WEBVTT - Deep Background Presents: The Broken Constitution Ep. 1 

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<v Speaker 1>Pushkin. This is The Broken Constitution, a miniseries for unknown

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<v Speaker 1>history from quick and dirty tips and deep background from

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<v Speaker 1>Pushkin Industries. Over three episodes, I'm going to talk about

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<v Speaker 1>Abraham Lincoln and how he needed to break the American

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution in order to remake it. It's all based on

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<v Speaker 1>my new book, The Broken Constitution, Lincoln, Slavery and the

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<v Speaker 1>Refounding of America, out November second. If you're listening to

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<v Speaker 1>this podcast, you already know that one of the most

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<v Speaker 1>important and pressing questions facing the United States today is

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<v Speaker 1>whether racism and slavery are encoded into the DNA of

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<v Speaker 1>our nation by virtue of being encoded into the US Constitution.

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<v Speaker 1>This question is behind debates about who we are, what

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<v Speaker 1>we should teach, and what the possibilities are for our

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<v Speaker 1>nation going into the future, especially with respect to racial equality.

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<v Speaker 1>I wrote this book because I wanted to know the answer.

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<v Speaker 1>I've devoted most of my professional life to thinking about

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<v Speaker 1>the US Constitution and about other constitutions, whether in Iraq

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<v Speaker 1>or Tunisia or anywhere else around the world. I'd written

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<v Speaker 1>books about James Madison and the drafting of the US Constitution,

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<v Speaker 1>as well as its ratification and I'd also written a

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<v Speaker 1>book about the interpretation of the Constitution in the modern period,

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<v Speaker 1>starting with the justices appointed by Franklin Delano Roosevelt in

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<v Speaker 1>the nineteen thirties and going all the way up into

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<v Speaker 1>the nineteen sixties. That study gave me a foundation in

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<v Speaker 1>trying to answer the question. But I must tell you

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<v Speaker 1>that I was genuinely astonished by many of the things

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<v Speaker 1>that I discovered in researching this book, and the answer

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<v Speaker 1>that I reached is not the answer that I thought

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<v Speaker 1>I was going to reach when I began. My surprise

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<v Speaker 1>can be summed up in three simple propositions, each of

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<v Speaker 1>which I believed and each of which I now think

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<v Speaker 1>is wrong. I thought that from the start our Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>in the United States functioned as a higher moral law

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<v Speaker 1>guiding us into the future. It did not. I thought

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<v Speaker 1>we had the same constitution that we had had since

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<v Speaker 1>it was drafted in seventeen eighty seven and ratified in

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<v Speaker 1>a couple of years afterwards. As it turns out, we

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<v Speaker 1>do not. And perhaps most surprisingly, I always thought of

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<v Speaker 1>Abraham Lincoln as the president who saved the US Constitution.

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<v Speaker 1>In fact, however, the truth is that Abraham Lincoln did

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<v Speaker 1>not save our Constitution. He broke the Constitution three separate times,

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<v Speaker 1>in three separate ways, in order to transform it into

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<v Speaker 1>something very new and very different. Over the course of

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<v Speaker 1>this mini series, I'm going to discuss all three of

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<v Speaker 1>these ideas misconceptions, really, and I'm going to tell you

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<v Speaker 1>a story, the story of Abraham Lincoln's own engagement with

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution and what it reveals not only about his

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<v Speaker 1>tremendous importance as a thinker about the Constitution, but also

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<v Speaker 1>about the Constitution itself. In this first episode, I'm going

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<v Speaker 1>to suggest that the Constitution Abraham Lincoln supported was not

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<v Speaker 1>a moral blueprint for our nation or a higher law

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<v Speaker 1>that the great majority of Americans could support and treat

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<v Speaker 1>as guiding them into the future. Instead, the Constitution of

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<v Speaker 1>the United States until the Civil War was a compromise constitution,

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<v Speaker 1>and that compromise was one that Abraham Lincoln himself was

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<v Speaker 1>entirely devoted to preserving. What made the Constitution a compromise

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<v Speaker 1>everybody remembers from eighth grade Civics that the original Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>of seventeen eighty seven contained a major compromise between the

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<v Speaker 1>large and the small states. That was the compromise that

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<v Speaker 1>created popular representation in the House of Representatives, but treated

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<v Speaker 1>all states as the same with respect to representation in

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate. That was a big fight in Philadelphia in

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<v Speaker 1>the long hot summer of seventeen eighty seven, and it culminated,

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<v Speaker 1>indeed in a walkout where the small states told the

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<v Speaker 1>large states, unless you give us equal representation in the Senate,

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<v Speaker 1>we're not going to participate in the Constitution at all.

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<v Speaker 1>But as the summer progressed, the most astute delegates there

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<v Speaker 1>began to realize that the real conflict that was going

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<v Speaker 1>to emerge in the United States, and they could already

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<v Speaker 1>be sensed in the Convention, was not between large and

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<v Speaker 1>small states. It was between northern states that were either

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<v Speaker 1>free or on their way to becoming free states, and

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<v Speaker 1>Southern states that were committed to slavery as crucial to

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<v Speaker 1>their economic way of life. The compromise that took place

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen eighty seven between the northern and the Southern

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<v Speaker 1>states had three components each and every one of them

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<v Speaker 1>was connected to slavery. The first was the three fifths compromise.

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<v Speaker 1>The South wanted enslaved persons of African descent to be

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<v Speaker 1>counted as full persons for the purpose of representation. Their idea,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, was that the enslaved persons would never have

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<v Speaker 1>the opportunity to vote, but by counting slaves, Southern states

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<v Speaker 1>would have greater representation in the House of Representatives because

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<v Speaker 1>slaves made up a significant part of the Southern population.

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<v Speaker 1>Northern states, in contrast, did not want to count slaves

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<v Speaker 1>at all in total numbers for representation in the House

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<v Speaker 1>of Representatives because they believed that because enslaved persons did

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<v Speaker 1>not have the right to vote, it followed that they

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<v Speaker 1>shouldn't be counted, and that would give the North more

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<v Speaker 1>proportional representation in the House of Representatives. The three fifths

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<v Speaker 1>compromise was designed to placate both sides. It gave each

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<v Speaker 1>side part of what it wanted, and of course, into

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<v Speaker 1>the bargain, it had the symbolic effect of treating slaves

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<v Speaker 1>as only three fifths of human beings. The second compromise

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<v Speaker 1>having to do with slavery was one which we barely

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<v Speaker 1>remember today, and that was a guarantee in the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>that the international trade in slaves, importing slaves into the

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<v Speaker 1>United States would be protected for twenty years from the

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<v Speaker 1>time of the ratification of the Constitution. The idea here

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<v Speaker 1>was that in the very deepest part of the South,

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<v Speaker 1>especially South Carolina, slaveholders felt that they needed many, many

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<v Speaker 1>more slaves than they already had in order to expand

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<v Speaker 1>their economies. To do that, they wanted to be sure

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<v Speaker 1>of a steady supply of enslaved persons brought from Africa,

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<v Speaker 1>and they knew that international opposition to the slave trade,

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<v Speaker 1>including opposition in the North, was growing and strong. It's

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<v Speaker 1>important to keep in mind here that even many people

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<v Speaker 1>who thought that slavery was morally acceptable at the time,

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<v Speaker 1>including many in the North, drew the line at the

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<v Speaker 1>idea of capturing people, turning them into slaves, and importing

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<v Speaker 1>them across international waters to North America. It was not

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<v Speaker 1>unusual for people to oppose the slave trade without opposing slavery.

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<v Speaker 1>The Constitution guaranteed in an unamendable way that for twenty

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<v Speaker 1>years slaves could still be imported. After that, it would

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<v Speaker 1>be up to Congress to determine whether the slave trade

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<v Speaker 1>would be ended, as indeed it was. The last compromise

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<v Speaker 1>is one that it's easy to forget today, but that

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<v Speaker 1>was in fact the most significant from the standpoint of

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<v Speaker 1>Americans in the eighteen hundreds, and that was the compromise

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<v Speaker 1>over the fugitive Slave Clause. The fugitive Slave Clause of

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution specified that if enslaved people were to flee

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<v Speaker 1>from slave states in the South two free states in

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<v Speaker 1>the North, not only would they not become free by

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<v Speaker 1>entering into free territory, but beyond that, they would be

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<v Speaker 1>returned to their owners. What was so fundamentally significant about

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<v Speaker 1>the fugitive Slave clause was that it implicated the North

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<v Speaker 1>fully in the practice of slavery. It meant that even

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<v Speaker 1>states that abolished slavery themselves would still have to participate

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<v Speaker 1>in the realities of slavery by lending their legal systems

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<v Speaker 1>to the capture and return of enslaves to the status

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<v Speaker 1>of slavery. You may ask, especially if you've seen the

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<v Speaker 1>musical Hamilton, how could it be that Northerners at the

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<v Speaker 1>Constitutional Convention, a few of whom were at least skeptical

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<v Speaker 1>about the morality of slavery, could have agreed to these propositions.

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<v Speaker 1>The short answer is compromise was necessary as a condition

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<v Speaker 1>for actually getting the Constitution to be successfully agreed upon

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<v Speaker 1>by all sides, and even Hamilton himself, who was perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>not as fully committed to abolition as lin Manuel Miranda

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<v Speaker 1>would have us think. Hamilton actively defended this compromise, and

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<v Speaker 1>he described the three fifths proposition by saying the quote,

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<v Speaker 1>it was one result of the spirit of accommodation which

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<v Speaker 1>governed the Convention, and without this indulgence, no union could

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<v Speaker 1>possibly have been formed. That sentence explicitly articulated what everybody knew.

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<v Speaker 1>The Constitution was a compromise, and it was a compromise

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<v Speaker 1>between slaveholders and non slaveholders and accommodation without which there

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<v Speaker 1>could not have been a continuing union. What did Abraham

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln himself think about this compromise Constitution when he was

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<v Speaker 1>a young man living in Illinois. The short answer is

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<v Speaker 1>that Lincoln was a complete and total supporter of the

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<v Speaker 1>compromise Constitution. When it came to politics, his choice from

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<v Speaker 1>early on in his career was to support the Whig

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<v Speaker 1>Party and to idolize the founder and leading figure in

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<v Speaker 1>the Whig Party, a man called Henry Clay, famous in

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<v Speaker 1>American history with the name the Great Compromiser. None of

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<v Speaker 1>this is a coincidence. Lincoln didn't have to be a

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<v Speaker 1>follower of Clay or a wig. In fact, as a

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<v Speaker 1>self made young man at the frontier, he might naturally

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<v Speaker 1>have become a follower of Andrew Jackson and the Jacksonian Democrats.

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<v Speaker 1>Yet Lincoln's personality, his experiences, and his attitudes drew him

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<v Speaker 1>to Clay. That made Lincoln into somebody who was fundamentally

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<v Speaker 1>committed to the ideal of compromise. Lincoln's commitment to the

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution as a compromised document can be seen in his

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<v Speaker 1>first really important political speech, which he gave in eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirty eight. The speech was a defense of what Lincoln

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<v Speaker 1>called the perpetuation of our political institutions. His main point

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<v Speaker 1>was that unless Americans would abide by the rule of law,

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution and the country were doomed to collapse. In

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<v Speaker 1>the course of this speech, Lincoln insisted that the overarching

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<v Speaker 1>value of constitutional life must be reason, what he called

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<v Speaker 1>sober reason, cold calculating, unimpassioned reason, and this reason, Lincoln said,

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<v Speaker 1>should be molded into a reverence for the Constitution and laws.

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<v Speaker 1>The Constitution must be revered for its coldness, its lack

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<v Speaker 1>of passion, and its commitment to reason. Starkly absent from

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<v Speaker 1>this account was any commitment to the idea that the

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution was fundamentally morally right. Lincoln, of course himself was

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<v Speaker 1>not fond of slavery from the moment. We have a

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<v Speaker 1>record of what he thought about it. He considered the

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<v Speaker 1>practice cruel and preferred that it not exists. And yet

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln remained committed to the idea that slavery needed to

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<v Speaker 1>be preserved in the Constitution. How did Lincoln and other

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<v Speaker 1>mainstream figures in nineteenth century America reconcile these two thoughts.

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<v Speaker 1>In Lincoln's case, the answer was one that he inherited

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<v Speaker 1>from Henry Clay, who himself had inherited it from James

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<v Speaker 1>Madison and James Monroe. This was the idea, the hope, really,

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<v Speaker 1>the aspiration at best, that slavery would die what Lincoln

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<v Speaker 1>called unnatural death. The theory here was that somehow, as

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<v Speaker 1>if by magic, slavery would cease to be economically viable,

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<v Speaker 1>and that Southerners would, as a consequence, stop relying on

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<v Speaker 1>it as the basis for their economies. As a loyal

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<v Speaker 1>son of the old Northwest and of Illinois, Lincoln himself

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<v Speaker 1>was not committed to slavery, which he always viewed negatively,

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<v Speaker 1>but the world in which he lived and the economy

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<v Speaker 1>of the people whom he eventually sought to represent as

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<v Speaker 1>he entered politics, depended on the expansion of the country

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<v Speaker 1>across the continent, eventually all the way to California, and

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<v Speaker 1>that expansion, in turn was completely bound up in the

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<v Speaker 1>expansion of slavery. Over the course of the eighteen hundreds,

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution was therefore gradually reaffirmed as a blueprint for

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<v Speaker 1>the capacity of the country to expand. In order to

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<v Speaker 1>cross the continent and achieve what came to be called

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<v Speaker 1>manifest destiny, the country needed to be unified. It couldn't

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<v Speaker 1>be broken into two or three different mini republics, which

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<v Speaker 1>might establish tariffs and other limitations on trade as among

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<v Speaker 1>them now. Notwithstanding the felt necessity by Northerners, Westerners, and

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<v Speaker 1>Southerners of maintaining unity, the eighteen hundreds still saw a

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<v Speaker 1>succession of major crises, which played themselves out as crises

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<v Speaker 1>around the Constitution. The Constitution, in practical terms, was a

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<v Speaker 1>compromised deal between slaveholders and non slaveholders designed to facilitate expansion.

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<v Speaker 1>But each and every time that the country expanded to

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<v Speaker 1>include territory that would become part of a new state,

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<v Speaker 1>the compromise came into doubt. If they were free, that

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<v Speaker 1>might give the North an ultimate advantage and the capacity

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<v Speaker 1>to alter the terms of the deal and make slavery

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<v Speaker 1>less powerful or indeed eliminated. If, on the other hand,

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<v Speaker 1>the new states were to be admitted to the Union

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<v Speaker 1>as slave states, that would create circumstances where the slave

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<v Speaker 1>states might be able over time to transform the Union

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<v Speaker 1>into an entirely slave entity, in which the Northern states,

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<v Speaker 1>even if they didn't have slavery, would be further and

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<v Speaker 1>further implicated in the practice. Not by the design of

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen eighty seven, but rather by gradual realism. A fifty

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<v Speaker 1>fifty balance in the Senate had been established between slave

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<v Speaker 1>states and free states, and the crises of the eighteen twenties, thirties, forties,

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<v Speaker 1>and fifties, coupled with the compromises that purported to save them,

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<v Speaker 1>were all focused on the question of the balance of

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate as it would be shaped by the admission

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<v Speaker 1>of new states. The paradox, then was that the compromises

0:16:41.676 --> 0:16:46.036
<v Speaker 1>were necessary to maintain balance, and the balance was necessary

0:16:46.036 --> 0:16:51.276
<v Speaker 1>to achieve expansion, but the expansion itself created doubt about

0:16:51.316 --> 0:16:56.836
<v Speaker 1>the capacities of the compromise to exist. Throughout this period

0:16:56.836 --> 0:17:01.796
<v Speaker 1>of time, Lincoln committed himself to a centrist position. He

0:17:01.916 --> 0:17:07.876
<v Speaker 1>repeatedly denounced abolitionists as people who were doing something unwise,

0:17:08.676 --> 0:17:13.716
<v Speaker 1>namely trying to undermine the very balance that was crucial

0:17:13.756 --> 0:17:17.436
<v Speaker 1>to the existence of compromise. At the same time, he

0:17:17.516 --> 0:17:21.796
<v Speaker 1>maintained a moral objection to slavery, one that he expressed

0:17:21.996 --> 0:17:26.596
<v Speaker 1>more and more clearly during these years. The way for

0:17:26.676 --> 0:17:30.756
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln and others to achieve some kind of coherence, if

0:17:30.796 --> 0:17:33.756
<v Speaker 1>you can call it, that, was to remind themselves and

0:17:33.876 --> 0:17:37.516
<v Speaker 1>everybody else that the Constitution was a set of rules

0:17:37.556 --> 0:17:42.116
<v Speaker 1>that deserved reverence and obedience because everyone had promised to

0:17:42.156 --> 0:17:46.396
<v Speaker 1>follow it as part of a compromised deal. The idea

0:17:46.436 --> 0:17:48.476
<v Speaker 1>that you had a moral duty to keep an agreement

0:17:48.756 --> 0:17:54.316
<v Speaker 1>which was itself all about an immoral arrangement, required tremendous

0:17:54.516 --> 0:18:00.596
<v Speaker 1>conscious analysis of the problem and simultaneously tremendous denial of

0:18:00.636 --> 0:18:05.596
<v Speaker 1>the fundamental immorality that underlay it. And it's not as

0:18:05.596 --> 0:18:08.796
<v Speaker 1>though nobody in the United States at the time was

0:18:08.876 --> 0:18:15.276
<v Speaker 1>thinking about the contradictions of this compromise. They were abolitionists

0:18:15.276 --> 0:18:17.996
<v Speaker 1>in the United States in the eighteen hundreds made it

0:18:18.316 --> 0:18:24.516
<v Speaker 1>extraordinarily clear that to agree to the compromise Constitution was

0:18:24.596 --> 0:18:28.196
<v Speaker 1>to be committed to what the abolitionist Wendell Phillips called

0:18:28.556 --> 0:18:33.556
<v Speaker 1>an agreement with death and a covenant with Hell. Before

0:18:33.676 --> 0:18:36.916
<v Speaker 1>ending this episode, I want to share with you some

0:18:37.076 --> 0:18:39.956
<v Speaker 1>fascinating material that I was able to discover with the

0:18:39.996 --> 0:18:45.076
<v Speaker 1>help of my research assistance. This material consists of debates

0:18:45.356 --> 0:18:50.116
<v Speaker 1>among African American abolitionists in the eighteen thirties, forties, and

0:18:50.196 --> 0:18:55.476
<v Speaker 1>fifties about whether the original Constitution was itself so immoral

0:18:55.956 --> 0:19:01.516
<v Speaker 1>that any accommodation to it made the person who accommodated

0:19:01.956 --> 0:19:07.476
<v Speaker 1>also immoral. Consider as an example, a fascinating debate that

0:19:07.596 --> 0:19:11.636
<v Speaker 1>took place on January sixth, eighteen fifty one, at the

0:19:11.796 --> 0:19:16.796
<v Speaker 1>sixth State Convention of Colored Citizens of Ohio, held in Columbus.

0:19:17.356 --> 0:19:20.996
<v Speaker 1>State conventions of free African Americans had become common by

0:19:20.996 --> 0:19:25.716
<v Speaker 1>the eighteen fifties. In this particular convention, a debate broke

0:19:25.756 --> 0:19:30.396
<v Speaker 1>out between two significant African American abolitionists, one a man

0:19:30.476 --> 0:19:34.716
<v Speaker 1>called Hezekiah Ford Douglas, who had escaped being a slave

0:19:34.756 --> 0:19:36.836
<v Speaker 1>at the age of fifteen and went on later to

0:19:36.836 --> 0:19:39.596
<v Speaker 1>command his own unit in the Civil War, and on

0:19:39.636 --> 0:19:43.676
<v Speaker 1>the other side, a man called William Howard Day, originally

0:19:43.756 --> 0:19:47.276
<v Speaker 1>born free in New York, a graduate of Oberlin College,

0:19:47.316 --> 0:19:49.836
<v Speaker 1>who would become the founder and editor of a weekly

0:19:49.916 --> 0:19:56.636
<v Speaker 1>Cleveland newspaper with the extraordinary name The Aliened American. The

0:19:56.716 --> 0:20:00.436
<v Speaker 1>subject of the debate was whether it was appropriate for

0:20:00.636 --> 0:20:04.836
<v Speaker 1>African Americans who were free to vote in states where

0:20:04.876 --> 0:20:09.876
<v Speaker 1>they were free to vote, such as Ohio. Hezekiah, for Douglas,

0:20:10.116 --> 0:20:13.516
<v Speaker 1>took the view that it was immoral for a free

0:20:13.596 --> 0:20:18.036
<v Speaker 1>African American to vote in a federal election, because to

0:20:18.196 --> 0:20:22.636
<v Speaker 1>do so was to implicate oneself in the immorality of

0:20:22.676 --> 0:20:27.476
<v Speaker 1>the Compromise Constitution. As Douglas put it, I hold sir,

0:20:27.796 --> 0:20:30.796
<v Speaker 1>that the Constitution of the United States is pro slavery,

0:20:31.356 --> 0:20:34.636
<v Speaker 1>considered so by those who framed it and construed to

0:20:34.676 --> 0:20:38.956
<v Speaker 1>that end ever since its adoption. This was simply a

0:20:39.036 --> 0:20:42.996
<v Speaker 1>historical fact, as Douglas and his listeners knew, the Compromise

0:20:43.116 --> 0:20:50.076
<v Speaker 1>Constitution did enshrine slavery, and Douglas went on, we are, all,

0:20:50.116 --> 0:20:54.116
<v Speaker 1>according to Congressional enactments, involved in the horrible system of

0:20:54.236 --> 0:20:57.676
<v Speaker 1>human bondage by virtue of the fact that Congress had

0:20:57.756 --> 0:21:01.436
<v Speaker 1>enacted the Fugitive Slave Act in fulfillment of the constitutional

0:21:01.476 --> 0:21:05.836
<v Speaker 1>promise of the Fugitive Slave Clause. Douglas was saying everyone

0:21:05.876 --> 0:21:10.036
<v Speaker 1>who voted for Congress was morally implicated in their perpetuation

0:21:10.076 --> 0:21:14.876
<v Speaker 1>of slavery. His conclusion was, although African Americans were free

0:21:14.916 --> 0:21:18.276
<v Speaker 1>to vote in federal elections in Ohio, they should not

0:21:18.436 --> 0:21:24.716
<v Speaker 1>do so. William Howard Day fundamentally disagreed. He took the

0:21:24.836 --> 0:21:29.116
<v Speaker 1>view that although the Constitution could be construed or interpreted

0:21:29.236 --> 0:21:33.476
<v Speaker 1>as pro slavery, he refused to interpret it that way.

0:21:34.516 --> 0:21:37.236
<v Speaker 1>In fact, he said, even though the Supreme Court of

0:21:37.236 --> 0:21:40.036
<v Speaker 1>the United States has given aid to slavery by their

0:21:40.116 --> 0:21:45.756
<v Speaker 1>unjust and illegal decisions, that is not the Constitution. Those decisions,

0:21:45.756 --> 0:21:49.556
<v Speaker 1>he said, are not that under which I vote. Day

0:21:49.636 --> 0:21:53.156
<v Speaker 1>drew an analogy between the Bible, which could be misinterpreted

0:21:53.276 --> 0:21:56.756
<v Speaker 1>but should be interpreted correctly, and the Constitution, which had

0:21:56.796 --> 0:22:02.116
<v Speaker 1>been misinterpreted, he said, but should be interpreted differently. Day

0:22:02.116 --> 0:22:05.556
<v Speaker 1>went on to give a pragmatic explanation for why he

0:22:05.596 --> 0:22:09.196
<v Speaker 1>wanted to rely on the Constitution as a weapon to

0:22:09.196 --> 0:22:13.476
<v Speaker 1>fight against slavery. Sir, he said, coming up as I

0:22:13.556 --> 0:22:16.316
<v Speaker 1>do in the midst of three millions of men in chains,

0:22:16.516 --> 0:22:20.316
<v Speaker 1>and five hundred thousand only half free. I consider every

0:22:20.396 --> 0:22:24.596
<v Speaker 1>instrument precious which guarantees to me liberty. I consider the

0:22:24.636 --> 0:22:28.356
<v Speaker 1>Constitution a foundation of American liberties, and wrapping myself in

0:22:28.396 --> 0:22:31.156
<v Speaker 1>the flag of the nation, I would plant myself upon

0:22:31.196 --> 0:22:34.436
<v Speaker 1>that Constitution, and using the weapons they have given me,

0:22:34.756 --> 0:22:37.476
<v Speaker 1>I would appeal to the American people for the rights

0:22:37.836 --> 0:22:42.916
<v Speaker 1>thus guaranteed. William Howard Day was saying that whatever the

0:22:42.996 --> 0:22:46.636
<v Speaker 1>immorality of a constitution might be, as applied, he preferred

0:22:46.636 --> 0:22:50.916
<v Speaker 1>to wrap himself in the Constitution as a patriotic basis

0:22:51.036 --> 0:22:55.676
<v Speaker 1>for making an anti slavery argument. You could see here,

0:22:56.076 --> 0:22:58.916
<v Speaker 1>in almost all of its detail, a version of the

0:22:58.996 --> 0:23:02.076
<v Speaker 1>argument that we are still having today as a country.

0:23:02.236 --> 0:23:05.356
<v Speaker 1>Should the Constitution be interpreted in the light of the

0:23:05.396 --> 0:23:09.476
<v Speaker 1>recognition of slavery that initially included, or should the Stution

0:23:09.556 --> 0:23:13.356
<v Speaker 1>instead be read against the grain as a document that

0:23:13.476 --> 0:23:19.476
<v Speaker 1>could be used to fight against slavery. Notwithstanding that history,

0:23:19.796 --> 0:23:22.836
<v Speaker 1>in this particular debate, in the years before the Civil

0:23:22.836 --> 0:23:25.956
<v Speaker 1>War and the eventual emancipation of slaves and the passage

0:23:25.956 --> 0:23:30.236
<v Speaker 1>of the Fourteenth Amendment, Hezekiah for Douglas got the last word.

0:23:31.076 --> 0:23:35.836
<v Speaker 1>Responding today's plan of wrapping himself in the flag, Douglas said,

0:23:36.596 --> 0:23:39.036
<v Speaker 1>the gentleman may wrap the stars and stripe of his

0:23:39.076 --> 0:23:42.276
<v Speaker 1>country around him forty times, and with a declaration of

0:23:42.316 --> 0:23:44.956
<v Speaker 1>independence in one hand and the constitution of our common

0:23:44.956 --> 0:23:47.676
<v Speaker 1>country and the other, may seat himself under the shadow

0:23:47.716 --> 0:23:51.236
<v Speaker 1>of the frowning monument of Bunker Hill. And if the slaveholder,

0:23:51.356 --> 0:23:54.676
<v Speaker 1>under the constitution and with the fugitive bill don't find you,

0:23:55.036 --> 0:23:59.916
<v Speaker 1>then there don't exist a constitution. Hezekiah for Douglas was

0:23:59.956 --> 0:24:02.876
<v Speaker 1>saying that even if a black man were to be

0:24:02.956 --> 0:24:07.396
<v Speaker 1>in Massachusetts, where slavery was outlawed, and sitting under the

0:24:07.476 --> 0:24:11.156
<v Speaker 1>Bunker Hill Monument in Charlestown, and wrapped in the stars

0:24:11.156 --> 0:24:13.156
<v Speaker 1>and stripes, with the Constitution in one hand and the

0:24:13.156 --> 0:24:16.156
<v Speaker 1>declaration in the other, he would still be treated by

0:24:16.156 --> 0:24:20.236
<v Speaker 1>the law as an escaped slave, and the federal fugitive

0:24:20.276 --> 0:24:23.356
<v Speaker 1>Slave law would still lead the slave catcher to grab

0:24:23.436 --> 0:24:27.196
<v Speaker 1>him up in Massachusetts and treat him as a slave.

0:24:29.236 --> 0:24:32.196
<v Speaker 1>In the next several episodes, I'm going to describe to

0:24:32.236 --> 0:24:38.316
<v Speaker 1>you the crisis of Southern Secession, the war, and the

0:24:38.396 --> 0:24:43.116
<v Speaker 1>consequences of Lincoln's three major acts of breaking the Constitution

0:24:43.196 --> 0:24:46.396
<v Speaker 1>as it was known at the time. I'll suggest you

0:24:46.636 --> 0:24:50.876
<v Speaker 1>that those acts eventually had a transformative effect on the

0:24:50.916 --> 0:24:54.516
<v Speaker 1>Constitution as it stood up to the moment of the

0:24:54.636 --> 0:24:59.956
<v Speaker 1>Civil War. That in turn will lead me to suggest

0:24:59.996 --> 0:25:04.156
<v Speaker 1>that the Compromise Constitution that existed up to the Civil War,

0:25:04.956 --> 0:25:09.436
<v Speaker 1>with its character of fundamental willingness to incorporate immorality, is

0:25:09.516 --> 0:25:15.036
<v Speaker 1>not the Constitution that we still have today. For this episode, though,

0:25:15.316 --> 0:25:18.636
<v Speaker 1>I want to leave you with the words of Frederick Douglas,

0:25:18.676 --> 0:25:22.276
<v Speaker 1>the most important abolitionist of them all. Over the course

0:25:22.276 --> 0:25:25.556
<v Speaker 1>of his career, Douglas had different points of view on

0:25:25.676 --> 0:25:29.036
<v Speaker 1>how the Constitution should be considered. Early on, he was

0:25:29.076 --> 0:25:33.356
<v Speaker 1>committed to the view that it was fundamentally immoral. Later,

0:25:33.596 --> 0:25:35.716
<v Speaker 1>in the run up to the Civil War, he shifted

0:25:35.716 --> 0:25:38.476
<v Speaker 1>to the alternative view that the Constitution should be read

0:25:38.676 --> 0:25:41.516
<v Speaker 1>against its own words and against its own history, as

0:25:41.556 --> 0:25:46.596
<v Speaker 1>a document that could promote freedom in between. However, in

0:25:46.676 --> 0:25:50.276
<v Speaker 1>eighteen fifty Douglas describe things in words that seemed to

0:25:50.356 --> 0:25:55.076
<v Speaker 1>my mind entirely accurate. Here's what he said about the

0:25:55.156 --> 0:26:00.996
<v Speaker 1>Compromise Constitution. Liberty and slavery opposite, as heaven and hell

0:26:01.476 --> 0:26:05.996
<v Speaker 1>are both in the Constitution, Douglas said, and the oath

0:26:06.116 --> 0:26:10.556
<v Speaker 1>to support the Constitution is an oath to perform that

0:26:10.756 --> 0:26:17.596
<v Speaker 1>which God has made impossible. The Constitution was, Douglas concluded,

0:26:18.236 --> 0:26:23.236
<v Speaker 1>at war with itself. But those words that an oath

0:26:23.316 --> 0:26:27.436
<v Speaker 1>to support the Constitution is an oath to perform that

0:26:27.596 --> 0:26:31.516
<v Speaker 1>which God has made impossible a self contradiction, and the

0:26:31.556 --> 0:26:36.156
<v Speaker 1>support of a document at war with itself precisely captures

0:26:36.436 --> 0:26:41.116
<v Speaker 1>the situation that Abraham Lincoln would find himself in just

0:26:41.316 --> 0:26:45.076
<v Speaker 1>ten years after Douglas spoke those words. When Lincoln was

0:26:45.076 --> 0:26:49.596
<v Speaker 1>elected president, the Southern States seceded, and he was required

0:26:49.636 --> 0:26:53.516
<v Speaker 1>to consider what the oath of office to support, protect,

0:26:53.516 --> 0:27:04.356
<v Speaker 1>and defend the Constitution should mean in practice to him.

0:27:04.396 --> 0:27:07.676
<v Speaker 1>To hear more about that, listen to the next episode

0:27:07.756 --> 0:27:11.476
<v Speaker 1>of this podcast, The Broken Constitution, coming to you in

0:27:11.556 --> 0:27:15.556
<v Speaker 1>one week. If you can't wait, you can listen to

0:27:15.556 --> 0:27:18.356
<v Speaker 1>the next episode a few days early on the Unknown

0:27:18.396 --> 0:27:21.996
<v Speaker 1>History podcast from Quick and Dirty Tips. Find it in

0:27:22.036 --> 0:27:26.236
<v Speaker 1>the show notes or your favorite podcast app, and go

0:27:26.276 --> 0:27:30.436
<v Speaker 1>ahead and pre order or by The Broken Constitution from

0:27:30.436 --> 0:27:36.156
<v Speaker 1>your favorite local bookstore. It's out on November second. The

0:27:36.236 --> 0:27:40.196
<v Speaker 1>Broken Constitution was produced by Nathan's SEMs and Quick and

0:27:40.276 --> 0:27:43.676
<v Speaker 1>Dirty Tips, a proud part of McMillan publisher's home of

0:27:43.756 --> 0:27:46.916
<v Speaker 1>far Strauss and Jeru, who are publishing my book