<v Speaker 1>beyond the New York trial to a Supreme Court where

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<v Speaker 1>two justices have asked it revisiting the Sullivan decision joining

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<v Speaker 1>me is got him hands. A professor at Vanderbilt Law

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<v Speaker 1>School tell us about the New York Times standard that

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<v Speaker 1>Palin is going to have to meet. So in deformation cases.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court has established that for public figures like

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<v Speaker 1>Sarah Palin, the plaintiff Palin in this case needs to

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<v Speaker 1>establish that actual malice was present, that that that the

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<v Speaker 1>publishers choices were so agreed to this. It's such a

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<v Speaker 1>high level that they meet that actual malice standard. This

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<v Speaker 1>is because part of our First Amendment tradition in this

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<v Speaker 1>country is that we want to encourage speech, We want

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<v Speaker 1>to encourage debate, particularly about public officials, public people, and

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<v Speaker 1>so any kind of lower standard than actual malice might

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<v Speaker 1>discourage that kind of public discourse that the First Amendment

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<v Speaker 1>is aiming to promote. The Time hasn't lost a defamation

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<v Speaker 1>case in more than half a century. So is that

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<v Speaker 1>a very high bar for plaintiffs to get over. Yes,

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<v Speaker 1>it's very difficult for plaintiffs to prevail in defamation cases,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly when they're public officials like Sarah Palin, because of

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court's decisions dating back to the Sullivan case

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<v Speaker 1>from their early sixties. That's why, as you noted, the

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<v Speaker 1>Times says frequently prevailed as it defendant in such cases.

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<v Speaker 1>If Palin loses here, where does Supreme Court take this case?

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<v Speaker 1>Is it likely I think it's hard to say lawyers

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<v Speaker 1>love to disclaim predictive qualities when it comes to the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court. I do think that Palin and her legal

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<v Speaker 1>team realize that it's going to be difficult for them

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<v Speaker 1>to win under the current law. Sometimes people bring cases

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<v Speaker 1>thinking that, well, maybe we'll lose at the trial level,

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<v Speaker 1>maybe we'll even lose at the appellate court level. We're

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<v Speaker 1>going to aim for the Supreme Court so we can

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<v Speaker 1>try to get the change to the law from the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court. And I think in this case that's not

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<v Speaker 1>a wild bet to make, because at least two Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court justices have some concerns about the precedent from the

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<v Speaker 1>Sullivan Kates from the sixties, both Justices Thomas and Corsets.

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<v Speaker 1>Clarence Thomas and the Corsets have made written statements saying

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<v Speaker 1>that the Sullivan precedent and potentially the actual malice standard

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<v Speaker 1>need to be revisited or to be revisited by the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court. So it takes four votes on the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court to grant sir serrari for review of a case,

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<v Speaker 1>and we know there are possibly two, so that's halfway there.

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<v Speaker 1>I think the possibility that there are another two. It's

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<v Speaker 1>certainly conceivable to me. What are the reasons for thinking

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<v Speaker 1>it's time to revisit New York Times Sullivan. I think

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<v Speaker 1>that the Sullivan decision, although I think really necessary to

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<v Speaker 1>promote a free press in ensuring that we can have

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<v Speaker 1>a kind of public debate we want in this country,

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<v Speaker 1>has had critics since it came down in the sixties,

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<v Speaker 1>and in part because it's made defamation cases harder for

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<v Speaker 1>plaintiffs to win on If you look at the UK,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, they have a very different standard and so

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<v Speaker 1>it's easier in in libel cases in the UK for

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<v Speaker 1>plaintiffs to prevail. And so I suppose that some people

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<v Speaker 1>feel that Sullivan doesn't work, or maybe in a digital

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<v Speaker 1>economy with a different kind of news media landscape, that

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<v Speaker 1>it's not applicable. So I think that there might be

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<v Speaker 1>appetite and certainly, as I mentioned, there is from the

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<v Speaker 1>justiceist of Coursation Thomas to maybe live in Sullivan or

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<v Speaker 1>make it a bit easier for plaintiffs to win deformation cases.

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<v Speaker 1>I think there are lots of ways that we could

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<v Speaker 1>see the court moving were they to take the Paling

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<v Speaker 1>case or another case like it. You know, I think

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<v Speaker 1>many Supreme Court observers and many citizens have noticed that

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court has been revisiting a lot of its

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<v Speaker 1>long standing precedents in recent years, Rovi Wade being the

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<v Speaker 1>most obvious, and so this might be another entry on

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<v Speaker 1>that list of long standing cases that, given the conservative

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<v Speaker 1>nature and the Supreme Court's current members, could be up

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<v Speaker 1>for revisiting. Can you explain why there has been this

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<v Speaker 1>conservative outcry against the Sullivan decision because it protects what

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<v Speaker 1>people see as liberal media as well as what people

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<v Speaker 1>see as conservative media. It protects them both. Yeah, I

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<v Speaker 1>think that's part of the reasons that I'm concerned about

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<v Speaker 1>the possibility of revisiting Sullivan, because the First Amendment, I

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<v Speaker 1>like to say, doesn't have a partisan balance. We all

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<v Speaker 1>benefit from the person number protections. They don't just accrue

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<v Speaker 1>to liberal sort of servatives. And so what's good for

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<v Speaker 1>the goose is good for the gander. And you could

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<v Speaker 1>see a limiting of Solivan not just harm to New

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<v Speaker 1>York Times, but harm right wing media publications as well.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that there's a lot of antipathy on the

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<v Speaker 1>right towards what they consider the media, the mainstream media,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think that this case is certainly part of

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<v Speaker 1>that trend. I think to think that it's only going

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<v Speaker 1>to harm the mainstream media is shortsighted, as the Sullivan

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<v Speaker 1>decision and the person and that were broadly present all

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<v Speaker 1>of us, not just on one side for the other,

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<v Speaker 1>so that I think is lurking under the surface of

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<v Speaker 1>the appetite for limiting the Solivan decision. I know that

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<v Speaker 1>there's been some scholarship noting that judges have become much

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<v Speaker 1>more hostile to the media in decisions over the last

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<v Speaker 1>few decades, and I think that's the sign of the

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<v Speaker 1>larger public disapproval or maybe hostility towards what they perceive

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<v Speaker 1>of as the mainstream media. Was an editorial piece, is

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<v Speaker 1>that treated differently than a straight news story. That distinction

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think is really drawn in the cases, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>in part because I think that's not always a clear line.

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<v Speaker 1>Certainly for The Times, that they have that distinction between

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<v Speaker 1>the news and the opinion desks, But I don't think

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<v Speaker 1>that's material to this case. The Sulivan decision was actually

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<v Speaker 1>about an advertisement, so it really comes down to what

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<v Speaker 1>the publisher is promulgating in its media. The Times argues

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<v Speaker 1>that it was an honest mistake and that it corrected

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<v Speaker 1>the errors in about twelve hours. Is that a good

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<v Speaker 1>defense under the Sullivan standard. Yeah. I think that's the

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<v Speaker 1>strong point in the Times of favor that they acted expeditiously,

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<v Speaker 1>relatively speaking, to correct it. I think that the plaintift

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<v Speaker 1>Tarapinlan and her legal team would probably note that twelve

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<v Speaker 1>hours in a digital eco system is like twelve days

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<v Speaker 1>in the past, and that's maybe part of why they

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<v Speaker 1>think that Sullivan doesn't work well in today's media landscape

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<v Speaker 1>because of the acceleration of the time horizon. But you know,

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<v Speaker 1>that's not part of the current standard under the law.

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<v Speaker 1>Perhaps it might be if that's where it goes on appeal.

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<v Speaker 1>How would you describe what reckless disregard is, because all

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<v Speaker 1>these pieces go through various levels at newspapers. I think

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<v Speaker 1>that would have to be just completely shutting your eyes

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<v Speaker 1>and ignoring the evidence to a really high degree, because

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<v Speaker 1>it's part of the reason it's a high standard. It

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<v Speaker 1>really needs to demonstrate the complete lack of any kind

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<v Speaker 1>of care. And I think the Times would argue that

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<v Speaker 1>that's not president this case. You know, some of the

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<v Speaker 1>defamation cases that have been going on as of late

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<v Speaker 1>that implicate the standard. You know, I think the dominion

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<v Speaker 1>case based one of them about voting machines there. I

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<v Speaker 1>think the plaintiffs have argued that there's this complete and

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<v Speaker 1>constant putting your head in the stand on the part

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<v Speaker 1>of the media organization in those cases. So it really

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<v Speaker 1>needs to be pretty flagrant, which is part of the

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<v Speaker 1>reason that most plaintiffs have a hard time winning. I'm wondering,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, at night, you have TV hosts saying some

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<v Speaker 1>pretty outrageous things, and without the time standard, would they

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<v Speaker 1>be held on a tighter rein yes, I think so.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that you would see much more caution and

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<v Speaker 1>maybe even hesitancy from members of the media, from interviewees,

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<v Speaker 1>and that cuts both ways. I think that some would

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<v Speaker 1>say that, you know, we need to have more care,

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<v Speaker 1>that the people should be more guarded or thoughtful about

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<v Speaker 1>their statements. But more commonly, at least existing cases, the

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<v Speaker 1>courts have said, no, you know, the First Amendment is

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<v Speaker 1>really broad for a reason, and we are trying to

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<v Speaker 1>avoid a kind of self policing or a fear of

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<v Speaker 1>use and legal action. That the best way to have

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<v Speaker 1>people try to be cautious about what they say is

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<v Speaker 1>not for the specter of the lawsuit to be present,

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<v Speaker 1>but rather for social mores and and other ways of

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<v Speaker 1>societal cohesion about certain ideas is better. Oftentimes lawyers in

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<v Speaker 1>sectors will say, you know, there are lots of social

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<v Speaker 1>problems that we have, but maybe the law is the

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<v Speaker 1>best way to address those. The law is not always

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<v Speaker 1>the best tool to try to promote certain goals or

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<v Speaker 1>discourage certain outcomes. And the broad standard that we have

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<v Speaker 1>now sort of takes lawsuits largely off the table for

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<v Speaker 1>defamation and moves us to a setting where society as

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<v Speaker 1>a whole, or American culture as a whole, can try

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<v Speaker 1>to decide what's inbounds and what's out of bounds. Of course,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm in the polarized era like today. That's very hard

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<v Speaker 1>to achieve, and it maybe even impossible, And perhaps that's

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<v Speaker 1>why the lack of a social mechanism for developing ideas

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<v Speaker 1>is perhaps why some people are more optimistic about some

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<v Speaker 1>kind of legal outcome. Very expensive case, and if it

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<v Speaker 1>goes to the Supreme Court, even more expensive. Is she

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<v Speaker 1>paying her lawyers or these lawyers pro bono or do

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<v Speaker 1>you have any idea about them? I don't know about that.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, there's lots of ways to finance lawsuits. It

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<v Speaker 1>could be a pro bono. I think sometimes you see

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<v Speaker 1>expensive cases being litigated pro bono because they're high profile,

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<v Speaker 1>or they might accrue some kind of social standing. There

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<v Speaker 1>is litigation financing that seems to be a little odd

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<v Speaker 1>in this kind of situation. But you know, there's all

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<v Speaker 1>sorts of ways that you can imagine the case finance.

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<v Speaker 1>But I think that pro bono or reduced hourly rate

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<v Speaker 1>certainly possible for a high profile case where if they win,

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<v Speaker 1>not only do they win big potentially on a financial reward,

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<v Speaker 1>but they may also win reputationally as the legal team

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<v Speaker 1>that took down or limited Sullivan and took down or

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<v Speaker 1>or harmed the Times. Is this the highest profile defamation

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<v Speaker 1>case that we've seen in a while. This is I

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<v Speaker 1>think the most high profile example of a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>defamation cases that are being litigated right now are being contemplated,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think there's one against the Southern Poverty Law

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<v Speaker 1>Center as well. And so I think those who are

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<v Speaker 1>opposed to Sullivan smell blood in the water because of

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<v Speaker 1>the statements of justice is Courstitch and Thomas, and I

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<v Speaker 1>suspect that we will see if not in this case,

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<v Speaker 1>some other case that may pique the Supreme Court's interest.

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<v Speaker 1>As a scholar in this area, do you think that

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<v Speaker 1>times the Sullivan is the right standard? I think so yes,

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<v Speaker 1>because I think it is really allowed for the growth

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<v Speaker 1>of media and a real strong or stronger media landscape

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<v Speaker 1>than we would have had otherwise. In terms of the

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<v Speaker 1>differences of opinions. I mentioned the UK. If you look there,

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<v Speaker 1>there's a lot of reporting that happens in the US

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<v Speaker 1>that can't be done in the UK, particularly because of

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<v Speaker 1>their higher prevailing rates for livel cases. And so I

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<v Speaker 1>think it is on balanced good. I understand some of

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<v Speaker 1>the concerns, but I think a world without the Sullivan

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<v Speaker 1>case would really be to all of our detriment. Thanks

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<v Speaker 1>for being on the show that's got him, Hans of

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<v Speaker 1>Vanderbilt Law School President. Joe Biden's unprecedented inaugural day firing

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<v Speaker 1>of the Federal Labor Board's top lawyer during the Trump

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<v Speaker 1>administration is teed up for judicial review at a Republican

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<v Speaker 1>dominated US appeals court in New Orleans. Business software firm

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<v Speaker 1>Excella Enterprise says that Biden did not have the legal

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<v Speaker 1>authority to remove former National Labor Relations Board General Counsel

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<v Speaker 1>Peter Robb. The company argues that made the actions of

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<v Speaker 1>Rob's replacement legally invalid. Those actions included issuing an unfair

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<v Speaker 1>labor practice complaint against Excella for failing to bargain with

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<v Speaker 1>a union, leading to an n l RB ruling against

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<v Speaker 1>the company. Joe Aemy is Anne Lafosso, a law professor

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<v Speaker 1>at West Virginia University, and tell us about the issue here.

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<v Speaker 1>So the question here is whether the President was allowed

0:14:11.679 --> 0:14:18.839
<v Speaker 1>to remove the General Council from the National Labor Relations Board,

0:14:19.040 --> 0:14:21.360
<v Speaker 1>which the President did. It was one of his very

0:14:21.440 --> 0:14:23.520
<v Speaker 1>very first acts on January twenty though it might have

0:14:23.520 --> 0:14:27.880
<v Speaker 1>been the twenty one, and he removed the General Council

0:14:28.080 --> 0:14:32.840
<v Speaker 1>Peter Rob and eventually he put in acting General Council

0:14:32.920 --> 0:14:35.560
<v Speaker 1>Peter Or although there was a step in between. There

0:14:35.600 --> 0:14:39.360
<v Speaker 1>was an interim acting one, and then eventually there is

0:14:39.440 --> 0:14:44.200
<v Speaker 1>now a full pledged general Counsel in there, Jennifer Bruzzo,

0:14:44.720 --> 0:14:47.800
<v Speaker 1>who has been with the advice and consent of the Senate,

0:14:47.840 --> 0:14:51.280
<v Speaker 1>has been approved by the Senate, so she's in there legitimately.

0:14:51.320 --> 0:14:54.240
<v Speaker 1>At this point, the question here is whether or not

0:14:54.480 --> 0:14:59.640
<v Speaker 1>that act was constitutional. And if it was unconstitutional, does

0:14:59.680 --> 0:15:04.560
<v Speaker 1>that mean that this case now is void. Do you

0:15:04.640 --> 0:15:08.600
<v Speaker 1>know why Biden moved right away to remove him. Yeah,

0:15:08.800 --> 0:15:14.040
<v Speaker 1>The unions felt that Peter rob was moving in a

0:15:14.040 --> 0:15:17.320
<v Speaker 1>direction that was at a very accelerated pace that was

0:15:17.400 --> 0:15:20.680
<v Speaker 1>very anti union. Now, whether that's true or not, but

0:15:20.720 --> 0:15:25.120
<v Speaker 1>that certainly was the perception of unions, and that he

0:15:25.240 --> 0:15:29.400
<v Speaker 1>was constantly challenging the way the board had done things

0:15:29.600 --> 0:15:35.200
<v Speaker 1>for three quarters of a century. And so unions put

0:15:35.240 --> 0:15:40.000
<v Speaker 1>pressure on Biden to get rid of Rob as soon

0:15:40.040 --> 0:15:43.240
<v Speaker 1>as possible in order to, in their view, limit the

0:15:43.280 --> 0:15:47.000
<v Speaker 1>damage that Rob was doing. Because the general counsel can

0:15:47.120 --> 0:15:51.000
<v Speaker 1>shape exactly what goes before the board, the board can't

0:15:51.000 --> 0:15:54.680
<v Speaker 1>do anything without a case before it, so it's very

0:15:54.720 --> 0:15:56.920
<v Speaker 1>important too. The general counsel is in the n l RB,

0:15:57.720 --> 0:16:01.040
<v Speaker 1>so tell us what the company excels position is here.

0:16:01.760 --> 0:16:06.000
<v Speaker 1>So the company allegedly engaged in unfairly practice. The board

0:16:06.040 --> 0:16:09.280
<v Speaker 1>found that unfairly practice. So the company says, oh, that's

0:16:09.280 --> 0:16:10.880
<v Speaker 1>all well and good. We don't think we did it

0:16:10.880 --> 0:16:13.440
<v Speaker 1>at all. We don't think we acted unlawfully. But even

0:16:13.480 --> 0:16:16.600
<v Speaker 1>if we did act unlawfully, um, this whole case is

0:16:16.680 --> 0:16:19.840
<v Speaker 1>void because the General Council was not allowed to bring

0:16:19.880 --> 0:16:24.920
<v Speaker 1>this case because the General Council was appointed unconstitutionally. Has

0:16:24.960 --> 0:16:30.360
<v Speaker 1>the n l RB ruled on Biden's termination of rob Yes,

0:16:30.560 --> 0:16:33.920
<v Speaker 1>and it says that the Supreme Court's case and Collins v.

0:16:34.040 --> 0:16:37.400
<v Speaker 1>Yellen um closes the door to that. So, in other words,

0:16:37.680 --> 0:16:43.360
<v Speaker 1>that it is perfectly fine what Biden did because the

0:16:43.440 --> 0:16:46.720
<v Speaker 1>case that was before the Supreme Court last term, Collins b. Yellen,

0:16:47.160 --> 0:16:51.920
<v Speaker 1>makes it very clear that the president has removal authority

0:16:51.960 --> 0:16:56.800
<v Speaker 1>over agencies, administrative agencies. So Collins v. Ellen is one

0:16:56.840 --> 0:16:59.600
<v Speaker 1>of two cases. There's Sailor Law and Collins v. Yellen.

0:16:59.680 --> 0:17:02.640
<v Speaker 1>And this is what's really important here is that in

0:17:02.680 --> 0:17:07.080
<v Speaker 1>these two cases, the Supreme Court held that the president

0:17:07.400 --> 0:17:13.240
<v Speaker 1>has authority to remove lesser executive officials. So essentially, Article

0:17:13.359 --> 0:17:17.439
<v Speaker 1>to vest the full executive power in the presidents, and

0:17:17.560 --> 0:17:22.879
<v Speaker 1>that generally requires that the president maintain unrestricted removal power

0:17:23.040 --> 0:17:29.439
<v Speaker 1>over lesser executive officers who exercise significant executive authority, so

0:17:29.520 --> 0:17:33.080
<v Speaker 1>that the president is ultimately accountable to the people for

0:17:33.359 --> 0:17:37.920
<v Speaker 1>those actions. So, in other words, this is a very

0:17:37.960 --> 0:17:42.960
<v Speaker 1>expansive view of executive authority that the president has these

0:17:43.000 --> 0:17:48.480
<v Speaker 1>inherent powers, the full executive power to remove agency heads.

0:17:48.520 --> 0:17:52.240
<v Speaker 1>And therefore, even if Congress wrote into a statute that

0:17:52.280 --> 0:17:57.600
<v Speaker 1>there are restrictions on the president's power removal, those at

0:17:57.680 --> 0:18:01.120
<v Speaker 1>least so far been ruled unconstitution at all. I mean,

0:18:01.280 --> 0:18:05.600
<v Speaker 1>doesn't that answer this case. That's what the board said.

0:18:05.920 --> 0:18:11.240
<v Speaker 1>Now in their briefs, the company has their attorneys have

0:18:11.640 --> 0:18:17.239
<v Speaker 1>argued that, first of all, Um, section three of the

0:18:17.280 --> 0:18:23.439
<v Speaker 1>Act says that the president has the authority to remove

0:18:23.520 --> 0:18:26.879
<v Speaker 1>board members. Well, first of all, that might be, like

0:18:26.960 --> 0:18:31.840
<v Speaker 1>you suggested, that might be unconstitutional. But second, given these

0:18:31.920 --> 0:18:36.600
<v Speaker 1>cases before the Supreme Court. But now, Um, on top

0:18:36.640 --> 0:18:42.560
<v Speaker 1>of this, there's no text. There's actually no restriction on

0:18:42.600 --> 0:18:46.160
<v Speaker 1>the president's removal power in the National Abe Relations Act

0:18:46.520 --> 0:18:50.240
<v Speaker 1>with regard to the General Council. So it should answer

0:18:50.280 --> 0:18:54.119
<v Speaker 1>the question. Now, that's why I think they're probably teeing

0:18:54.200 --> 0:18:57.360
<v Speaker 1>up to re challenge this in the Supreme Court. So

0:18:57.760 --> 0:19:00.479
<v Speaker 1>it would be hard for the Fifth Circuit to go

0:19:00.560 --> 0:19:03.760
<v Speaker 1>against these two presidents because their mandatory authority for the

0:19:03.760 --> 0:19:06.160
<v Speaker 1>Fifth Circuit, And that's even though it's considered the most

0:19:06.200 --> 0:19:11.560
<v Speaker 1>conservative circuit in the country. Yeah, it's conservative, but it's

0:19:11.600 --> 0:19:14.480
<v Speaker 1>not going to be It can't be results oriented right.

0:19:14.920 --> 0:19:17.520
<v Speaker 1>So in other words, that's why a lot of people

0:19:17.560 --> 0:19:20.639
<v Speaker 1>think that conservative means it's gonna come up with a

0:19:20.640 --> 0:19:23.400
<v Speaker 1>conservative result. But I always tell my students what's good

0:19:23.400 --> 0:19:25.639
<v Speaker 1>for the goose is good for the gander. So if

0:19:25.680 --> 0:19:30.400
<v Speaker 1>you have a strong executive um authority, the president now

0:19:30.600 --> 0:19:34.360
<v Speaker 1>is very strong executive power. And by the way, that's

0:19:34.400 --> 0:19:38.439
<v Speaker 1>what Trump put into the Supreme Court, like Kavanaugh is

0:19:38.520 --> 0:19:42.960
<v Speaker 1>known for having very very strong beliefs about a strong

0:19:43.080 --> 0:19:47.240
<v Speaker 1>executive So we have Supreme Court right now that seems

0:19:47.240 --> 0:19:51.880
<v Speaker 1>to at least starting to favor very strong executive powers. Well, now,

0:19:51.960 --> 0:19:55.160
<v Speaker 1>that means when the president is a Democrat, the president

0:19:55.240 --> 0:19:59.000
<v Speaker 1>has strong executive powers. It doesn't matter whether the president

0:19:59.080 --> 0:20:03.199
<v Speaker 1>is pro business, pro labor, or whatever the presidents is.

0:20:03.680 --> 0:20:07.199
<v Speaker 1>That's strong executive powers. And the Fifth Circuit has no

0:20:07.320 --> 0:20:11.840
<v Speaker 1>choice but to go with the Supreme Court's precedents. So

0:20:11.880 --> 0:20:14.040
<v Speaker 1>the only thing the Fifth Circuit can do is if

0:20:14.080 --> 0:20:16.560
<v Speaker 1>it thinks that these cases are not not on point.

0:20:17.240 --> 0:20:20.840
<v Speaker 1>But it's really hard to imagine why they wouldn't be

0:20:20.880 --> 0:20:24.080
<v Speaker 1>on points because one of them, at least one of

0:20:24.119 --> 0:20:27.280
<v Speaker 1>them deals with an independent agency like the National Labor

0:20:27.320 --> 0:20:32.480
<v Speaker 1>Relations Board, And in fact, these cases are weaker than

0:20:32.520 --> 0:20:34.359
<v Speaker 1>the case right now in the n LRB, because in

0:20:34.359 --> 0:20:39.560
<v Speaker 1>the l RB case, there's literally no text that puts

0:20:39.760 --> 0:20:43.399
<v Speaker 1>a limit on the president's removal power. So what they

0:20:43.400 --> 0:20:46.280
<v Speaker 1>could try to argue is, well, the president doesn't have

0:20:46.440 --> 0:20:49.880
<v Speaker 1>removal power because not in the text. Except these cases

0:20:49.880 --> 0:20:53.160
<v Speaker 1>stand for a sort of inherent power that the president

0:20:53.240 --> 0:20:56.960
<v Speaker 1>has to remove under the Constitution. So they're saying that

0:20:57.680 --> 0:21:01.119
<v Speaker 1>the n l r AS removal sections for n l

0:21:01.240 --> 0:21:04.880
<v Speaker 1>r B members also applied to the General Council. Does

0:21:04.960 --> 0:21:08.359
<v Speaker 1>that make sense to you? Under Section three of the Act,

0:21:08.600 --> 0:21:13.280
<v Speaker 1>the President cannot remove board members except for cause. It's

0:21:13.359 --> 0:21:16.960
<v Speaker 1>limited cause to They define it as this one says

0:21:17.000 --> 0:21:19.280
<v Speaker 1>any member of the Board may be removed by the

0:21:19.280 --> 0:21:22.639
<v Speaker 1>President upon notice and hearing for neglect of duty or

0:21:22.720 --> 0:21:26.560
<v Speaker 1>mouthfeasance in office, but for no other cause. And then

0:21:26.600 --> 0:21:29.880
<v Speaker 1>it says nothing about the General Council. So what I'm

0:21:29.920 --> 0:21:35.359
<v Speaker 1>saying is one Section three may be unconstitutional, in which

0:21:35.400 --> 0:21:38.680
<v Speaker 1>case the president could even remove board members based on

0:21:38.800 --> 0:21:42.520
<v Speaker 1>this precedent. But to forget about that, let's say that's constitutional,

0:21:42.600 --> 0:21:46.440
<v Speaker 1>which I think is in grave. That's an highly dubious Now,

0:21:46.480 --> 0:21:51.919
<v Speaker 1>after these precedents, Okay, there's nothing in the text that

0:21:52.080 --> 0:21:55.520
<v Speaker 1>limits president's removal authority of the General Council. There's no

0:21:55.560 --> 0:21:59.320
<v Speaker 1>text like that at all. Doesn't it's silent completely. They

0:21:59.359 --> 0:22:02.679
<v Speaker 1>alleged that it makes the role more political to have

0:22:02.800 --> 0:22:07.040
<v Speaker 1>the president be able to fire the General Counsel without cause.

0:22:07.640 --> 0:22:11.720
<v Speaker 1>Do we accept already that this role is political? Oh? Yeah, absolutely,

0:22:11.760 --> 0:22:13.480
<v Speaker 1>And it does make it even more political. It makes

0:22:13.480 --> 0:22:16.240
<v Speaker 1>it more accountable political, meaning accountable to the people. That's

0:22:16.280 --> 0:22:19.159
<v Speaker 1>what politics is, right. I mean, we can agree or

0:22:19.200 --> 0:22:21.680
<v Speaker 1>disagree whether we want this to be. I mean we're

0:22:21.720 --> 0:22:25.680
<v Speaker 1>stepping into a world now where it looks like if

0:22:25.680 --> 0:22:28.240
<v Speaker 1>there's a change in party, or even if it's not,

0:22:28.600 --> 0:22:33.720
<v Speaker 1>the president can remove the heads of agencies. That is

0:22:33.760 --> 0:22:38.680
<v Speaker 1>definitely what these cases are saying. And now presidents don't

0:22:38.680 --> 0:22:42.200
<v Speaker 1>want to do that completely because there's a couple of reasons.

0:22:42.240 --> 0:22:46.560
<v Speaker 1>One is it creates incredible instability in the agencies, or

0:22:46.560 --> 0:22:48.840
<v Speaker 1>at least some instability, right. You don't want to keep

0:22:48.840 --> 0:22:51.719
<v Speaker 1>on removing heads of agencies, so you want to do

0:22:51.760 --> 0:22:56.440
<v Speaker 1>it at times when you think there's a reason, right,

0:22:56.880 --> 0:23:00.000
<v Speaker 1>but that reason now and I think this is probably

0:23:00.040 --> 0:23:04.280
<v Speaker 1>with the company suggesting can be political after the political

0:23:04.280 --> 0:23:08.760
<v Speaker 1>election and some people think that's good because they'll say that, well,

0:23:09.119 --> 0:23:12.320
<v Speaker 1>if we go from Republicans Democrat, or from Democrat to Republican.

0:23:12.640 --> 0:23:15.399
<v Speaker 1>What we're basically saying is the people want a different

0:23:15.440 --> 0:23:17.480
<v Speaker 1>course of action, and they don't want to wait two

0:23:17.600 --> 0:23:21.159
<v Speaker 1>years into the president's term to see things happening. So,

0:23:21.200 --> 0:23:25.280
<v Speaker 1>for example, unions greatly supported Biden, and so they want

0:23:25.320 --> 0:23:28.120
<v Speaker 1>to see action right away. It would have been delayed.

0:23:28.520 --> 0:23:31.800
<v Speaker 1>Um has Biden not taken this action right away? And

0:23:31.920 --> 0:23:34.520
<v Speaker 1>by the way, if the Republicans win the next time,

0:23:35.200 --> 0:23:40.080
<v Speaker 1>the Republicans can remove Jennifer Brutso right away. So that's

0:23:40.200 --> 0:23:43.840
<v Speaker 1>called accountability to the people. But the problem with that

0:23:43.960 --> 0:23:48.240
<v Speaker 1>view is that our people really are the people really

0:23:48.320 --> 0:23:52.240
<v Speaker 1>voting for a president because of what the president views

0:23:52.280 --> 0:23:55.679
<v Speaker 1>on the National lab Relations Board are Some people might be,

0:23:55.920 --> 0:23:59.200
<v Speaker 1>but others might be because they like the president's views

0:23:59.240 --> 0:24:04.600
<v Speaker 1>on abortion and they want to have certain um judicial picks.

0:24:04.640 --> 0:24:08.119
<v Speaker 1>So this is this is a very interesting debate, and

0:24:08.160 --> 0:24:12.679
<v Speaker 1>this is definitely we are definitely changing from a a

0:24:12.760 --> 0:24:15.439
<v Speaker 1>different model of administrative law here, and that's why I

0:24:15.440 --> 0:24:17.679
<v Speaker 1>think this could easily go to the Supreme Court. The

0:24:17.720 --> 0:24:21.480
<v Speaker 1>President just announced that he's removed UM I think the

0:24:21.520 --> 0:24:26.360
<v Speaker 1>head of the Social Security Administration so recently, so this

0:24:26.440 --> 0:24:28.720
<v Speaker 1>is definitely going to I think this will go to

0:24:28.760 --> 0:24:31.520
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court again. Why do you think that if

0:24:31.560 --> 0:24:35.280
<v Speaker 1>the Court has already ruled on this in two other cases,

0:24:35.320 --> 0:24:39.200
<v Speaker 1>why why take this one as well? Maybe not this one,

0:24:39.440 --> 0:24:43.159
<v Speaker 1>but others just to because this is why the first

0:24:43.200 --> 0:24:46.959
<v Speaker 1>one was a five four decision, and there's two strong

0:24:47.040 --> 0:24:51.080
<v Speaker 1>descents in the second one by Gorcage and Thomas and

0:24:51.320 --> 0:24:55.000
<v Speaker 1>Gorcige and Thomas are not fans of this at all.

0:24:55.640 --> 0:24:59.640
<v Speaker 1>So there is what they need to do is they

0:24:59.680 --> 0:25:04.080
<v Speaker 1>need to get They need to convince someone because potentially

0:25:04.560 --> 0:25:08.840
<v Speaker 1>you can look at the first one, Sailor Law, and say, oh,

0:25:09.000 --> 0:25:11.280
<v Speaker 1>what was different about that one that got it closer?

0:25:12.080 --> 0:25:13.920
<v Speaker 1>So they would have to think of some arguments. Why

0:25:13.960 --> 0:25:16.119
<v Speaker 1>would this be different? Is this the right case to

0:25:16.160 --> 0:25:21.880
<v Speaker 1>take up to lessen presidential authority? Do you know where

0:25:21.920 --> 0:25:26.800
<v Speaker 1>Justice Barrett stands on this? I think she would right

0:25:26.880 --> 0:25:32.280
<v Speaker 1>now tend to be with presidential authority. But that's not

0:25:32.320 --> 0:25:35.440
<v Speaker 1>going to necessarily we have to see, there's not enough

0:25:35.680 --> 0:25:39.639
<v Speaker 1>data to really predict. I think we know that Thomas

0:25:39.680 --> 0:25:43.080
<v Speaker 1>and gorst really don't like this at all, all Right,

0:25:43.400 --> 0:25:47.280
<v Speaker 1>Alito loves this. So this is what I'm saying. This

0:25:47.359 --> 0:25:51.320
<v Speaker 1>is presidential power tends to be a conservative thing. Republicans

0:25:51.359 --> 0:25:54.320
<v Speaker 1>tend to want more and more power in the president. Well,

0:25:54.320 --> 0:25:56.600
<v Speaker 1>the Democrats are just taking advantage of that right now.

0:25:56.720 --> 0:25:58.639
<v Speaker 1>They like, Okay, that's what you wanted. What's good for

0:25:58.680 --> 0:26:01.120
<v Speaker 1>the goose is good for the gander. But then that's

0:26:01.160 --> 0:26:03.720
<v Speaker 1>the way it works. Why are the conservatives split? Then?

0:26:03.800 --> 0:26:07.919
<v Speaker 1>Why do Gorsage and Thomas oppose the presidential power and

0:26:08.280 --> 0:26:11.560
<v Speaker 1>in Alito you think is for it? Well that's what

0:26:11.600 --> 0:26:14.040
<v Speaker 1>they said. But why do I think they're like that?

0:26:14.280 --> 0:26:18.160
<v Speaker 1>Why is the conservative block split on this? Okay? Because

0:26:18.440 --> 0:26:21.960
<v Speaker 1>this is my guess about Gorsage. My guests on Gorsage

0:26:22.040 --> 0:26:24.120
<v Speaker 1>is because he doesn't like the administrative state at all.

0:26:25.359 --> 0:26:28.440
<v Speaker 1>So there's other things. What what I think the late

0:26:28.560 --> 0:26:32.240
<v Speaker 1>what lay people or people are not experts in constitutional

0:26:32.320 --> 0:26:35.680
<v Speaker 1>law or in the in the court don't understand because

0:26:35.680 --> 0:26:37.960
<v Speaker 1>and they shouldn't they shouldn't have to think about these things.

0:26:38.119 --> 0:26:42.400
<v Speaker 1>Is they think that everything is about um, what your pity,

0:26:42.480 --> 0:26:46.640
<v Speaker 1>what your political views are. But these justices have very

0:26:46.680 --> 0:26:51.240
<v Speaker 1>strong views and ideologies and theories about how the Constitution

0:26:51.320 --> 0:26:56.240
<v Speaker 1>should run. So whether you you'll see that sometimes Thomas

0:26:56.320 --> 0:27:00.680
<v Speaker 1>Will will actually go with the Liberals on something because

0:27:01.680 --> 0:27:05.800
<v Speaker 1>of a different principle that he really wants that's more

0:27:05.840 --> 0:27:09.760
<v Speaker 1>important than the results. Really, the only the most results

0:27:09.800 --> 0:27:13.280
<v Speaker 1>oriented person right now on the Court is a leado.

0:27:14.119 --> 0:27:16.960
<v Speaker 1>The leado almost always you can predict which way he's

0:27:16.960 --> 0:27:19.679
<v Speaker 1>going to go. It's probably going to be whatever politically

0:27:19.760 --> 0:27:22.760
<v Speaker 1>is conservative. And I'm not suggesting that that means he's

0:27:22.800 --> 0:27:25.359
<v Speaker 1>not authentic or anything, but it just seemed. But he's

0:27:25.400 --> 0:27:29.040
<v Speaker 1>the one. The others it's hard to predict. Remember Gorcich

0:27:29.040 --> 0:27:31.640
<v Speaker 1>and he wrote Bostock, which was on same sex marriage.

0:27:32.119 --> 0:27:35.080
<v Speaker 1>People were shocked. I was not shocked about that because

0:27:35.119 --> 0:27:38.800
<v Speaker 1>Gorstch cares about textualism, and that was what he was pushing,

0:27:38.840 --> 0:27:42.119
<v Speaker 1>was the textualism because he wants that argument then for

0:27:42.160 --> 0:27:44.520
<v Speaker 1>the next case, and he wants to be consistent. So

0:27:44.560 --> 0:27:48.160
<v Speaker 1>they're pushing agendas that we don't necessarily see. But if

0:27:48.160 --> 0:27:50.440
<v Speaker 1>this went to the Supreme Court, now, what's your best

0:27:50.480 --> 0:27:53.960
<v Speaker 1>guess about how it would turn out Biden would be upheld?

0:27:54.359 --> 0:27:58.920
<v Speaker 1>Let's just say that Biden wasn't upheld. Has a BRUTESO

0:27:59.200 --> 0:28:03.840
<v Speaker 1>done enough within the agency so that whatever or did

0:28:04.560 --> 0:28:07.879
<v Speaker 1>has been ratified. I think so. I mean she's been

0:28:07.920 --> 0:28:10.679
<v Speaker 1>doing a lot. I mean they have been the the

0:28:10.800 --> 0:28:15.159
<v Speaker 1>NLRB has been screwed by its actions so much in

0:28:15.160 --> 0:28:17.720
<v Speaker 1>the last twenty years by doing things and then it

0:28:17.760 --> 0:28:20.879
<v Speaker 1>has to be re ratified, you know, no canning in

0:28:20.920 --> 0:28:22.840
<v Speaker 1>other cases that went to the Supreme Court that I

0:28:22.880 --> 0:28:25.800
<v Speaker 1>think it's learned its lessons, so they were ready for this.

0:28:26.119 --> 0:28:29.919
<v Speaker 1>She hit the ground running, and she already had she

0:28:30.040 --> 0:28:33.520
<v Speaker 1>was ratifying things. So I don't think we're going to

0:28:33.640 --> 0:28:37.360
<v Speaker 1>have a replay of what happened in the early century,

0:28:37.680 --> 0:28:39.920
<v Speaker 1>you know, like a decade ago. I don't think we're

0:28:39.920 --> 0:28:41.800
<v Speaker 1>gonna have a replay of that. But it's going to

0:28:41.880 --> 0:28:43.680
<v Speaker 1>be depend on what the court says. But my best

0:28:43.760 --> 0:28:46.800
<v Speaker 1>analysis as a person who teaches both labor law and

0:28:46.880 --> 0:28:50.080
<v Speaker 1>constitutional law is that we will not have a replay

0:28:50.080 --> 0:28:55.080
<v Speaker 1>of that and that very little will be affected going forward. Also,

0:28:55.480 --> 0:28:58.080
<v Speaker 1>there are a much stronger ground than they were a

0:28:58.120 --> 0:29:02.440
<v Speaker 1>decade ago. We really I've seen a change in the

0:29:02.600 --> 0:29:07.120
<v Speaker 1>perception of executive power that's much less nuanced and much

0:29:07.160 --> 0:29:10.360
<v Speaker 1>more about the president has a lot of power. Thanks

0:29:10.360 --> 0:29:13.400
<v Speaker 1>so much. Anne. That's Anne Lofasso, a professor at West

0:29:13.480 --> 0:29:16.400
<v Speaker 1>Virginia University. And that's it for the edition of the

0:29:16.400 --> 0:29:19.560
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Law Show. Remember you can always get the latest

0:29:19.640 --> 0:29:23.080
<v Speaker 1>legal news by listening to our Bloomberg Law Podcast wherever

0:29:23.160 --> 0:29:26.360
<v Speaker 1>you get your favorite podcasts. I'm June Grosso and you're

0:29:26.520 --> 0:29:27.840
<v Speaker 1>listening to Bloomberg