WEBVTT - SCOTUS: The Revolution is on Hold and RBG’s Return

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes of the Bloomberg Law Podcast on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. Chief Justice John

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<v Speaker 1>Roberts is showing a new willingness to side with the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court's liberal wing, joining the liberals and two rulings

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<v Speaker 1>last Wednesday that left the Conservatives in dissent. The Chief

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<v Speaker 1>has been open about his desire to protect the federal

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<v Speaker 1>judiciaries institutional reputation from charges of partisanship. During an appearance

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<v Speaker 1>at Belmont University in Nashville last month, Robert said the

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<v Speaker 1>public's perception of the Court is becoming skewed after seeing

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<v Speaker 1>confirmation battles that end up in party line votes. People

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<v Speaker 1>need to know that we're not doing politics. They need

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<v Speaker 1>to know that we're doing something different, um that we're

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<v Speaker 1>applying the law. They need to know that even if

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<v Speaker 1>they they I think that's not the case they needed.

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<v Speaker 1>People should be able to read our opinions and we

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<v Speaker 1>explain what we do, and if they don't think that's

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<v Speaker 1>a fair explanation. They should be able to make that

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<v Speaker 1>judgment that this was not you didn't sort of stick

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<v Speaker 1>with your job. You made a political decision. Because I've

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<v Speaker 1>looked at your opinion and that doesn't hold together. Joining

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<v Speaker 1>us is Bloomberg. New Supreme Court reporter Greg Store tell

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<v Speaker 1>us about those opinions. Greg. The more important of the

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<v Speaker 1>two was one that involved a death row inmate who

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<v Speaker 1>says he can't remember the crimes he committed, and the

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<v Speaker 1>court's opinion by Justice Kagan take that case back to

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<v Speaker 1>a lower court, saying they need to look more closely

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<v Speaker 1>at whether this inmate could at least understand why he

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<v Speaker 1>was going to be executed. It was a fairly narrow decision,

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<v Speaker 1>but very striking that the Chief Justice abandoned the conservative

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<v Speaker 1>wing of the court, all of whom thought this execution

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<v Speaker 1>should be allowed to go forward, and the Chief joined

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<v Speaker 1>the liberal block in that one. Is this a departure

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<v Speaker 1>from his normal pattern with this issue or is it

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<v Speaker 1>just a unique issue. So they are definitely seeing a

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<v Speaker 1>pattern developed in the last year and a half or so,

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<v Speaker 1>and certainly this term where the Chief Justice is increasingly

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<v Speaker 1>joining with the liberal wing. Now most of these are

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<v Speaker 1>either incremental steps or procedural steps. For example, when he

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<v Speaker 1>joined with them to block some abortion restrictions in Louisiana.

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<v Speaker 1>It remains to be seen whether that translates into a

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<v Speaker 1>ruling on the merits, but we're certainly seeing clear evidence

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<v Speaker 1>that the Chief Justice is at least slowing down the

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<v Speaker 1>ship to the right for the Court now that the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kavanaugh is there. A lot of legal scholars are saying,

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<v Speaker 1>don't look for Roberts to be the next Anthony Kennedy,

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<v Speaker 1>But is there a definite pattern swing possibility? There's a

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<v Speaker 1>definite pattern. The difference is that John Roberts has been

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<v Speaker 1>on the Supreme Court for more than thirteen years now,

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<v Speaker 1>and we've had, you know, that much time to realize

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<v Speaker 1>he's a pretty conservative guy. His instincts are to side

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<v Speaker 1>with the conservatives to limit constitutional rights and a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of contexts, and those instincts aren't going to go away.

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<v Speaker 1>What's happening here is not so much that he is

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<v Speaker 1>potentially willing to side with the liberals on those huge

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<v Speaker 1>issues like say, same sex marriage. It's more that he

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<v Speaker 1>wants the Court to move slowly and not lurch dramatically

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<v Speaker 1>to the right. Now that the Court has a more

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<v Speaker 1>conservative majority. So is he just protecting the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>as an institution from allegations that it's partisan. That is

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<v Speaker 1>certainly one key factor. He has spoken on a number

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<v Speaker 1>of occasions about how he does not want the Court

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<v Speaker 1>to be seen as partisan. He issued that rather striking

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<v Speaker 1>statement late last year saying we're not Obama judge or

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<v Speaker 1>Trump judges, were just judges who try to do our

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<v Speaker 1>our best to interpret and apply the law. As Chief Justice,

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<v Speaker 1>he sees part of his role as protecting the institutional

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<v Speaker 1>standing of the Court, and in his mind, one way

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<v Speaker 1>to do that is to keep it from looking like

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<v Speaker 1>it is shifting just because it has new members. Do

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<v Speaker 1>you think back years he had these surprises, for example

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<v Speaker 1>the Obamacare decision, where he sought it with the liberals

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<v Speaker 1>that Obamacare could go forward. So he has surprised us

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<v Speaker 1>before and then gone back to his normal positions. Yes,

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<v Speaker 1>the Obamacare ruling, of course, is is a huge one,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's one that conservatives point to to say we

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<v Speaker 1>don't fully trust this guy. But one can also explain

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<v Speaker 1>that decision as John Roberts thinking this is how I

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<v Speaker 1>protect the institutional standing of this court. It would have

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<v Speaker 1>been very striking. If five conservative justices, five Republican appointed

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<v Speaker 1>justices had struck down Democratic pre as it then signature

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<v Speaker 1>legislative accomplishment, that would have been a major step, and

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<v Speaker 1>it would have, in many people's eyes, made the Court

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<v Speaker 1>look like it was partisan. So that instinct is probably

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<v Speaker 1>a big part of the reason why the Chief Justice

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<v Speaker 1>voted as he did. It's important, though, even in that ruling,

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of the language he used talked about how

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution does put important limits on the power of

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<v Speaker 1>Congress and the power of the president. Those conservative instincts

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<v Speaker 1>are still there. With John Roberts. The title of your

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<v Speaker 1>story is hold the Revolution, And I wonder is he

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<v Speaker 1>getting blowback from the conservatives who, with the appointment of

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<v Speaker 1>Gorsage and Kavanaugh, thought it was, you know, full speed ahead. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm not sure it's quite to the point of blowback,

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<v Speaker 1>but it is certainly to the point that some conservatives

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<v Speaker 1>are nervous that they are not going to get to

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<v Speaker 1>the kind of court that they had hoped to hear. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>these worries have been there for a while, as I said,

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<v Speaker 1>since the Obamacare decision, a lot of conservatives haven't fully

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<v Speaker 1>trusted John Roberts but that is why when we start

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<v Speaker 1>talking about say, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and you know,

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<v Speaker 1>her health, there's a lot of talk on the conservative

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<v Speaker 1>side kind of wondering, you know, will she not be

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<v Speaker 1>able to to stay on the court. There's no evidence

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<v Speaker 1>of that, but conservatives know that if she were to

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<v Speaker 1>have to leave the court, that would be the time

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<v Speaker 1>they could get another justice and really have a reliable

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<v Speaker 1>conservative majority that they don't yet have with John Roberts.

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<v Speaker 1>Is the Court still ducking or deferring contentious issues as

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<v Speaker 1>it did when Kavanaugh first joined. They are. This term

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<v Speaker 1>looks like it's going to be one where the biggest

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<v Speaker 1>cases are ones that the Court really couldn't avoid taking it.

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<v Speaker 1>In the case involving the citizenship question on the census

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<v Speaker 1>and the case involving partisan gerrymandering for various reasons, they

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<v Speaker 1>really had to take those cases. Almost everything else that

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<v Speaker 1>was somewhat optional the Court has either said no, we're

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<v Speaker 1>not going to take it, or they've kept deferring acting

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<v Speaker 1>so long that if they take it it'll be next term.

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<v Speaker 1>So there is a gun case that they're here next term.

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<v Speaker 1>There could be various other things. A case involving whether

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<v Speaker 1>a federal job discrimination law protects people on the basis

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<v Speaker 1>of sexual orientation. That could be an abortion case. But

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<v Speaker 1>for the most part, the Court has managed to defer

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<v Speaker 1>all those issues so that they're not dealing with them.

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<v Speaker 1>In Brett Cavanaugh's first term, well, they are dealing with

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<v Speaker 1>church state issue, and last Wednesday there were oral arguments.

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<v Speaker 1>Why would they take an issue like that at this

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<v Speaker 1>point if they're avoiding contentious cases. This might have been

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<v Speaker 1>a case where enough justice is thought that the lower

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<v Speaker 1>court ruling was pretty clearly wrong. So this is a

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<v Speaker 1>cross that was built as a World War One memorial

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<v Speaker 1>in Bladensburg, Maryland, and it's now in the middle of

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<v Speaker 1>an intersection there, and a federal appeals court said that

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<v Speaker 1>the cross was unconstitutional and might have to be taken

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<v Speaker 1>down or at least reshaped or moved or something. So

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<v Speaker 1>that the Court did agree to take that up. And

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<v Speaker 1>it was interesting at the argument it didn't seem like

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<v Speaker 1>there was a massive division among the justices. This not

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<v Speaker 1>look like it's going to be one of these cases

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<v Speaker 1>that very sharply divides the Court on a five four basis.

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<v Speaker 1>It may well end up being a narrower decision that

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<v Speaker 1>can get more than five justices. How so what would

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<v Speaker 1>make it a narrow decision? It did seem like the

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<v Speaker 1>justices were inclined to say that this memorial could stay there,

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<v Speaker 1>and they might get a couple of the more liberal

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<v Speaker 1>justices on board with that decision if it's a narrow one.

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<v Speaker 1>So Justice Stephen Bryer throughout the idea that maybe because

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<v Speaker 1>this memorial has been there for almost a hundred years

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<v Speaker 1>makes it different from something that was just built last

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<v Speaker 1>week in court might eventually say something like old monuments

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<v Speaker 1>like this can stay, but you can't erect new ones.

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<v Speaker 1>And then Justice Elena Kagan's thought that World War One

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<v Speaker 1>memorials might be different from other ones because the cross

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<v Speaker 1>became such a symbol of World War One, the cemeteries

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<v Speaker 1>in Europe's with all the crosses lined up, Perhaps that

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<v Speaker 1>World War One memorial is perceived differently than across might

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<v Speaker 1>be in some other context. Greg Some might say, I'm

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<v Speaker 1>not saying I would say it, but the Court has

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<v Speaker 1>taken up so many of these kinds of cases with

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<v Speaker 1>different kinds of religious displays. Why haven't they gotten it

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<v Speaker 1>down to a clear kind of line yet? Well, in

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<v Speaker 1>part because they disagree So if you call when when

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<v Speaker 1>Justice sand Did O'Connor was on the court and she

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<v Speaker 1>was a swing justice on these issues, she came up

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<v Speaker 1>with a test that said, the key question is whether

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<v Speaker 1>it would appear to an objective observer that the government

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<v Speaker 1>is endorsing religion. Well, that was a test that sort

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<v Speaker 1>of carried the day for the time she was on

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<v Speaker 1>the court. But now that she's gone, the court may

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<v Speaker 1>will abandon that test, that might even do it explicitly

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<v Speaker 1>in this case, and they would have to articulate some

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<v Speaker 1>sort of different tests. So these are tricky issues and

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<v Speaker 1>it matters an awful lot who is the justice deciding them.

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<v Speaker 1>That I think explains a lot of the variation over

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<v Speaker 1>the years about how the Court has resolved these cases.

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<v Speaker 1>And speaking of variation, does it seem as if Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Neil Gorstch is sort of off by himself with an

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<v Speaker 1>idea of restricting the ability to even sue over religious displays.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't know he's off by himself. The Chief Justice

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<v Speaker 1>also raised the idea that maybe that's the way to

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<v Speaker 1>resolve this case is to to restrict the ability of

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<v Speaker 1>people to sue. You know, Justice Grocer has certainly begun

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<v Speaker 1>to establish himself as somebody willing to think differently than

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<v Speaker 1>some of his colleagues. That is one way the Court

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<v Speaker 1>could resolve this case is to limit the ability of

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<v Speaker 1>people to bring lawsuits in the first place. Wouldn't that

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<v Speaker 1>be a very expansive way to settle this It could be.

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<v Speaker 1>It kind of depends on what they say. It's maybe

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<v Speaker 1>that the devil is in the details. That is probably, yes,

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<v Speaker 1>more expansive than it would be if the Court did

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<v Speaker 1>something that could bring on Justice Brier, Justice Cagan to

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<v Speaker 1>say this monument is different than most other displays because

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<v Speaker 1>it's a World War two memorial or because it's a

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<v Speaker 1>hundred years old. Before I let you go, I have

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<v Speaker 1>to ask you mentioned Justice Ginsburg. She's come back, and

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<v Speaker 1>she seems to come back with a vengeance. Yeah, it's remarkable.

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<v Speaker 1>On one opinion day on Monday, in the courts shoot

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<v Speaker 1>three opinions and she wrote two of them. She's written

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<v Speaker 1>three of the courts of nine opinions since she came

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<v Speaker 1>back from her cancer surgery. It is if she is

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<v Speaker 1>trying to send a message that she is fully able

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<v Speaker 1>to do her job and people are starting to take notice.

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<v Speaker 1>Thanks Greg, That's Bloomberg News Supreme Court reporter Greg Store.

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<v Speaker 1>Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can

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<v Speaker 1>subscribe and listen to the show on Apple podcast, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on bloomberg dot com slash podcast. I'm June Brasso.

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg