WEBVTT - Mueller Shows Interest in Interviewing Trump (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. I'm June Grosso. Every

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<v Speaker 1>day we bring you insight and analysis into the most

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<v Speaker 1>important legal news of the day. You can find more

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<v Speaker 1>episodes of the Bloomberg Law Podcast on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud,

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<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcasts. Legal analysts have

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<v Speaker 1>been anticipating that Special Counsel Robert Mueller would be requesting

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<v Speaker 1>an interview with President Trump. It's a natural part of

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<v Speaker 1>the course of Mueller's thorough and painstaking investigation, and now

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<v Speaker 1>several news sources are reporting that the interview could happen

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<v Speaker 1>very soon, possibly within weeks. Trump has said he's willing

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<v Speaker 1>to be interviewed, but his attorneys apparently do not agree.

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<v Speaker 1>They're discussing compromises to avoid an in person encounter between

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<v Speaker 1>Trump and Mueller. According to NBC News, My guest is

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<v Speaker 1>Bradley Moss, a partner at Mark Zaid. Brad is there

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<v Speaker 1>any doubt that the President will have to submit to

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<v Speaker 1>an interview with Mueller under oath or a grand jury

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<v Speaker 1>subpoena will be issued. I think it's pretty fair to

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<v Speaker 1>say that, at least in some context, he's going to

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<v Speaker 1>be questioned. UM a simple responding to written questions isn't

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<v Speaker 1>going to be enough. I can't fathom that Mr Mueller

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<v Speaker 1>would view that as sufficient. Given the nature of this investigation.

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<v Speaker 1>The question, of course becomes, what's the context, how limited

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<v Speaker 1>and restricted are the questions in the topics, and what

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<v Speaker 1>kind of negotiated agreement both the president's personal attorneys and

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<v Speaker 1>Mr Mueller's team um come to beforehand so as to

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<v Speaker 1>make this a voluntary interview under oath, as opposed to

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<v Speaker 1>Mller actually haying to take the steps of issuing a

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<v Speaker 1>grand jury subpoena and bringing the President before a grand jury.

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<v Speaker 1>We should I mention that legally Trump could take the fifth,

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<v Speaker 1>but there's a political risk, correct, I mean, it would

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<v Speaker 1>be political suicide more or less for the President at

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<v Speaker 1>this point to refuse to be interviewed, to take the

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<v Speaker 1>fifth and refuse to answer questions, given how he is

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<v Speaker 1>very broad boldly and broadly and definitively stated there was

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<v Speaker 1>no collusion, there was no crime, there was no obstruction.

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<v Speaker 1>For him to now try to invoke the fifth while

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<v Speaker 1>something he is legally permitted to do would nonetheless look

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<v Speaker 1>horrible from political perception standpoint, I would just devastate him

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<v Speaker 1>in terms of his ability to govern. So let's talk

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<v Speaker 1>now about what you talked about before the format. Let's

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<v Speaker 1>talk a little bit more about that. So you just

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<v Speaker 1>said that you think that Mueller would not accept written

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<v Speaker 1>question and answers. There's the possibility of an open ended

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<v Speaker 1>in person interview or a more restricted in person interview.

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<v Speaker 1>Is he likely to agree to a restricted interview? In

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<v Speaker 1>other words, only certain categories would be brought up. I

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<v Speaker 1>guess it depends on what Mr Muller knows that we

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<v Speaker 1>obviously in the public don't know about. So how much

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<v Speaker 1>information he has already gotten from other depositions, other interviews,

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<v Speaker 1>grand jury testimony that gives him context, and how much

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<v Speaker 1>he truly needs to question the president as opposed to

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<v Speaker 1>simply trying to go up through a narrow scope of

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<v Speaker 1>questions to see how the President responds, but already having

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<v Speaker 1>everything else he already needs in the background context. So I, personally,

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<v Speaker 1>if I were at the president attorneys, I certainly would

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<v Speaker 1>never agree to that open ended interview, especially with a

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<v Speaker 1>client like Donald Trump, who knows where his mind could

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<v Speaker 1>go into this context, who knows how it's go off

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<v Speaker 1>on a tangent. You wouldn't want him to do that.

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<v Speaker 1>So for Mr Mueller, it depends on what he already

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<v Speaker 1>knows and how much he truly needs a certain factual

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<v Speaker 1>information from the President as opposed to just trying to

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<v Speaker 1>get a sense of how the President would answer to

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<v Speaker 1>certain questions. Is it likely that Mueller would do the

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<v Speaker 1>interview himself or have one of his top people do it.

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<v Speaker 1>It's a good question. I think Mueller, out of respect

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<v Speaker 1>for the office, would want to handle it largely hisself,

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<v Speaker 1>as opposed to giving it to one of his dream

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<v Speaker 1>team attorneys. Certainly they could handle it, but I think

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<v Speaker 1>he would want to try to offer some measure of

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<v Speaker 1>respect in the prestige of having it to be the

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<v Speaker 1>special Counsel, not someone else questioning someone with the office

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<v Speaker 1>of the President itself. So I think it would be

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<v Speaker 1>a fair assumption to make that he'll do it himself.

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<v Speaker 1>Many people may not realize that it wasn't just President

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<v Speaker 1>Bill Clinton that submitted to questioning under oath or interviews.

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<v Speaker 1>Um Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Ronald Reagan, and Gerald

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<v Speaker 1>Ford all either submitted to interviews or testified before a

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<v Speaker 1>grand jury. Why is the testimony before a grand jury

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<v Speaker 1>so much more difficult? Uh? In a grand jury, you

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<v Speaker 1>can't have your lawyers there by and large, So for

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<v Speaker 1>especially with a client left Donald Trump, again, you've got

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<v Speaker 1>to be worried a bit about how he'll answer certain questions,

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<v Speaker 1>whether or not he'll go off on a tangent, if

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<v Speaker 1>he doesn't have his lawyers there to guide him a bit,

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<v Speaker 1>which you do for any client who has that type

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<v Speaker 1>of speaking style. Um. But you also have the issue

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<v Speaker 1>you can Missilian book, the Fifth Amendment to protect to

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<v Speaker 1>protect yourself against the crimination in a grand jury proceeding,

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<v Speaker 1>unlike in any other interview. So it's would be a

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<v Speaker 1>more bigger risk to have the president sit before grand jury.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean Bill Clinton did it. Bill Clinton was a

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<v Speaker 1>trained attorney and he stumbled in a grand jury proceeding.

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<v Speaker 1>So if he's going to stumble, you gotta be worried

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<v Speaker 1>if you're Donald Trump's lawyers about how the president will

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<v Speaker 1>handled it. And look look what that happened after after

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<v Speaker 1>his stumble there, that led to his um the impeachment proceedings. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>and I've had a minute here, what would be the

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<v Speaker 1>top question on your mind if you were Robert Muller,

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<v Speaker 1>what would be the first question you wanted to get answered,

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<v Speaker 1>did you know about the June meeting at Trump Tower?

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<v Speaker 1>And if you did, what was the context of your knowledge?

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<v Speaker 1>You know there are in just about thirty seconds, explain

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<v Speaker 1>the prep for a normal deposition is so rigorous. What

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<v Speaker 1>it the preparation for a deposition like this be? You

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<v Speaker 1>would have to and part of it depends on what

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<v Speaker 1>the client is actually done, But you have to prepare

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<v Speaker 1>them for any number of angles that the prosecutor will

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<v Speaker 1>approach in terms of how they last questions. You have

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<v Speaker 1>to get them to get their answers down to simple,

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<v Speaker 1>concise and direct responses and not to go off on

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<v Speaker 1>a tangent, because that's how you get into trouble. Thank you.

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<v Speaker 1>Bradley Moss, partner at Mark Say did a federal appeals

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<v Speaker 1>courts strike down an FCC decision to preempt state laws

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<v Speaker 1>that restricted the expansion of municipal broadband? That's correct. So

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<v Speaker 1>under the Obama era, FEC attempted to prevent states from

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<v Speaker 1>preventing municipalities from engaging in municipal broadband. So it's basically

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<v Speaker 1>telling states that they couldn't tell their cities not to

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<v Speaker 1>get involved in municipal broadband. And the six Circuit ruled

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<v Speaker 1>that that decision overstepped the boundaries of federal law because

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<v Speaker 1>generally federal agencies don't have the ability to tell states

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<v Speaker 1>what they can and can't do with regard to portions

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<v Speaker 1>of the state apparatus, meaning the municipal governments themselves. That's

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<v Speaker 1>a little bit different, I think than states reaching out

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<v Speaker 1>and trying to regulate private entities like Comcast and Verizon.

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<v Speaker 1>General rules of preemption state that when UH federal and

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<v Speaker 1>state policy directly conflict, the supremacy clause gives the tie

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<v Speaker 1>to the offense. Let's talk about the different ways that

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<v Speaker 1>the states are approaching this. In New York, one bill

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<v Speaker 1>proposed would require internet providers to adhere to net neutrality

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<v Speaker 1>principles to land state contracts. Assemblywoman Patricia Faye He said

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<v Speaker 1>the restrictions would apply even if the behaviors took place

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<v Speaker 1>outside New York. Is that taking the issue a little

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<v Speaker 1>too far? So? I actually think this is the most

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<v Speaker 1>interesting of the many attempts by states to enact net neutrality. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>What I think is really interesting about it is the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that it's using an indirect method, right, It's not

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<v Speaker 1>telling providers directly that they have to engage in net

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<v Speaker 1>neutral principles, but it's making it a voluntary condition of

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<v Speaker 1>receiving UH state funds that may actually survive general preemption

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<v Speaker 1>rule in the way that direct state legislative command wouldn't.

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<v Speaker 1>But then it raises the problem under the dormant commerce clause,

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<v Speaker 1>whether New York can use these conditions in order to

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<v Speaker 1>reach behavior beyond New York States borders. I think they'd

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<v Speaker 1>be in much better shape if they simply limited the

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<v Speaker 1>condition to UH activities that the companies undertake while in

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<v Speaker 1>New York. So in California, there are two bills, and

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<v Speaker 1>one of them California State Senator Scott Wiener introduced, and

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<v Speaker 1>that would only apply to behavior within the state, So

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<v Speaker 1>that you think has a better chance. I think that's

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<v Speaker 1>probably the best chance of all of them. Um. And

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<v Speaker 1>it's worth noting that it's not the first time that

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<v Speaker 1>states and Feds have clashed over something like US the UH.

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<v Speaker 1>Minnesota attempted about ten years ago to regulate void providers

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<v Speaker 1>like Vontage on the theory that this looks walks and

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<v Speaker 1>talks like a traditional telephone services, it happens to be

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<v Speaker 1>over the Internet rather than over traditional phone lines, and

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<v Speaker 1>so states can regulate UH telephone services should be able

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<v Speaker 1>to regulate void providers as well. UH. The SEC said

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<v Speaker 1>no and tried to preempt state regulation, and ultimately they

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<v Speaker 1>were successful in that. So DAN, with a large state

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<v Speaker 1>like California, no matter what a loss say is about

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<v Speaker 1>it applying only within the state, it can reverberate outside

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<v Speaker 1>the state. And so if there are bills in California

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<v Speaker 1>and New York and let's say Washington, will that affect

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<v Speaker 1>the Internet significantly? Yeah? So it might write because assuming

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<v Speaker 1>that California succeeds in UH tying its funding to the

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<v Speaker 1>practice of net neutral principles while operating within California, you been,

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<v Speaker 1>a company like Verizon would have to UH decide whether

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<v Speaker 1>it's possible to segment its network management practices and practice

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<v Speaker 1>one set of rules in California and another set of

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<v Speaker 1>rules for the rest of the country, or maybe it's

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<v Speaker 1>easier just to apply the California policy across the United States. Right.

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<v Speaker 1>That's why California winds up the facto setting things like

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<v Speaker 1>air quality management standards, right, because they hold auto providers

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<v Speaker 1>to a very strict rule, and companies find it easier

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<v Speaker 1>to manufacture cars across the country to meet California standards

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<v Speaker 1>than to create one set of cars to sell in

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<v Speaker 1>California another for the rest of the nation. And just

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<v Speaker 1>last month, more than a dozen states asked the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court to block a California law that required egg sellers

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<v Speaker 1>to abide by certain guidelines in the treatment of hands.

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<v Speaker 1>So uh, then their argument was that attempts to regulate

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<v Speaker 1>industry in other states. So I guess we'll see where

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<v Speaker 1>that goes. Um. Now, let's talk about the lawsuits that

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<v Speaker 1>are coming. Because the FCC released the final text of

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<v Speaker 1>the net neutrality rule last week, so the lawsuits challenging

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<v Speaker 1>can proceed. New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman is leading

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<v Speaker 1>a coalition of other states attorneys general in a lawsuit.

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<v Speaker 1>Which has a better chance of success these lawsuits or

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<v Speaker 1>the state laws? That may be a very tough question,

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<v Speaker 1>but yeah, so um, the state legal challenge, I think

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<v Speaker 1>is going to map the legal challenge that Silicon valuing

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<v Speaker 1>other industry players are bringing against it, which look at

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<v Speaker 1>challenge the FCC's action on two grounds. One is the

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<v Speaker 1>legal ground saying the FCC lacked legal authority to reclassify

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<v Speaker 1>broadband as an information service. My sense is that's probably

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<v Speaker 1>a non starter of an argument, given that the SEC

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<v Speaker 1>was simply returning to the rules that governed prior to

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<v Speaker 1>two thousand fifteen. The other UM set of arguments or

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<v Speaker 1>procedural hurdles the idea that if the UM the FEC

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<v Speaker 1>could do what it did, but it did follow the

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<v Speaker 1>appropriate procedural requirements when doing so. Depending on how that

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<v Speaker 1>argument shakes out, that maybe the only chance UM that

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<v Speaker 1>opponents have. But as we saw in the last round

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<v Speaker 1>of these debates, right the administrative law is always stacked

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<v Speaker 1>in the agency's favor. There's a sense that as long

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<v Speaker 1>as the agency is crossing seas and dotting the size

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<v Speaker 1>the way it's supposed to, these types of policy questions

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<v Speaker 1>generally get left to the agency rather than to the

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<v Speaker 1>court to decide. So I think a legal challenge is

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<v Speaker 1>going to be an uphill battle. What about Senator Edward

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<v Speaker 1>Markey from Massachusetts, who's leading an effort to launch a

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<v Speaker 1>Congressional Review Act resolution in an attempt to reverse the

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<v Speaker 1>net neutrality rules that PIPE put into place. Yeah, I

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<v Speaker 1>think as a matter of politics, it's a pretty smart

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<v Speaker 1>move because it's trying to get each member of Congress

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<v Speaker 1>on record is UH discussing whether they are supportive of

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<v Speaker 1>or opposing to the SEC's action. That said, I don't

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<v Speaker 1>expect any substantive change because for the Congressional Review Act

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<v Speaker 1>to succeed, it has to pass both the House and

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate and either be signed by the President or

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<v Speaker 1>have his veto overridden. I don't see the President supporting

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<v Speaker 1>this at all. Dan. More than twenty states introduced broadband

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<v Speaker 1>privacy rules last year in response to Congress's decision to

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<v Speaker 1>roll back Obama era FCC rules that required Internet providers

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<v Speaker 1>to ask permission before collecting personal information for commercial uses.

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<v Speaker 1>How is that going as far as the states? How

0:13:31.440 --> 0:13:35.040
<v Speaker 1>are they succeeding with that? Well? So that's actually much

0:13:35.040 --> 0:13:38.480
<v Speaker 1>more interesting question of federalism because historically we've allowed states

0:13:38.520 --> 0:13:43.040
<v Speaker 1>to experiment with UH data privacy and data security issues

0:13:43.080 --> 0:13:45.920
<v Speaker 1>at the state level that we haven't done with regard

0:13:45.960 --> 0:13:49.160
<v Speaker 1>to things like broadband network management practices. So there's a

0:13:49.160 --> 0:13:51.760
<v Speaker 1>sense in which states have been operating by doing this,

0:13:51.840 --> 0:13:55.959
<v Speaker 1>are operating within the confines of regulatory authority that they've

0:13:56.000 --> 0:13:59.080
<v Speaker 1>traditionally had. That having been said, I think it's possible

0:13:59.120 --> 0:14:03.400
<v Speaker 1>to read the UH recent Net Neutrality Order as preempting

0:14:03.480 --> 0:14:07.800
<v Speaker 1>even some of those as well, because the the language

0:14:08.040 --> 0:14:10.839
<v Speaker 1>of the in the preemption portion of the statute or

0:14:10.920 --> 0:14:14.120
<v Speaker 1>the the order seems to reach really really broadly UH

0:14:14.160 --> 0:14:16.840
<v Speaker 1>to prevent anything that's inconsistent with the SCCS approach here.

0:14:16.880 --> 0:14:20.840
<v Speaker 1>So we'll see all that developed. And dan I mentioned

0:14:20.880 --> 0:14:24.520
<v Speaker 1>that the final rule is out of the final text.

0:14:25.440 --> 0:14:28.280
<v Speaker 1>Have you looked at it to see if it varies

0:14:28.640 --> 0:14:31.800
<v Speaker 1>to any degree from what was proposed? I've not done

0:14:31.760 --> 0:14:34.520
<v Speaker 1>aligned by line comparison, but it looks to me like

0:14:34.640 --> 0:14:37.840
<v Speaker 1>the general thrust of the order UH fits and matches

0:14:38.840 --> 0:14:42.680
<v Speaker 1>what German Pie released just prior to the Thanksgiving break.

0:14:43.080 --> 0:14:45.600
<v Speaker 1>I think to the extent that there's minor variations, it's

0:14:45.680 --> 0:14:50.320
<v Speaker 1>responses to the points made by the dissenting commissioners in

0:14:50.400 --> 0:14:53.400
<v Speaker 1>order to make sure that the order is UH as

0:14:53.520 --> 0:14:58.280
<v Speaker 1>robust as it can be. And in about twenty seconds

0:14:58.280 --> 0:15:00.880
<v Speaker 1>here do you find that the net neutral reality rules

0:15:00.920 --> 0:15:06.479
<v Speaker 1>are now crossing partisan lines, that people are both Republicans

0:15:06.480 --> 0:15:09.120
<v Speaker 1>and Democrats are having problems with the lack of rules.

0:15:09.960 --> 0:15:12.480
<v Speaker 1>So it's UM. I think one of the big points

0:15:12.480 --> 0:15:15.160
<v Speaker 1>that came out was seeing that Nebraska became the first

0:15:15.640 --> 0:15:20.280
<v Speaker 1>Republican leading state to join this state rebellion against the FCC.

0:15:20.520 --> 0:15:23.640
<v Speaker 1>So alright, suggest it. Thank you, Dan, Sorry to have

0:15:23.680 --> 0:15:26.440
<v Speaker 1>to leave it there. Dan Lyons, a professor at Boston

0:15:26.560 --> 0:15:29.880
<v Speaker 1>College Law School. Well, this is Bloomberg. Thanks for listening

0:15:29.920 --> 0:15:33.200
<v Speaker 1>to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can subscribe and listen

0:15:33.240 --> 0:15:36.840
<v Speaker 1>to the show on Apple podcast, SoundCloud, and on bloomberg

0:15:36.880 --> 0:15:41.600
<v Speaker 1>dot com slash podcast. I'm June Brosso. This is Bloomberg.