WEBVTT - Introducing: White Picket Fence

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<v Speaker 1>Hey, everyone, it's Rebecca Greenfield, the co host of The Paycheck.

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<v Speaker 1>I wanted to tell you about a show from a

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<v Speaker 1>wonder media network you might really like. I'm not a

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<v Speaker 1>parent myself, but I know a lot of parents, and

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<v Speaker 1>I've read a lot about parenting during the pandemic. I

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<v Speaker 1>know how difficult it's been, between the zoom homeschooling or

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<v Speaker 1>the constant threat of closures because of COVID cases, not

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<v Speaker 1>to mention fears about the virus itself. In season two

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<v Speaker 1>of White Picket, Fence, Post and Single Mom, Julie Kohler

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<v Speaker 1>asks why did it have to be this way? She

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<v Speaker 1>talks to experts, activists, and parents as they unpack the

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<v Speaker 1>caregiving crisis in America and reveal why the conditions were

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<v Speaker 1>set long before COVID nineteen ever hit American shores. Julia

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<v Speaker 1>explores the myths about race, gender, families, and the economy

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<v Speaker 1>that have gotten us to a point where so many

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<v Speaker 1>parents and especially mothers, are cracking. She also looks at

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<v Speaker 1>how the pandemic could change things. It could be a

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<v Speaker 1>tipping point. We could build an alternative economic approach, one

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<v Speaker 1>that puts caregiving at the center of the economy. Stay

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<v Speaker 1>tuned to hear the latest episode, and don't forget to

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<v Speaker 1>subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. If you listen to

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<v Speaker 1>this show, you probably already realized that I'm a bit

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<v Speaker 1>of a political junkie. I spend a lot of my

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<v Speaker 1>day thinking about, discussing, and writing about politics and policy,

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<v Speaker 1>so it shouldn't come as a surprise to hear that

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<v Speaker 1>I've been following the debate over President Biden's Build Back

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<v Speaker 1>Better Act pretty closely. Several months ago, I noticed a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of prominent conservatives leveling a coordinated attack against the

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<v Speaker 1>acts childcare provisions. Specifically, they argued that investments in childcare

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<v Speaker 1>would penalized families in which a parent stays home to

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<v Speaker 1>raise children. It sounded kind of ludicrous. I mean, how

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<v Speaker 1>is someone who doesn't need childcare penalized by its availability?

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<v Speaker 1>The Build Back Better Act wouldn't require anyone to use childcare.

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<v Speaker 1>Parents could choose to access child care for their children

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<v Speaker 1>or not. They could choose to take advantage of free

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<v Speaker 1>pre K or not. But then I realized that this

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<v Speaker 1>argument was tapping into something more fundamental fear. We need

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<v Speaker 1>to take this argument seriously because, as we'll talk about today,

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<v Speaker 1>fear is what's been used to block investments in child

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<v Speaker 1>care for decades, in any public benefit that would help families.

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<v Speaker 1>This fear evokes the same nostalgic undertones for the traditional

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<v Speaker 1>nuclear family that we talked about last week, and by

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<v Speaker 1>framing child care is a preference of elite families, they're

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<v Speaker 1>tapping into the anti feminism that was used the last

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<v Speaker 1>time we had a political debate over child care fifty

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<v Speaker 1>years ago. But if we're going to talk about fear

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<v Speaker 1>and how it's been used to block investments in the

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<v Speaker 1>common good, then we're also going to have to talk

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<v Speaker 1>about something else, racism. I'm Julie Cohler, and this is

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<v Speaker 1>White Picket Fence. This season, we're exploring our country's caregiving

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<v Speaker 1>crisis and the ideologies about race, gender, families, the economy,

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<v Speaker 1>and yes, white women that have blocked public investment in

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<v Speaker 1>care and let us to a point where so many

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<v Speaker 1>of us are cracking. As we've talked about a lot,

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<v Speaker 1>the US does not have a national child care system,

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<v Speaker 1>and our lack of investment has had devastating effects on women, children,

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<v Speaker 1>and our economy. Right now, with the Build Back Better Act,

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<v Speaker 1>the Biden administration might deliver a four hundred billion dollar

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<v Speaker 1>investment in universal pre K and childcare. It would be

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<v Speaker 1>a revolutionary step. Here's the thing, though, this is not

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<v Speaker 1>our country's first rodeo with national childcare. The system once existed.

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<v Speaker 1>During World War Two, our government spent seventy eight million

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<v Speaker 1>dollars creating high quality child care centers. These centers helped

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<v Speaker 1>Rosie the Riveter and thousands like her enter the workforce.

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<v Speaker 1>Seven percent of Richmond ship builders were women. Feminine workers

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<v Speaker 1>with small children inspired the founding of thirty five nursery

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<v Speaker 1>school units and then extended daycare centers, which mothered over

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<v Speaker 1>fourteen hundred youngsters at a time. But after the war

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<v Speaker 1>funding evaporated, these centers disappeared and the number of women

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<v Speaker 1>working plummeted. Then came the sixties, second wave feminism, civil rights,

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<v Speaker 1>a dramatic rise in women's employment, and suddenly there was

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<v Speaker 1>political interest in child care again. In fact, fifty years ago,

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<v Speaker 1>the Comprehensive Child Development Act landed on President Nixon's desk.

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<v Speaker 1>It had passed both houses of Congress with bipartisan support,

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<v Speaker 1>and Nixon vetoed it. He warned of a communal approach

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<v Speaker 1>to child wearing, and the bill's family weakening implications. Those

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<v Speaker 1>are direct quotes, says, the two billion dollars to have

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<v Speaker 1>been spent on the first year for childcare would be,

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<v Speaker 1>as he put it, a long leap into the dark.

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<v Speaker 1>The Build Back Better Act is facing familiar opposition from conservatives,

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<v Speaker 1>peddaling Nixon era rhetoric. Some have invoked fears of a

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<v Speaker 1>government takeover of daycare. Others have claimed that investments in

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<v Speaker 1>childcare would be unfair to so called traditional families, where

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<v Speaker 1>mothers stay at home with their kids. This plan is

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<v Speaker 1>meant to get as many parents, especially mothers, into the workforce.

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<v Speaker 1>I stopped and say, well, why do we want that.

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<v Speaker 1>Let me be clear, Radical Democrats are not the party

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<v Speaker 1>of parents, and they're certainly not the party for children.

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<v Speaker 1>Their interests in passing universal child care and universal pre

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<v Speaker 1>k is just to start indoctrinating our kids sooner. Children

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<v Speaker 1>are not entitled to government daycare. What children are entitled

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<v Speaker 1>to is love from their own parents. But this time

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<v Speaker 1>the rhetoric is falling short. It looks like the childcare

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<v Speaker 1>bill might pass. The Build Back Better Act would create

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<v Speaker 1>free universal pre K for three and four year olds.

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<v Speaker 1>It would limit childcare expenses to seven percent of family's income,

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<v Speaker 1>nine and ten American families with young children would gain

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<v Speaker 1>access to affordable childcare. It really makes you wonder why

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<v Speaker 1>it took fifty years to happen, to understand why we

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<v Speaker 1>need to first understand what went wrong back in Here's

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<v Speaker 1>Nancy Cohen, president of the Gender Equality Policy Institute. Let

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<v Speaker 1>me still art with setting the scene of the women's

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<v Speaker 1>movements and the feminist movements of the late sixties and

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<v Speaker 1>early seventies. It was really one of the only times

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<v Speaker 1>in American history that the women's movement, very broad based,

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<v Speaker 1>very diverse, was a mass movement by n had significantly

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<v Speaker 1>changed public opinion in favor of a lot of issues

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<v Speaker 1>that we would consider central to women's equality and gender equality.

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<v Speaker 1>At the same time, you have a reactionary President Mixon

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<v Speaker 1>in office. So in the middle of all of that

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<v Speaker 1>entered a Midwestern senator with a big idea. What you

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<v Speaker 1>have in setting the scene for this bill being introduced.

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<v Speaker 1>Senator Walter Mondale had always been a strong at the

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<v Speaker 1>kit for children, true progressive. Came from a poor family

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<v Speaker 1>himself and had a very precarious childhood, so his interest

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<v Speaker 1>in this came a little bit out of understanding what

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<v Speaker 1>it was like for children. Fans of the show will

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<v Speaker 1>remember this fun fact from last season's prologue, Walter Mondale,

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<v Speaker 1>former Minnesota Senator and vice president, winning the Democratic nomination

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<v Speaker 1>was the catalyst for my own passion for politics. He's

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<v Speaker 1>kind of my guy, so it's no surprise to me

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<v Speaker 1>that he championed this effort. And at the time, lots

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<v Speaker 1>of things, public opinions, social movements, political influence, we're coming

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<v Speaker 1>together just right in favor of positive change. There was

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<v Speaker 1>a convergence of civil rights movements, of women's movements, child

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<v Speaker 1>development experts who realized that the US had already reached

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<v Speaker 1>a crisis where with women in the workforce, and so

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<v Speaker 1>through a lot of maneuvering, this Comprehensive Child Development Act

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<v Speaker 1>came through and passed the Senate by more than a

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<v Speaker 1>two thirds majority on a bipartisan vote, had a little

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<v Speaker 1>bit more difficulty in the House, but still passed the House.

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<v Speaker 1>The US was still in the tail end of President

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<v Speaker 1>Johnson's War on poverty, so there was very much a

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<v Speaker 1>sense of this was an economic justice bill and a

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<v Speaker 1>racial justice bill. These same social and political movements also

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<v Speaker 1>contributed to Nixon's veto all of those factors coming together

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<v Speaker 1>set the scene for Nixon vetoing the bill with a

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<v Speaker 1>really unhinged Vito message, warning that it would sovietize America,

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<v Speaker 1>that it was basically a communist plot. On one hand,

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<v Speaker 1>he's reaching to anti communist rhetoric, but it really was

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<v Speaker 1>a dog whistle to patriarchy. It may not sound surprising

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<v Speaker 1>that a Republican president shot down a childcare bill today,

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<v Speaker 1>that's kind of a given, but at the time it

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<v Speaker 1>was shocking. Nixon's own administration had helped draft the bill,

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<v Speaker 1>and Nixon was conflicted. He even requested two speeches, one

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<v Speaker 1>for signing the bill and one for vetoing it. So

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<v Speaker 1>who tipped the scales a guy named Pat Buchanan Back

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<v Speaker 1>then he was nixon speechwriter. He convinced the president that

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<v Speaker 1>killing the bill would boost his standing with an emerging

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<v Speaker 1>base of conservative activists. The real reason for the veto,

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<v Speaker 1>based on my research, is that it was a play

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<v Speaker 1>to the right. This is December one. Within a few weeks,

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<v Speaker 1>Nixon is go going to be running in the New

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<v Speaker 1>Hampshire primary for re election, and he faced an opponent

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<v Speaker 1>on his right who was very much playing to the

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<v Speaker 1>anti communist wings of the party. So Nixon had his

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<v Speaker 1>finger in the wind about where Republican primary voters were going.

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<v Speaker 1>I just want to emphasize that at the time there

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<v Speaker 1>are lots of feminists within the Republican Party and they

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<v Speaker 1>actually held sway over the anti feminists in the party.

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<v Speaker 1>The family values rhetoric that Nixon used wasn't actually mainstream.

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<v Speaker 1>The idea of women working was just not that political.

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<v Speaker 1>But Nixon saw where the grassroots energy and the party

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<v Speaker 1>was going. His vtail was the beginning of the end

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<v Speaker 1>for universal childcare. In the years that followed, Walter Mondale

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<v Speaker 1>tried to revive the bill, scaling back at scope. A

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<v Speaker 1>revised version passed the Senate ine, but it died in

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<v Speaker 1>the House. Talk of childcare proposals started to resurface a

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<v Speaker 1>couple of years later, but this time white conservative women

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<v Speaker 1>mobilized a massive counterattack. Now it was still tiny numbers

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<v Speaker 1>compared to the support that feminism had, and particularly these

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<v Speaker 1>pretty mainstream feminist ideas of providing childcare and equal pay.

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<v Speaker 1>But basically these women um mostly in the South, some

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<v Speaker 1>in the West in anti feminist groups got wind of

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<v Speaker 1>the childcare bills coming forward and in really an explicit

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<v Speaker 1>defense of patriarchy and women's suppordination in the family mobilized

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<v Speaker 1>and flooded Congress with thousands of letters opposing these childcare bills,

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<v Speaker 1>and that was it. That was the end of it.

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<v Speaker 1>For quite some time, anti feminism and anti socialism have

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<v Speaker 1>always been at the heart of the opposition to child

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<v Speaker 1>care or any of the supports that would make raising

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<v Speaker 1>children easier. We've been hearing these ideas recycled in the

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<v Speaker 1>debate over the Build Back Better Act, but opposition is

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<v Speaker 1>intrinsically linked to something else too, racism. We've talked about

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<v Speaker 1>how women of color, especially black women, have long provided

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<v Speaker 1>the domestic labor that keeps more affluent families afloat, and

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<v Speaker 1>their labor helped create this vision of the traditional nuclear family.

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<v Speaker 1>Our government's continued refusal to invest in childcare keeps that

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<v Speaker 1>work undervalued and underpaid. Here story and Warren, co president

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<v Speaker 1>of Community Change and co founder of the Economic Security Project.

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<v Speaker 1>I think to understand the care economy, pol sees again,

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<v Speaker 1>we have to go back to the founding and think

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<v Speaker 1>about the nature of care work and how devalued it

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<v Speaker 1>has been from for centuries. And this is not just

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<v Speaker 1>in the US, this is across the world where care

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<v Speaker 1>work has been defined in very stark gendered terms as

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<v Speaker 1>women's work and therefore um not deserving of dignity, of

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<v Speaker 1>value and of renumeration for that labor. And then you

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<v Speaker 1>add in the American racial context of who is doing

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<v Speaker 1>the care work for the first couple of hundred years

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<v Speaker 1>of this country, well, it was black women in particular.

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<v Speaker 1>And so if you look at the composition of who

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<v Speaker 1>is doing the care work in terms of women of color,

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<v Speaker 1>black women, immigrant women, if you think about essential workers today,

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<v Speaker 1>it's no coincidence to me that the composition of who

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<v Speaker 1>performs that work and the devaluation of that work goes

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<v Speaker 1>hand in hand. So this has been a long, long

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<v Speaker 1>effort to try to do the political work and the

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<v Speaker 1>cultural work to value care work as work as labor.

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<v Speaker 1>The death of child care bill didn't just hurt middle

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<v Speaker 1>class women who wanted to work outside the home. It

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<v Speaker 1>was part of a long history of policies that kept

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<v Speaker 1>a certain kind of work and worker low paid at

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<v Speaker 1>the margins of our economy. I have to point out

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<v Speaker 1>just to say the rules of our economy also helped

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<v Speaker 1>solidify the evaluation of care work. So I'm thinking here

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<v Speaker 1>of how domestic workers in particular were excluded from New

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<v Speaker 1>Deal social policies. Um, if you think of the Wagner

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<v Speaker 1>Act and the right to organize into a union domestic

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<v Speaker 1>and agricultural workers, Nope. If you think of the Fair

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<v Speaker 1>Labor Standard deck which is our minimum wage, domestic workers

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<v Speaker 1>and agricultural workers excluded. So domestic workers in particular have

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<v Speaker 1>always always been seen as another as those who are

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<v Speaker 1>only supposed to perform certain duties for wealthy and elite

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<v Speaker 1>and privileged people. And I think because of the decades

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<v Speaker 1>of organizing, we're at a potentially different and maybe even

0:16:12.800 --> 0:16:15.080
<v Speaker 1>transformative moment when it comes to care work. Right now,

0:16:16.600 --> 0:16:20.000
<v Speaker 1>like Nancy said, Nixon was reading the tea leaves, he

0:16:20.040 --> 0:16:23.520
<v Speaker 1>could see that a conservative grassroots movement was coming. It

0:16:23.600 --> 0:16:28.040
<v Speaker 1>was anti feminist, sure, and strongly antisocialist, but there was

0:16:28.080 --> 0:16:32.080
<v Speaker 1>something more. Racist backlash was at the heart of the

0:16:32.120 --> 0:16:36.080
<v Speaker 1>modern day conservative movement. Over the next couple of decades,

0:16:36.520 --> 0:16:40.360
<v Speaker 1>childcare became central to how that backlash would manifest itself

0:16:40.360 --> 0:16:44.720
<v Speaker 1>in our politics, and no one embraced that strategy more

0:16:44.800 --> 0:16:49.280
<v Speaker 1>clearly than an actor with big political ambitions Ronald Reagan.

0:16:50.160 --> 0:16:57.360
<v Speaker 1>Understanding Reagan as part of he is the exemplification. He

0:16:57.480 --> 0:17:01.560
<v Speaker 1>is sort of the maturity of the backlash against the

0:17:01.600 --> 0:17:04.280
<v Speaker 1>civil rights and black freedom movement in the sixties. He

0:17:04.359 --> 0:17:08.280
<v Speaker 1>comes out of, you know, very Goldwater and the conservative

0:17:08.359 --> 0:17:13.840
<v Speaker 1>West Coast politicians who were searching for ways to resist

0:17:14.359 --> 0:17:17.920
<v Speaker 1>the efforts at racial justice and racial equity. From the start,

0:17:18.080 --> 0:17:22.040
<v Speaker 1>Reagan embraced the racist dog whistle. He launched his presidential

0:17:22.080 --> 0:17:27.280
<v Speaker 1>campaign in Philadelphia, Mississippi, the site where civil rights activists

0:17:27.359 --> 0:17:31.879
<v Speaker 1>James Cheney, Andrew Goodman, and Mickey Scharner were murdered for

0:17:31.960 --> 0:17:36.480
<v Speaker 1>trying to register black voters in four I know they're

0:17:36.520 --> 0:17:41.159
<v Speaker 1>speaking to this brow speaking what it has to be

0:17:41.200 --> 0:17:52.040
<v Speaker 1>a dog night Democrat. I just bid fight party affiliation.

0:17:52.160 --> 0:17:56.040
<v Speaker 1>I didn't mean how you feel now. I was a

0:17:56.119 --> 0:18:02.000
<v Speaker 1>Democrat post of my life myself, and that is not

0:18:02.080 --> 0:18:05.040
<v Speaker 1>an accident. He knew exactly what he was doing. That

0:18:05.119 --> 0:18:08.320
<v Speaker 1>was political strategy, and it was an explicit anti black

0:18:08.320 --> 0:18:11.920
<v Speaker 1>political strategy to really signal to white voters, especially white

0:18:11.960 --> 0:18:14.640
<v Speaker 1>Southern voters, I'm one of you, and I will take

0:18:14.720 --> 0:18:18.040
<v Speaker 1>up the lost cause. And he didn't stop there. And

0:18:18.080 --> 0:18:21.240
<v Speaker 1>then on the campaign trail, he tells this story over

0:18:21.320 --> 0:18:25.240
<v Speaker 1>and over and over, and it always enrages me every

0:18:25.240 --> 0:18:27.399
<v Speaker 1>time I even think about it, because it's very personal

0:18:27.400 --> 0:18:29.440
<v Speaker 1>for me. Tells the story of a black woman from Chicago.

0:18:30.080 --> 0:18:32.240
<v Speaker 1>Chicago is my hometown, so it's very personal for me,

0:18:32.560 --> 0:18:35.520
<v Speaker 1>and it's the welfare queen story. And he's telling this

0:18:35.560 --> 0:18:38.080
<v Speaker 1>story over and over all there's this woman in Chicago

0:18:38.280 --> 0:18:40.919
<v Speaker 1>and she has Cadillac and for coats and buy stakes

0:18:40.960 --> 0:18:44.199
<v Speaker 1>with her food, sad and all this stuff that becomes

0:18:44.200 --> 0:18:48.920
<v Speaker 1>the dominant narrative around welfare. Reagan ran on a platform

0:18:49.160 --> 0:18:53.520
<v Speaker 1>that's now synonymous with the Republican Party, low taxes, small government.

0:18:54.600 --> 0:18:57.600
<v Speaker 1>His welfare queen story was meant to be a cautionary

0:18:57.640 --> 0:19:01.760
<v Speaker 1>tale of wasteful government spending. But it was no coincidence

0:19:01.920 --> 0:19:04.119
<v Speaker 1>that the woman at the center of that story was black.

0:19:04.480 --> 0:19:07.600
<v Speaker 1>So Reagan is telling the story about wealth, you know,

0:19:07.640 --> 0:19:10.919
<v Speaker 1>the welfare queen over and over the Republican Party and

0:19:10.960 --> 0:19:16.960
<v Speaker 1>conservatives are repeating the story, and then Democrats at the time,

0:19:17.520 --> 0:19:21.719
<v Speaker 1>let's talk about it. We're also quick to jump in

0:19:21.720 --> 0:19:25.320
<v Speaker 1>on the story on the broader narrative around who is

0:19:25.400 --> 0:19:28.960
<v Speaker 1>deserving and who is not deserving. And we know what

0:19:29.200 --> 0:19:33.200
<v Speaker 1>both parties meant by that white people are deserving non

0:19:33.240 --> 0:19:37.200
<v Speaker 1>white people not deserving. We've been living with that legacy

0:19:37.320 --> 0:19:42.520
<v Speaker 1>for forty years. By stoking fear of so called undeserving

0:19:42.680 --> 0:19:47.800
<v Speaker 1>black single mothers, Reagan transformed our national conversation about public benefits,

0:19:48.480 --> 0:19:52.320
<v Speaker 1>and he wasn't alone. In the nine nineties, President Bill

0:19:52.320 --> 0:19:56.080
<v Speaker 1>Clinton reformed welfare. What was previously a program of cash

0:19:56.119 --> 0:20:00.560
<v Speaker 1>assistance for poor women and children became temporary system with

0:20:00.600 --> 0:20:05.439
<v Speaker 1>work requirements. President George W. Bush took welfare reform to

0:20:05.440 --> 0:20:09.399
<v Speaker 1>the next level. He dumped millions of dollars into marriage

0:20:09.440 --> 0:20:13.680
<v Speaker 1>promotion programs, literally government programs that encouraged poor women to

0:20:13.720 --> 0:20:17.960
<v Speaker 1>get married. These programs did nothing to reduce poverty or

0:20:18.040 --> 0:20:22.000
<v Speaker 1>increase marriage, but they further the belief that being poor

0:20:22.080 --> 0:20:26.399
<v Speaker 1>was the result of bad personal decision making. Common sense

0:20:26.440 --> 0:20:32.760
<v Speaker 1>policies like child care Bill became politically toxic. Any government

0:20:32.800 --> 0:20:37.919
<v Speaker 1>benefit evoked that welfare queen image. A lot of beliefs

0:20:37.960 --> 0:20:40.680
<v Speaker 1>about gender and race have made the U S an

0:20:40.680 --> 0:20:45.919
<v Speaker 1>inhospitable place for families, especially mothers and other caregivers. But

0:20:46.040 --> 0:20:48.280
<v Speaker 1>at the root of all of this is a fear

0:20:48.560 --> 0:20:52.040
<v Speaker 1>that helping the vulnerable will somehow hurt the rest of us.

0:20:52.960 --> 0:20:57.680
<v Speaker 1>It's what some call is zero sum scarcity framework. This

0:20:57.760 --> 0:20:59.800
<v Speaker 1>fear is what kept the US from creating a child

0:21:00.160 --> 0:21:04.919
<v Speaker 1>system back in. It's what prompted politicians from both parties

0:21:04.960 --> 0:21:07.400
<v Speaker 1>to get our social safety net in the following decades,

0:21:08.560 --> 0:21:11.560
<v Speaker 1>and it's what conservatives trotted out again in the debate

0:21:11.600 --> 0:21:16.440
<v Speaker 1>over the Built Back Better Act. Its origins run deep well.

0:21:16.480 --> 0:21:20.639
<v Speaker 1>I think the origins of our zero some scarcity framework

0:21:21.280 --> 0:21:23.800
<v Speaker 1>essentially come from the origins of this country, and so

0:21:23.960 --> 0:21:28.760
<v Speaker 1>um due respect to Nicolahannah Jones, the sixteen nineteen project,

0:21:29.160 --> 0:21:32.000
<v Speaker 1>I think we can start there in the structuring of

0:21:32.080 --> 0:21:38.080
<v Speaker 1>a country. First of taking of land from indigenous inhabitants

0:21:38.080 --> 0:21:42.000
<v Speaker 1>who already were on that land. That's already the beginning

0:21:42.480 --> 0:21:47.520
<v Speaker 1>of a zero sum framework. And notion that somehow the

0:21:47.560 --> 0:21:51.600
<v Speaker 1>folks who were already here did not deserve the land

0:21:51.640 --> 0:21:55.720
<v Speaker 1>of this country like these white settlers, and so that's

0:21:55.760 --> 0:21:57.480
<v Speaker 1>the beginning of zero some. And then you add in

0:21:57.520 --> 0:22:00.760
<v Speaker 1>and servants, and then of course those who were enslave,

0:22:00.760 --> 0:22:05.240
<v Speaker 1>particularly from the continent of Africa, and the notion that, um,

0:22:05.280 --> 0:22:10.919
<v Speaker 1>it was divinely ordained that some people did not deserve

0:22:11.480 --> 0:22:14.679
<v Speaker 1>the same freedoms as others, and particularly not only deserved

0:22:14.680 --> 0:22:19.040
<v Speaker 1>the same freedoms were meant to be exploited for others wealth.

0:22:20.080 --> 0:22:22.679
<v Speaker 1>So I tend to think of American history and in

0:22:22.800 --> 0:22:27.879
<v Speaker 1>three numbers and five, and those represent decades. So the

0:22:27.880 --> 0:22:32.560
<v Speaker 1>first twenty five decades system of chattel slavery and human bondage.

0:22:33.400 --> 0:22:36.240
<v Speaker 1>Then we had a civil war and a little period

0:22:36.280 --> 0:22:40.120
<v Speaker 1>called reconstruction, which was the idea was to reconstruct our

0:22:40.160 --> 0:22:44.439
<v Speaker 1>democracy and economy. And then that short period ended, it

0:22:44.480 --> 0:22:48.800
<v Speaker 1>was fought against, and we had another ten decades of

0:22:48.920 --> 0:22:52.400
<v Speaker 1>Jim Crow, what some scholars called slavery by another name.

0:22:53.080 --> 0:22:57.600
<v Speaker 1>So that's twenty five decades of slavery, then ten decades

0:22:57.720 --> 0:23:00.879
<v Speaker 1>or a hundred years of Jim Kroll, and then the

0:23:01.000 --> 0:23:04.760
<v Speaker 1>last number is five. The last five decades or fifty

0:23:04.880 --> 0:23:08.399
<v Speaker 1>years or so, we have seen the opening up in

0:23:08.480 --> 0:23:12.359
<v Speaker 1>many ways of this country in terms of full citizenship,

0:23:12.440 --> 0:23:16.880
<v Speaker 1>particularly for black people. But that's a recent amount. That's

0:23:16.880 --> 0:23:19.600
<v Speaker 1>a small amount of time in the great sweep of history.

0:23:19.640 --> 0:23:22.520
<v Speaker 1>And so if you think of the first twenty five

0:23:22.560 --> 0:23:25.840
<v Speaker 1>decades and then the second ten decades, zero sum thinking

0:23:25.960 --> 0:23:30.320
<v Speaker 1>pervaded our country throughout that entire time. And so it's

0:23:30.440 --> 0:23:34.640
<v Speaker 1>not an accident that here we are. You know, five

0:23:34.680 --> 0:23:38.120
<v Speaker 1>decades after the civil rights movement and the women's movement,

0:23:38.359 --> 0:23:42.800
<v Speaker 1>and the gay liberation movement and others, that we're still

0:23:42.920 --> 0:23:45.439
<v Speaker 1>dealing with this fundamental framework that has to find the

0:23:45.440 --> 0:23:50.320
<v Speaker 1>country from the founding. One piece of legislation can't undo

0:23:50.359 --> 0:23:53.760
<v Speaker 1>this foundational framework, but I believe that it can be

0:23:53.800 --> 0:23:57.720
<v Speaker 1>an important first step. As author and activist Heather McGee

0:23:57.800 --> 0:23:59.879
<v Speaker 1>writes in her book The Some of Us, there's a

0:24:00.040 --> 0:24:04.199
<v Speaker 1>way to defeat the zero sum thinking. It's by cultivating

0:24:04.240 --> 0:24:08.360
<v Speaker 1>what she calls the solidarity dividend, the idea that by

0:24:08.359 --> 0:24:12.080
<v Speaker 1>coming together across race, we can accomplish what we can't

0:24:12.119 --> 0:24:15.400
<v Speaker 1>do on our own. McGee says that the quickest way

0:24:15.400 --> 0:24:18.560
<v Speaker 1>to get there is to refill the pool on public

0:24:18.600 --> 0:24:22.480
<v Speaker 1>goods for everyone. Child Care is one of those critical

0:24:22.520 --> 0:24:26.600
<v Speaker 1>public goods. But to get there, we need not only

0:24:26.640 --> 0:24:30.840
<v Speaker 1>to overcome the nostalgic ideology of family life that continues

0:24:30.880 --> 0:24:33.760
<v Speaker 1>to be evoked today, and not only the racial fear

0:24:33.800 --> 0:24:37.240
<v Speaker 1>and stratification that's been with us since our nation's founding.

0:24:38.640 --> 0:24:41.720
<v Speaker 1>We will need to overcome a theory about the economy

0:24:41.760 --> 0:24:44.640
<v Speaker 1>that has become something close to religious doctrine for much

0:24:44.640 --> 0:24:48.680
<v Speaker 1>of the last half Century next week on White Picket Fence.

0:24:49.800 --> 0:24:52.600
<v Speaker 1>You know, it's kind of like the fish in the

0:24:52.640 --> 0:24:55.800
<v Speaker 1>bowl of water doesn't know that it's in the bowl

0:24:55.840 --> 0:24:58.600
<v Speaker 1>of water until it suddenly finds itself outside the bowl

0:24:58.640 --> 0:25:03.359
<v Speaker 1>of water, gasping for air. White pick of Fence is

0:25:03.400 --> 0:25:07.159
<v Speaker 1>a Wonder Media Network production. Our producers are Maddie Foley,

0:25:07.480 --> 0:25:11.960
<v Speaker 1>Eadie Allard, and Taylor Williamson. Executive producer is Jenny Kaplan.

0:25:12.880 --> 0:25:15.800
<v Speaker 1>Special thanks to the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the

0:25:15.880 --> 0:25:18.879
<v Speaker 1>Share Descent Fund for their generous support for this season.

0:25:20.560 --> 0:25:24.400
<v Speaker 1>We want to hear about your caregiving experiences, especially during

0:25:24.440 --> 0:25:29.720
<v Speaker 1>the pandemic. Just called to one to six five zero

0:25:29.840 --> 0:25:32.480
<v Speaker 1>four eight and leave us a voicemail with your story.

0:25:33.200 --> 0:25:36.119
<v Speaker 1>We might just play it on the show. That's two

0:25:36.119 --> 0:25:40.040
<v Speaker 1>one to six five zero four eight.