WEBVTT - Texas Judge Strikes Down Harsh Sanctuary Cities Ban (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>The massive flood from Hurricane Harvey isn't the only news

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<v Speaker 1>out of Texas. A federal judge in San Antonio on

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<v Speaker 1>Wednesday at least temporarily blocked core parts of a state

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<v Speaker 1>law that would crack down on so called sanctuary cities

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<v Speaker 1>and force greater cooperation with federal immigration officials. Judge Orlando

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<v Speaker 1>Garcia said much of the measure probably violates the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>and federal immigration law. Garcia bill Clinton appoint He said

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<v Speaker 1>the provisions will erode public trust and make many communities

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<v Speaker 1>in neighborhoods less safe. The state's largest cities, including Houston,

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<v Speaker 1>were among the challengers, and Texas has vowed to appeal.

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<v Speaker 1>Our guests to sort this out and explain its significance.

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<v Speaker 1>Are Rick Sue He's a professor at the University of

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<v Speaker 1>Buffalo Buffalo School of Law. And Leon Fresco, a partner

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<v Speaker 1>at Holland and Night. Rick. Welcome to you both, Rick, Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>Let's start at kind of at a general level here,

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<v Speaker 1>because there are a lot of specific provisions, and we'll

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<v Speaker 1>we'll get into some of the specifics. But why did

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<v Speaker 1>Texas pass this measure? What did it say it was

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<v Speaker 1>trying to accomplish? Um. More specifically, it's trying to go

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<v Speaker 1>after a so called sanctuary cities. And of course this

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<v Speaker 1>issue of sanctuary cities, though not necessarily knew, has really

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<v Speaker 1>sort of taken on front stage and the immigration debates

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<v Speaker 1>in recent years. UM. What precipitated directly was the actions

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<v Speaker 1>in the policies passed by Travis County, which is compasses Austin,

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<v Speaker 1>which really raised the ire of the governor and many

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<v Speaker 1>of the state legislatures. And as the court case notes,

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<v Speaker 1>UH much of us before was directed towards attacking particular

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<v Speaker 1>local officials UH and with with with certain number of

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<v Speaker 1>penalties for not participating in immigration enforcements. Leon. The law

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<v Speaker 1>was so divisive that one Democratic legislator even pushed a

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<v Speaker 1>Republican legislator on the final day of the session. So

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<v Speaker 1>how much of a blow is this to Texas Republicans

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<v Speaker 1>and the Trump administration that backed it. Well, I would

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<v Speaker 1>say this is a commendous setback. The standpoint that all

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<v Speaker 1>across the country the issue of local law enforcements being

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<v Speaker 1>litigated in various different flora, whether it's removing d o

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<v Speaker 1>J grant money from localities that don't want to create

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<v Speaker 1>immigration enforce someone who enactim in grace and enforcement policies

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<v Speaker 1>to UM to this case in Texas, which is a

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<v Speaker 1>state driven initiative, to other cases where the cities themselves

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<v Speaker 1>are challenging provisions of the of the of what the

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<v Speaker 1>federal government is trying to do. So all of the

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<v Speaker 1>all of the different litigation that's happening across the country

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<v Speaker 1>can take this signal about the restraints that the courts

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<v Speaker 1>are now saying are going to be placed on any

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<v Speaker 1>effort to deputize from buying either the federal government or

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<v Speaker 1>now the state government to deputize localities to engine immigration enforcement. Rick,

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<v Speaker 1>Let's talk a little bit about the specifics of this ruling.

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<v Speaker 1>What would you say is the most important part of it. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>What's vital to recognize is the degree to which the

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<v Speaker 1>court really called out uh S before, which is the

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<v Speaker 1>state law that we're talking about in this case, for

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<v Speaker 1>how extraordinary it actually is, and there are various components

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<v Speaker 1>that I think really made it a strong case, at

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<v Speaker 1>least in the eyes of the judge in this case. UH.

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<v Speaker 1>The degree to which this particular penalty goes after individual

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<v Speaker 1>policymakers and lawmakers and these jurisdictions with civil penalties, criminal penalties,

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<v Speaker 1>and removal from office, along with the fact that UH

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<v Speaker 1>it really removes a lot of discretion and gets us

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<v Speaker 1>back into the debate of whether or not the local

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<v Speaker 1>and state governments have the power to enforce civil immigration laws,

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<v Speaker 1>especially in light of the fact that many of the

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<v Speaker 1>requests made by the federal government lack um UH probably

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<v Speaker 1>cause to issue a warrant, which is traditionally the constitution

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<v Speaker 1>requirement for local law enforcement to arrest and then detain

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<v Speaker 1>someone in custody. LEON talk specific about detain a requests

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<v Speaker 1>and how they work and what cities are doing with them. Sure,

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<v Speaker 1>so the in the ideal world of how this administration

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<v Speaker 1>would want to run immigration enforcement, what they would want

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<v Speaker 1>is whenever any human being in the United States is

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<v Speaker 1>a resid that individual's fingerprints are taken, those fingerprints are

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<v Speaker 1>set to an FBI database, and p I actually shares

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<v Speaker 1>those fingerprints with ICE as part of an arrangement that

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<v Speaker 1>the FBI has with Immigration Customs Enforcements. And so from

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<v Speaker 1>that fingerprint sharing, I determine that there are individuals with

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<v Speaker 1>fingerprints they're receiving that they want to go and try

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<v Speaker 1>to find when they get released from these facilities. But

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<v Speaker 1>what happens is ICE isn't in all the thousands of

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<v Speaker 1>counties across America, and so they need time to get

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<v Speaker 1>to the facilities before individuals are released. And so what

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<v Speaker 1>I want to do is to be able to tell

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<v Speaker 1>all of these local jails to leave hold onto these individuals.

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<v Speaker 1>That's what a detainer is. That the piece of paper

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<v Speaker 1>that says, please all about to these individuals for forty

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<v Speaker 1>eight more hours than what you would ordinarily hold on

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<v Speaker 1>to them for to give us time to get them

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<v Speaker 1>and place them into immigration custody. We're talking about a

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<v Speaker 1>ruling by a federal judge in San Antonio on Wednesday

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<v Speaker 1>that at least temporarily blocked much of a Texas law

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<v Speaker 1>that would crack down on so called sanctuary cities. And

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<v Speaker 1>our guests are Leon Fresco of Holland Knight and Rick

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<v Speaker 1>Seu of the University of Buffalo School of Law. Rick

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<v Speaker 1>a moment ago Leone was talking about this notion of

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<v Speaker 1>of detaining UH undocumented immigrants and and sort of explaining

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<v Speaker 1>that what ICE wants federal immigration authorities, what they want

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes is, because they can't be everywhere, is for local

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<v Speaker 1>authorities to hang on to somebody for maybe forty eight hours,

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<v Speaker 1>so that federal officials have time to get there and

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<v Speaker 1>detain the person. UH. This law that was blocked would

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<v Speaker 1>have required local officials to do more to cooperate with ICE.

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<v Speaker 1>What did the judge find was wrong with that provision?

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<v Speaker 1>So with regards to the particular detainer issue, it it

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<v Speaker 1>gets back to a bigger issue that's been litigating lots

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<v Speaker 1>of courts. As was mentioned before, it has to do

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<v Speaker 1>with whether or not the local lawforcement agencies actually had

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<v Speaker 1>the power to detain these particular individuals passed the time

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<v Speaker 1>in which UH any local cause to detain them has expired. UM,

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<v Speaker 1>and there actually has been in many lawsuits that have

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<v Speaker 1>risen out of this UH precisely because the detainer requests

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<v Speaker 1>itself doesn't require probable cause or that actually the individual

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<v Speaker 1>is an a document immigrant. And the reason why many

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<v Speaker 1>counties pulled away from following federal detainer requests was because

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<v Speaker 1>of a number of lawsuits in which United States citizens

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<v Speaker 1>who have been detained because of incorrect information from the

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<v Speaker 1>federal government ended up suing the counties themselves UH, and

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<v Speaker 1>the counties were held liable because the court said it

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<v Speaker 1>was your decision to follow the detainers. The detainer was

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<v Speaker 1>inappropriate and in this case it is your liability to

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<v Speaker 1>pay for those damages. Leon Latino and civil rights groups

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<v Speaker 1>called this is show me your Papers law that echoes

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<v Speaker 1>the one that was enacted by Arizona. In George Garcia

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<v Speaker 1>partially upheld that. Tell us what he ruled right, Well,

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<v Speaker 1>the judge sort of split it up and he said

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<v Speaker 1>that the part that the Supreme Court allowed in Arizona,

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<v Speaker 1>he's also allowed in Texas, which is the requirement that

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<v Speaker 1>local officials not be banned from sharing information with ICE.

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<v Speaker 1>A usure of sharing information has continued to be an

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<v Speaker 1>area where courts have not wanted to restrict UH the

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<v Speaker 1>ability of people of local law enforcement to share information

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<v Speaker 1>with ICE. And so the court said that that provision

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<v Speaker 1>as before is fine. The one that required the UH

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<v Speaker 1>that that that banned locality from saying you can't share information.

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<v Speaker 1>So that's part continued. But the part where the local

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<v Speaker 1>officials are prevented to be deputized to actually engage in

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<v Speaker 1>immigration enforcement was viewed by the judge as excessive and

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<v Speaker 1>violence is both preempted by the Immigration and Nationality Act

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<v Speaker 1>because there is a provision for how you get decide

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<v Speaker 1>local law enforcement and also potentially violated of the process.

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<v Speaker 1>So that's part where they're sort of an active immigration

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<v Speaker 1>enforcement component by the localities. That part was actually banned. Rick.

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<v Speaker 1>One other provision I want to ask you about, I

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<v Speaker 1>think you alluded to it earlier. Are these penalties that

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<v Speaker 1>could have been imposed both civil and criminal, on local

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<v Speaker 1>officials who didn't comply with parts of the law. Tell

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<v Speaker 1>me a little bit about that. Is that a novel

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<v Speaker 1>requirement that Texas was trying to impose? And what did

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<v Speaker 1>Judge Garcia say about them? Yeah, so the penalties are

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<v Speaker 1>relatively novel. There has been other cases with regard to

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<v Speaker 1>politicize issues like gun control, where state legislations are moving

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<v Speaker 1>to individually penalize officials who are involved in this, but

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<v Speaker 1>none go as far or as extreme as this particular law. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>the penalties themselves were part of a broader ruling, and

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<v Speaker 1>what the court essentially said is because of the standard

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<v Speaker 1>of conduct that the law requires is so broad and vague,

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<v Speaker 1>you can endorse a policy and maybe speak out on

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<v Speaker 1>behalf of a policy that might limit in immigration enforcement,

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<v Speaker 1>uh materially limit pattern practice that to have such a

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<v Speaker 1>strong penalty attached to vague prohibitions would restrict in many ways, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>most under, on the one hand, the First Amendment rights

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<v Speaker 1>of these individuals to advocate for certain policies. UH. And

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<v Speaker 1>also another concern was just that they were vague, that

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<v Speaker 1>the individuals were not unnoticed with regard to what they

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<v Speaker 1>should or should not do, and it may have a

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<v Speaker 1>chilling effect on what local policymakers do. Both of these

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<v Speaker 1>are really novel that they're often not seen in state

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<v Speaker 1>efforts to let's say, mandate a uniform policy in a state. UH.

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<v Speaker 1>These seem to be directly attacking individual policymakers themselves. And

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<v Speaker 1>the court noted that Rick, and we just about have

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<v Speaker 1>a minute left. Tell us what you think about the

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<v Speaker 1>chances for appeal. The state Attorney General says they're going

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<v Speaker 1>to appeal it to the Fifth Circuit, which is known

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<v Speaker 1>as a conservative circuit. Yeah. So it's slightly different in

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<v Speaker 1>this case because it has to deal with the state

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<v Speaker 1>involved in an immigration enforcement UH. And it's the previous precedents,

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<v Speaker 1>I've mostly talked about federal power, and in this case

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<v Speaker 1>this is a slightly different. I do think that some

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<v Speaker 1>of the things that George Garcia noted, and like I

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<v Speaker 1>said before, the extremity and the unprecedented nature of this

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<v Speaker 1>particular law itself may raise the ire of the Fifth

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<v Speaker 1>Circuit as well. Uh, They're just very unique, even if

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<v Speaker 1>you take out the immigration politics of it all. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>they're very unique and what they're trying to do and

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<v Speaker 1>does raise constitutional concerns well. At case almost certainly will

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<v Speaker 1>go up on appeal to the Fifth Circuit, which is

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<v Speaker 1>based in New Orleans. Attorney General Ken Paxton has said

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<v Speaker 1>that he intends to appeal. He's also said that one

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<v Speaker 1>of his issues with this ruling, interestingly was that, uh

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<v Speaker 1>it was decided in San Antonio instead of Austin. Austin,

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<v Speaker 1>ken Paxton said in a statement, is where the people's

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<v Speaker 1>representatives passed the law. State business is conducted in Austin.

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<v Speaker 1>The plaintiffs have no reason to litigate this case in

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<v Speaker 1>San Antonio, So that may also be one of the

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<v Speaker 1>issues that goes up to the Fourth to the Fifth

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<v Speaker 1>Circuit when, as expected, the state appeals. I want to

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<v Speaker 1>thank our guests, Rick SU's, professor at the University of

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<v Speaker 1>Buffalo School of Law, and Leon Fresco, a partner at

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<v Speaker 1>Holland and Knight, talking to US about the new ruling

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<v Speaker 1>out of a federal district judge on Texas sanctuary city law.