WEBVTT - Fed Proposes Rule Rollback for All But Biggest Banks

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes of the Bloomberg Law Podcast on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. Yesterday, the Federal

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<v Speaker 1>Reserve proposed new banking rules that reduced regulations for all

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<v Speaker 1>but America's biggest lenders in an effort to reduce regulatory

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<v Speaker 1>compliance requirements. In a speech in September, FED Chair J.

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<v Speaker 1>Powell discussed banking regulations. We want the strongest regulation, that

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<v Speaker 1>the highest standards to be applied to the very large

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<v Speaker 1>financial institutions that are systemically important. As we moved down

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<v Speaker 1>the food chain to the regionals and then the medium

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<v Speaker 1>sized banks, and then into the smaller community banks, we

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<v Speaker 1>want to make sure that we're tailoring regulation substantially at

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<v Speaker 1>each step of that. Joining me is Robert Howckety, professor

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<v Speaker 1>at Cornell University Law School. So, Bob, now, there will

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<v Speaker 1>be a tiered system for bank regulations that will depend

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<v Speaker 1>not only on total assets, but on other risk factors

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<v Speaker 1>as well. Will you explain how the system will work? Yeah?

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<v Speaker 1>So it's it's actually kind of surprising. I think Chairman

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<v Speaker 1>Powell has to some extent mischaracterized, UM, what the nature

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<v Speaker 1>of the proposal is that proposed rule change is that

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<v Speaker 1>was announced yesterday. Right. So originally what we were, what

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<v Speaker 1>we did after the crash, right with John Frank, was

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<v Speaker 1>we would say we said, basically, all banking institutions with

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<v Speaker 1>assets in excess of about fifty billion would be subject

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<v Speaker 1>to some heightened credential standards, in particular in the realm

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<v Speaker 1>of capital regulation UH and liquidity regulation. UM. Then, as

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<v Speaker 1>we talked about last spring, UM, the Congress UH and

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<v Speaker 1>Mr Trump changed the rules of their last spring by

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<v Speaker 1>raising that threshold to two d fifty billion, right from

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<v Speaker 1>fifty billion, So they quintupled it right now. UM. What

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<v Speaker 1>they did was and they gave the Fed UH sort

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<v Speaker 1>of instructions to UM sort of change the credential rules

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<v Speaker 1>that would apply sort of in light of that new

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<v Speaker 1>set of standards. But we were given to think that

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<v Speaker 1>at least they would stay high, right, stay high for

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<v Speaker 1>the banks that were two hundred billion and larger. But

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<v Speaker 1>what's really quite most intriguing I think about the FED

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<v Speaker 1>proposal announced yesterday was that they're actually going to relax

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<v Speaker 1>the capital standards and liquidity standards even for the banks

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<v Speaker 1>with assets between two hundred fifty and seven hundred billion dollars. So,

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<v Speaker 1>in other words, the sort of tiered system that Mr

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<v Speaker 1>Powell was talking about is in a way a kind

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<v Speaker 1>of a distraction. In a way, it's a kind of

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<v Speaker 1>a side show, because the thing that's most remarkable and

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<v Speaker 1>surprising is the fact that they're relaxing the standards even

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<v Speaker 1>for the largest banks. So does we does weakening the

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<v Speaker 1>rules even for banks that are not considered systemically important

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<v Speaker 1>pose a risk to the system? And what about for

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<v Speaker 1>banks that are? Yeah, I think, uh, it only proposed

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<v Speaker 1>poses a significant risk to the system. Right to relax

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<v Speaker 1>the capital standards and the liquidity standards for the mega banks,

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<v Speaker 1>right the two hundred billion and larger um. I think

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<v Speaker 1>it also I think adds significant risk to the system. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>to lighten the regulatory load for the institutions between fifty

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<v Speaker 1>and two hundred fifty billion as well. In other words,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that the legislation that was pasted last spring

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<v Speaker 1>that we talked about was itself also a move in

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<v Speaker 1>the wrong direction. I think it's a bit of a

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<v Speaker 1>mistake to describe banks that have a hundred billion or

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<v Speaker 1>a hundred fifty billion dollars in assets as being small

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<v Speaker 1>community banks. These are huge institutions. They're simply a bit

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<v Speaker 1>smaller than the two billion dollar institutions. So I think

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<v Speaker 1>you add risk of the system even by doing that.

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<v Speaker 1>And so we were moving in the wrong direction even

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<v Speaker 1>last spring. But again, the surprising thing about yesterday is

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<v Speaker 1>that we're learning the FED wants to go even further

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<v Speaker 1>in the wrong direction, even with respect to those mega

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<v Speaker 1>banks with assets under management of over two Well, there's

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<v Speaker 1>also apparently more streamlining and tweaking of regulations in the works.

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<v Speaker 1>Tell us about the momentum that financial regulators seem to

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<v Speaker 1>be gaining and the new what maybe happen next? Yeah, So,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean the trend is sort of predictable. Um, I

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<v Speaker 1>think the only thing that might not have been predicted

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<v Speaker 1>was just speed with which it has sort of commenced

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<v Speaker 1>and then with which it has been proceeding ever since.

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<v Speaker 1>It commands right, so we seem to be relaxing again

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<v Speaker 1>liquidity standards and capital standards, which are probably the most

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<v Speaker 1>important macroprudential regulatory tools that we have. In addition of course,

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<v Speaker 1>we're rolling back the regulations in the realm of consumer

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<v Speaker 1>financial protection, which not only is important, of course to

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<v Speaker 1>ordinary James and Joe's like you and me, but also

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<v Speaker 1>is systemically important because as we know, right the most

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<v Speaker 1>toxic assets that ultimately cause a financial system to implode

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<v Speaker 1>often are those that are extended in predatory ways that

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<v Speaker 1>would normally be prohibited if we had actual, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>strong consumer protection standards still in place. But as you

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<v Speaker 1>as you know, of course, Mr mulvaney effectively worked a

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<v Speaker 1>coup in taking over the CFPB about a year ago

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<v Speaker 1>and has basically dropped most of the enforcement actions that

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<v Speaker 1>it had underway. And now we have actual statutory changes

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<v Speaker 1>and regulatory changes a foot, essentially repealing or eliminating particular

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<v Speaker 1>regulations that the CFPB would have had the jurisdiction to

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<v Speaker 1>enforce in the first place. So that's yet another way

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<v Speaker 1>in which I think we're really heading in the wrong direction,

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<v Speaker 1>and at an accelerated pace that I think is quite ominous.

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<v Speaker 1>The Federal Reserve and the Office of the Control of

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<v Speaker 1>the Currency are independent bank regulators. How much of the

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<v Speaker 1>easing of regulations is coming from within those agencies, and

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<v Speaker 1>how much from pressure from without. So that's always a

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<v Speaker 1>somewhat tough call, because the the pressure from now without

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<v Speaker 1>is sort of hard to measure. As you had. These

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<v Speaker 1>are independent agencies, and so they are nominally or you know,

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<v Speaker 1>strictly speaking, uh, not subject to pressures that are imposed

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<v Speaker 1>by Congress or by the President once they're in office.

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<v Speaker 1>But I think it would be unrealistic to think that

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<v Speaker 1>they're not affected, um by say, constant hearings or constant

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<v Speaker 1>haranguing by a president or by members of Congress or

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<v Speaker 1>what have you. So it's possible that the pressure that's

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<v Speaker 1>being applied by by Republicans and Congress and by Mr

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<v Speaker 1>Trump himself and his Treasury departments are having some effect.

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<v Speaker 1>But it's also, of course possible that these people themselves, right,

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<v Speaker 1>the people in the agencies are a bit more of

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<v Speaker 1>a deregulatory persuasion, if for no other reason than that

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<v Speaker 1>a growing number of them are, of course appointees of Mr. Trump's.

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<v Speaker 1>So mid terms are coming up, Bob. If the Democrats

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<v Speaker 1>take the House or the Senate in the midterms, will

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<v Speaker 1>that stop or slow the deregulatory efforts. I think it will, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>And I have a somewhat idiosyncratic reason for thinking so

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<v Speaker 1>that I haven't seen out in the press yet, So

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<v Speaker 1>as you know, I'm sort of metabolically optimistic. UM, So

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<v Speaker 1>you might you might want to sort of take this

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<v Speaker 1>with a grain of salt. But I actually think we're

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<v Speaker 1>going to that the Dems are going to take the

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<v Speaker 1>House and the Senate. I think when that happens, Mr

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<v Speaker 1>Trump is going to become a kind of Democrat. We

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<v Speaker 1>know he doesn't have principles, right, He's a very pragmatic

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<v Speaker 1>would be the nice way of saying it. Opportunistic would

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<v Speaker 1>be the somewhat lass nice way of saying it. I

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<v Speaker 1>think Mr Trump, keen on leaving a legacy, UM, is

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<v Speaker 1>going to sound increasingly like a Democrat once the Congress

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<v Speaker 1>change his hands. And at that point, Um, the pressures

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<v Speaker 1>on the regulators will be of a decidedly different sort

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<v Speaker 1>than they've been over the last couple of years, and that,

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<v Speaker 1>at at least at the margin, I think, will slow

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<v Speaker 1>the rate of the regulatory momentum that we've seen gathering

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<v Speaker 1>steam over the last couple of years. I'm almost speechless, Bob,

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<v Speaker 1>but not quite so. So what about just we have

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<v Speaker 1>about forty five seconds here? Will will democrats. If they

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<v Speaker 1>take control and they start being in charge of the

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<v Speaker 1>banking committees, etcetera. Will that have any effect about thirty seconds? Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>it does have an effect. Again, it's hard to measure it,

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<v Speaker 1>but you know, the regulators are not completely autistic, right.

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<v Speaker 1>They hear the pressures, they hear what people are saying,

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<v Speaker 1>what people are thinking. And if most of the pressures

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<v Speaker 1>and most of the thoughts that are being expressed come

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<v Speaker 1>from a pro regulatory angle, um, that can't help but

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<v Speaker 1>affect them. All right, Thanks so much, Bob. As always,

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<v Speaker 1>that's Robert Hockety. He is a professor at Cornell University

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<v Speaker 1>Law School. Robert Bauer is the man accused of killing

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<v Speaker 1>eleven people in a Pittsburgh synagogue, pleaded not guilty in

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<v Speaker 1>federal court today to forty four counts, including murder and

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<v Speaker 1>hate crimes. Joining me as former federal prosecutor Robert Mint's

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<v Speaker 1>a partner McCarter in English, Bob tell us about the

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<v Speaker 1>hate crimes he's charged with and what prosecutors will have

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<v Speaker 1>to prove to convict him of those, or well, the

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<v Speaker 1>history of hate crimes really starts in UH nineteen one

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<v Speaker 1>Congress past the first hate crime statute, and it basically

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<v Speaker 1>makes it a crime to use or threatened force to

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<v Speaker 1>wilthy interfere with any person because of their race, color, religion,

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<v Speaker 1>or national origin. So it's it's an interesting statute because

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<v Speaker 1>generally criminal statute don't look to the motive behind a

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<v Speaker 1>killing or an act, and they simply look to the conduct.

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<v Speaker 1>But in this case hate crimes, procecutes have to prove

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<v Speaker 1>that not only was somebody murdered, but they were murdered

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<v Speaker 1>um because of their their gender, because of their race,

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<v Speaker 1>because of their religion, and so it really goes to

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<v Speaker 1>the motive of the killing. And in this case, the motive,

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<v Speaker 1>according to procecures with anti Semitism. The um the gunmen

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<v Speaker 1>shouted out death to Jews or something to the out

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<v Speaker 1>of fact as he was shooting allegedly in the temple,

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<v Speaker 1>and that's what they will rely upon in order to

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<v Speaker 1>prove those charges. Death penalty cases are rare in federal court,

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<v Speaker 1>but here federal prosecutors say they are pursuing the death penalty,

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<v Speaker 1>explain how that affects the trial itself. For example, the

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<v Speaker 1>selection of a death penalty qualified jury. Sure, well, as

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<v Speaker 1>you said, June death penalty cases are relatively rare in

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<v Speaker 1>federal court. Only three people have been executed since the

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<v Speaker 1>federal death penalty was reinstated in UM And ultimately, it's

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<v Speaker 1>important for people to remember that the decision about whether

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<v Speaker 1>a defendant will receive death or life in prison is

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<v Speaker 1>up to the jury. Uh So that means that when

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<v Speaker 1>the jury is impaneled UM their additional questions that have

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<v Speaker 1>to be asked to those jurors to make sure that

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<v Speaker 1>jurors can approach that decision with an open mind, and

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<v Speaker 1>jurors who have a moral aversion to the death penalty

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<v Speaker 1>regardless of the facts of a case UM will not

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<v Speaker 1>be permitted to sit on that jury. So it takes

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<v Speaker 1>time for both the defense and prosecutors to arrive with

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<v Speaker 1>the jury that they think can be fair. And if

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<v Speaker 1>you're the prosecutor, you want to make sure it's somebody

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<v Speaker 1>who is willing to apply the death penalty if they

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<v Speaker 1>believe it's warranted under the facts of the case. So

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<v Speaker 1>if he's found guilty of the crimes that carry the

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<v Speaker 1>death penalty, there will be a death penalty phase and

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<v Speaker 1>the jury will hear from witnesses, including the victims. The

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<v Speaker 1>Washington Boast has a story out today that some rabbis

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<v Speaker 1>oppose the death penalties even in this case. How might

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<v Speaker 1>that way into the jury's decision into the presentation, Well,

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<v Speaker 1>it does weigh in. Prosecutors are always going to listen

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<v Speaker 1>to victims as they put their case together, and on

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<v Speaker 1>a question of whether to seek the death penalty, the

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<v Speaker 1>victims will be considered, but ultimately the decision is with

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice and with prosecutors, because prosecutors are

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<v Speaker 1>of course representing the entire country, not only the victims

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<v Speaker 1>of the crime. But for example, in the Dylan Roof

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<v Speaker 1>case where the white supremacist was sentenced to death last

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<v Speaker 1>year for hate driven crimes, that was a case where

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<v Speaker 1>families of those victims also did not want them to

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<v Speaker 1>be executed because of their Christian beliefs. So it's something

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<v Speaker 1>prosecutes will have to consider. But ultimately the decision about

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<v Speaker 1>whether the charge and seek the death penalty will be

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<v Speaker 1>with prosecutors and of course jury. The jury will ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>make that determination, but the state is also charging him,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Allegheny County District Attorney has also said he

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<v Speaker 1>will seek the death penalty. What's the point of having

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<v Speaker 1>a state trial after a federal trial. That's a good question.

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<v Speaker 1>A lot of people are are perplexed by that. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>The reason that there is a state trial as well

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<v Speaker 1>is because these crimes uh constitute violations of both state

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<v Speaker 1>and federal law. So the state has a basis to

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<v Speaker 1>bring these charges as well, and often those charges are

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<v Speaker 1>brought in the state after the federal charges, just to

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<v Speaker 1>ensure that if ultimately the federal charges are overturned for

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<v Speaker 1>any reason, that there are these other charges out there

0:13:11.800 --> 0:13:15.640
<v Speaker 1>that will ensure that the defendant remains in jail, and

0:13:15.720 --> 0:13:19.000
<v Speaker 1>ultimately it maybe the state charges on which he is

0:13:19.480 --> 0:13:22.640
<v Speaker 1>um sentenced instead of the federal charges. But it's important

0:13:22.679 --> 0:13:25.400
<v Speaker 1>to also note that under the death penalty process, the

0:13:25.480 --> 0:13:29.760
<v Speaker 1>federal system is more will move more expeditiously, because a

0:13:29.840 --> 0:13:32.520
<v Speaker 1>death penalty conviction on the state level runs through the

0:13:32.559 --> 0:13:35.559
<v Speaker 1>appeals process on the state level and then has a

0:13:35.600 --> 0:13:39.040
<v Speaker 1>complete second layer of appeals through the federal system. Through

0:13:39.040 --> 0:13:42.079
<v Speaker 1>convicted of only the federal death penalty, it only goes

0:13:42.080 --> 0:13:44.800
<v Speaker 1>through one layer of appellate review and moves a little

0:13:44.800 --> 0:13:47.360
<v Speaker 1>bit quicker, but in either case the process is slow.

0:13:48.559 --> 0:13:53.760
<v Speaker 1>Question about the proceeding this morning, his federal public defender said,

0:13:53.760 --> 0:13:57.000
<v Speaker 1>he pleaded not guilty quote as is typical at this

0:13:57.080 --> 0:14:00.160
<v Speaker 1>stage of the preceding. It is typical, but stay think

0:14:00.200 --> 0:14:02.840
<v Speaker 1>it is not so typical. Was that just information or

0:14:02.880 --> 0:14:05.920
<v Speaker 1>was he signaling a change of plea pros possibly we

0:14:05.960 --> 0:14:09.720
<v Speaker 1>have about forty seconds here. Well, you're right, Jim is

0:14:09.720 --> 0:14:12.040
<v Speaker 1>not typical. Uh, it may be that he's trying to

0:14:12.080 --> 0:14:14.319
<v Speaker 1>signal the prosecutors that he's looking to cut some kind

0:14:14.320 --> 0:14:16.880
<v Speaker 1>of a deal. Often in those cases, the role of

0:14:16.880 --> 0:14:19.760
<v Speaker 1>the public defender or the defense lawyer is simply to

0:14:19.800 --> 0:14:22.200
<v Speaker 1>try to save his client's life and try to see

0:14:22.200 --> 0:14:24.840
<v Speaker 1>whether he can convince prosecutors to accept the guilty plea

0:14:25.080 --> 0:14:27.560
<v Speaker 1>that will only result in life in prison as opposed

0:14:27.560 --> 0:14:30.280
<v Speaker 1>to the death penalty. Thanks so much, Bob. That's Robert Mens.

0:14:30.320 --> 0:14:33.120
<v Speaker 1>He's a partner McCarter and English, a former federal prosecutor.

0:14:33.560 --> 0:14:36.520
<v Speaker 1>Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can

0:14:36.560 --> 0:14:40.320
<v Speaker 1>subscribe and listen to the show on Apple podcast, SoundCloud,

0:14:40.360 --> 0:14:44.280
<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcast. I'm June Brosso.

0:14:44.760 --> 0:14:46.040
<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg