WEBVTT - The Chinese Economy Demystified: The State Owned Enterprise

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome, Dick. It happened here. I'm your host, Na Wong,

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<v Speaker 1>and today we're going to be talking about something a

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<v Speaker 1>little bit different. In the last half decade, a growing

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<v Speaker 1>political focus on China has transformed a cottage industry of

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<v Speaker 1>American China watchers into a sprawling metropolis of pseudoanalysis, a

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<v Speaker 1>veritable machine that turns out racialized fear of the Chinese

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<v Speaker 1>other and transforms it into economic papers that close with

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<v Speaker 1>quote unquote policy solutions about the so called China problem.

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<v Speaker 1>In these circles, a consensus is emerging about what they

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<v Speaker 1>call Chinese state capitalism and its supposed risk of the

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<v Speaker 1>United States. China's economy, they argue, is not a free

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<v Speaker 1>market economy like that of the United States. Instead, China's

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<v Speaker 1>large array of state owned industries and its willingness to

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<v Speaker 1>use investments to incentivize specific kinds of research while protecting

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<v Speaker 1>companies from pure market competition means that the state, and

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<v Speaker 1>not the market, dictates the course of the Chinese economy.

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<v Speaker 1>Under these assumptions, the Chinese economy poses two major threats

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<v Speaker 1>to American companies in the American security state. First, state

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<v Speaker 1>owned industry is subsidized by the state will inevitably outcompete

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<v Speaker 1>American companies because American companies can't match the sheer quantity

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<v Speaker 1>of capital held by the Chinese state, which violates the

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<v Speaker 1>fairness and competitiveness of the free market by making companies

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<v Speaker 1>compete on unequal grounds. Second, the close ties between the

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese government and state owned industries and even private Chinese

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<v Speaker 1>companies means that their technology will be used by the

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<v Speaker 1>CCP to strengthen its military by stealing American technology. The

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<v Speaker 1>problem with this consensus at a fundamental level is that

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<v Speaker 1>it's utterly uninterested in how Chinese state owned enterprises known

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<v Speaker 1>as soees actually functioned. And this is a real problem

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<v Speaker 1>because Chinese sos are not what you or the people

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<v Speaker 1>righting American forum policy think they are. So today we're

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<v Speaker 1>going to take a dive into the belly of the

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<v Speaker 1>state and figure out how soos actually function and determine

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<v Speaker 1>what this actually does to the prevailing theories about how

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese economy works and what it means for both the

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<v Speaker 1>American and Chinese working classes. But before we get into

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<v Speaker 1>the structure of the SOE, we need to talk about

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<v Speaker 1>state capitalism. State capitalism is an old term. Most of

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<v Speaker 1>the people writing about it will trace it back to

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<v Speaker 1>Lenin's New Economic Policy, a massive shift towards the market

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<v Speaker 1>in the Soviet economy of the early twenties. The New

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<v Speaker 1>Economic Policy relegalized private capitalist firms, albeit in a much

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<v Speaker 1>reduced capacity, with a very large state sector driving the

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<v Speaker 1>economy as a whole, a condition Lenin dubbed state capitalism.

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<v Speaker 1>But even using state capitalism to describe both the New

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<v Speaker 1>Economic Plan and the current situation in China reveals a

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<v Speaker 1>profound misunderstanding of both Lenin's NEP and the modern Chinese economy.

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<v Speaker 1>For one thing, during the NEP, state owned industries accounted

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<v Speaker 1>for at least seventy percent of Soviet industrial output, increasing

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<v Speaker 1>to seventy seven percent by the end of the policy. Meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>despite the height behind Chinese state capitalism, china state sector

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<v Speaker 1>represents a measly forty percent of China's economy, uniquely high

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<v Speaker 1>for a capitalist economy, but quite literally the inverse of

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<v Speaker 1>the relationship between capitalist frames and the state. In the

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<v Speaker 1>USSR that sixty percent of China's GDP is private and

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<v Speaker 1>only forty percent is generated by the state. And don't

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<v Speaker 1>look too closely at that forty percent, because only thirty

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<v Speaker 1>percent of it is from actual state industries, the other

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<v Speaker 1>ten percent resulting from the regular function of the state itself.

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<v Speaker 1>Shows what actually drives the Chinese economy, not the state

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<v Speaker 1>at all, but the market. This is very important because

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<v Speaker 1>the story of the Chinese economy in the last forty

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<v Speaker 1>years is not simply the story of a state run

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<v Speaker 1>command economy transforming into a market economy. It is also

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<v Speaker 1>and arguably primarily, the story of the market consuming the

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<v Speaker 1>state from the inside out. This becomes more clear the

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<v Speaker 1>closer you look at how state owned enterprises are actually structured,

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<v Speaker 1>and it is here the weakness of the very term

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<v Speaker 1>state owned enterprise comes into focus. Academics and journalists write

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<v Speaker 1>about state owned enterprises as if the word means one

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<v Speaker 1>specific thing, but the reality is that there are an

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<v Speaker 1>enormous number of different kinds of sos, with different structures

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<v Speaker 1>and different relationships to the state. When regular people think

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<v Speaker 1>about state ownership, it tends to invoke the specter of

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<v Speaker 1>the USSR in a Soviet style sooe, and will take

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<v Speaker 1>as an example of Chinese SOE the Socialist period, which

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<v Speaker 1>functions similarly. The firm is literally a government department. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>in nineteen seventy nine, China established the Bureau of nonferest

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<v Speaker 1>Metals and this is the best name you're going to

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<v Speaker 1>get out of the CCP. In this entire episode, that

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<v Speaker 1>bureau was in charge of running a luninium production. The

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<v Speaker 1>government ministry simply ran the mines and the refineries and

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<v Speaker 1>the factories directly, and everyone working in the factory was

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<v Speaker 1>a direct government employee paid by the state. This is

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<v Speaker 1>also pretty close to how the American Post Office is structured.

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<v Speaker 1>But Soviet SOEs crucially were not firms that competed for

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<v Speaker 1>money in the market. They worked towards a production plan

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<v Speaker 1>and were assigned resources based on their output. In this way,

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<v Speaker 1>they're closer to a municipal water service than most modern SOEs.

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<v Speaker 1>Their job, in theory was to make a thing or

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<v Speaker 1>a service, not make money. Modern Chinese soees, despite sharing

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<v Speaker 1>the same name as or socialist period predecessors, are very different.

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<v Speaker 1>For one thing, Modern Chinese SOEs, as well as a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of other state owned companies like the Saudi government's

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<v Speaker 1>oil companies Saudi a Ramco, are not directly part of

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<v Speaker 1>the government at all. Instead, they're structured as regular corporations

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<v Speaker 1>whose stock happens to be owned by the governments. This

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<v Speaker 1>shareholding relationship is one of the most common kinds of

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<v Speaker 1>modern SOEs, but as we'll see, they make ownership and

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<v Speaker 1>management structures increasingly complex. The other major difference from Soviet

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<v Speaker 1>firms is that companies like Saudi a Ramco and modern

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese soez are for profit companies. I don't exist to

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<v Speaker 1>provide a service, they exist to make money. This gets

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<v Speaker 1>very weird very quickly. For one thing, while we tend

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<v Speaker 1>to think of state owned enterprises as belonging to the

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<v Speaker 1>national governments, municipal, provincial, and even disher Can county governments

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<v Speaker 1>in China have their own SOEs. On a conceptual level,

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<v Speaker 1>this makes sense. China's economy is the size of a continents,

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<v Speaker 1>and individual provinces have the geographic size, population, natural resources,

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<v Speaker 1>and economy of entire nations, which means that provincial soees

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<v Speaker 1>can rival national firms. But this also means that state

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<v Speaker 1>owned industries from different levels of government are directly competing

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<v Speaker 1>with each other on the market. This is something beyond

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<v Speaker 1>the experience of previous theorists of the state and capitalism.

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<v Speaker 1>Frederick Engels, the close friend of Karl Marx, was able

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<v Speaker 1>to predict the rise of capitalist state owned industries writing quote.

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<v Speaker 1>At a further stage of evolution, this form also becomes insufficient.

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<v Speaker 1>The official representative of the capitalist state will ultimately have

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<v Speaker 1>to undertake the direction of production. This necessity for conversion

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<v Speaker 1>into state property is felt first in the great institutions

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<v Speaker 1>for intercourse and communication, the post office, the telegrams, the railways.

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<v Speaker 1>If the crisis demonstrates the incapacity of the bourgeoisie for

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<v Speaker 1>managing any longer modern productive forces, the transformation of the

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<v Speaker 1>great establishment for production and distribution into joint stock companies

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<v Speaker 1>and state property shows how unnecessary the bourgeoisie are for

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<v Speaker 1>that purpose. All the social functions of the capitalists are

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<v Speaker 1>now performed by salaried employees. The capitalist has no social

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<v Speaker 1>function than that of pocketing dividends, tearing off coupons, and

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<v Speaker 1>gambling at the stock exchange, with the different capitalists to

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<v Speaker 1>spoil one another of their capital. At first, the capitalist

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<v Speaker 1>mode of production forces out the workers. Now it forces

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<v Speaker 1>out the capitalists and reduces them, just as it reduced

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<v Speaker 1>the workers to the ranks of the surfplus population, although

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<v Speaker 1>not immediately into those of the industrial reserve army, but

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<v Speaker 1>angles imagined the state as a collective capitalist, replacing the

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<v Speaker 1>individual capitalist. What no one could have foreseen was capitalists

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<v Speaker 1>break was capitalism breaking the collective nature of the state,

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<v Speaker 1>entirely hollowing it out until its chunks competed with each

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<v Speaker 1>other on the market. This is the state of modern

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese SOEs. These SOEs are capitalists, firms subject to market discipline.

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<v Speaker 1>They can and will fail and go under if they

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<v Speaker 1>aren't making enough money, and the government can and will

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<v Speaker 1>tear them apart and force the still state owned pieces

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<v Speaker 1>to compete against each other. These state owned industries also

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<v Speaker 1>largely are not supposed to be monopolies. Firms they get

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<v Speaker 1>too large and powerful can and will be broken up

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<v Speaker 1>and the parts once again set to compete against each other.

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<v Speaker 1>Weirder still, these SOEs are also listed on the stock markets,

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<v Speaker 1>meaning individual capitalists, and as we'll see later, even foreign

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<v Speaker 1>firms can buy forty nine percent stakes and nominally state

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<v Speaker 1>owned industries. Now, if the state doing market competition against

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<v Speaker 1>itself wasn't weird enough for you, let me introduce another complication.

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<v Speaker 1>The State Owned Asset Supervision and Administration Commission of the

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<v Speaker 1>State Council and no the state owned Asset Supervision and Administration.

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<v Speaker 1>Commission of the State Council is not a name that

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<v Speaker 1>sounds any better in Chinese. If you have a bureaucracy

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<v Speaker 1>rooted in Leninism, the product is a veritable corricopia of

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<v Speaker 1>the most absolutely dogshit name you've ever heard in your

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<v Speaker 1>entire life. This commission is better known for obvious reasons

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<v Speaker 1>as Sassak, and it is the government body that owns

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<v Speaker 1>the shares of most of the largest firms in China,

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<v Speaker 1>which are known as the national champions. Now you could

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<v Speaker 1>be forgiven for thinking you now understand the structure of

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese soez. Sasak, which is a part of the state,

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<v Speaker 1>owns the SOEs. Bob's your uncle, Everyone goes home for

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<v Speaker 1>the night, and the episode ends right here. Unfortunately, it

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<v Speaker 1>is way more convoluted than that. When I said SASAQ

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<v Speaker 1>owns the shares of the largest firms in China, that's

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<v Speaker 1>only true in a technical sense. What Sasak actually owns

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<v Speaker 1>are the shares of massive holding companies, companies that exist

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<v Speaker 1>on paper but whose existence is purely dedicated to owning

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<v Speaker 1>the shares of other companies. These holding companies own the

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<v Speaker 1>shares of the publicly traded companies. You might have heard of,

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<v Speaker 1>like Sinopek China state owned oil companies. And this is

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<v Speaker 1>where the simplistic narrative of the Chinese soe, a single

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<v Speaker 1>firm owned by the state under its direct political control,

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<v Speaker 1>completely falls apart, because again, the state doesn't really own

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<v Speaker 1>these firms directly. What they own is a holding company

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<v Speaker 1>that owns the stock of the sues. That holding company, however,

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<v Speaker 1>is the actual basis of the organization of Chinese state ownership.

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<v Speaker 1>The building blocks of the Chinese state economy aren't single

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<v Speaker 1>state owned enterprises at all. The economy is actually composed

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<v Speaker 1>of what are called business groups. American listeners may not

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<v Speaker 1>be very familiar with business groups, but there are a

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<v Speaker 1>common sight in what became known as the Tiger economies,

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<v Speaker 1>a series of economies that's all rabid industrial development in

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<v Speaker 1>the post World War two era, largely fueled by the

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<v Speaker 1>demands of American military supply lines for its wars in

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<v Speaker 1>Korea and Vietnam. The two most infamous are the Japanese Keretsu,

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<v Speaker 1>the successor to the old Japanese zaibatsu that dominated the

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<v Speaker 1>pre war Japanese economy and which were to some extent

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<v Speaker 1>broken up after the war, and Korean chabel conglomerates. These

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<v Speaker 1>massive groups of businesses are either owned by the same

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<v Speaker 1>people or families in the case of the chabel, or

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<v Speaker 1>linked by mutual shareholding of each other's companies. Like kedatsu,

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<v Speaker 1>the groups cooperate and coordinate the business strategy instead of

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<v Speaker 1>competing against each other, which allows them to carry out

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<v Speaker 1>a level of long term planning that's sometimes difficult for

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<v Speaker 1>individual for profit companies. Chinese economists sent to Japan to

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<v Speaker 1>study kedatsu in the seventies and eighties returned with policy

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<v Speaker 1>in hands, But the business groups that eventually emerged in

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<v Speaker 1>the Chinese economy after an extended process of trial and

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<v Speaker 1>error are different than their Korean or Japanese counterparts. Where

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<v Speaker 1>chabel are organized around families and Kedatsu are organized around

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<v Speaker 1>a commercial bank that provides financing for the companies and

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<v Speaker 1>the group, Chinese businesses are organized by those holding companies

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<v Speaker 1>one hundred percent owned by Sassak and therefore the Chinese State.

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<v Speaker 1>Those holding companies, also sometimes called core companies, own the

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<v Speaker 1>majority of the stock of a variety of public betraded companies.

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<v Speaker 1>They also own a finance company which finances the companies

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<v Speaker 1>and work with research institutes which carry out scientific and

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<v Speaker 1>research development for the entire group. These research institutes, which

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<v Speaker 1>are often university affiliated, are technically nonprofit, but take money

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<v Speaker 1>from the core companies in exchange for the research development

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<v Speaker 1>they do. Chinese business groups are often massive, organizing hundreds

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<v Speaker 1>of companies who also maintain trade and supply relations with

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<v Speaker 1>hundreds more companies technically outside the group. These groups are

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<v Speaker 1>organized by what's called articles of grouping, which the core

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<v Speaker 1>holding company who owns the stock, and the rest of

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<v Speaker 1>the companies get those companies to sign. These articles form

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<v Speaker 1>a top down structure for the entire group that also

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<v Speaker 1>includes council and management bodies for the entire group, with

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<v Speaker 1>representatives from each of the companies in the group. This structure,

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<v Speaker 1>in theory, is how the CCP transmits policy down from

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<v Speaker 1>single holding companies to all of their downstream subsidiaries and allies.

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<v Speaker 1>And this is important because, at least in theory, business

0:13:57.760 --> 0:14:00.640
<v Speaker 1>groups are supposed to carry out government and dose and

0:14:00.679 --> 0:14:04.040
<v Speaker 1>economic developments, but in the real world this is a

0:14:04.080 --> 0:14:09.080
<v Speaker 1>significant challenge because again, even individual business groups comprise hundreds

0:14:09.080 --> 0:14:12.079
<v Speaker 1>of companies, and the states grasp on them as often tenuous,

0:14:12.600 --> 0:14:14.800
<v Speaker 1>as seen by a wave of state owned companies that

0:14:14.880 --> 0:14:18.040
<v Speaker 1>theoretically are supposed to make things getting into real estate

0:14:18.040 --> 0:14:21.040
<v Speaker 1>speculation a problem the CCP has been attempting to deal

0:14:21.040 --> 0:14:23.080
<v Speaker 1>with since two thousand and eight and only really has

0:14:23.080 --> 0:14:26.240
<v Speaker 1>gotten under control in the last two years. But you

0:14:26.320 --> 0:14:31.640
<v Speaker 1>know who will not do housing speculation instead of making

0:14:31.680 --> 0:14:34.960
<v Speaker 1>ads for you. It is the companies and the products

0:14:35.000 --> 0:14:49.160
<v Speaker 1>and services that support this podcast. And we're back so

0:14:49.280 --> 0:14:52.280
<v Speaker 1>confronted with the enormity of the scale of Chinese business groups,

0:14:52.560 --> 0:14:56.840
<v Speaker 1>how does state control over these groups actually work? In theory,

0:14:57.240 --> 0:15:02.680
<v Speaker 1>regulation operates around two channels. SASAK owns the holding companies,

0:15:02.880 --> 0:15:05.200
<v Speaker 1>which allows it, in theory, to make decisions that a

0:15:05.280 --> 0:15:08.000
<v Speaker 1>shareholder would be able to make it a private corporation.

0:15:08.880 --> 0:15:12.080
<v Speaker 1>There's also a parallel corpus structure directly run by the party,

0:15:12.480 --> 0:15:15.080
<v Speaker 1>and high ranking people in the corpus structure become party

0:15:15.080 --> 0:15:17.720
<v Speaker 1>members and are sent to cadre trainings at places like

0:15:17.720 --> 0:15:22.000
<v Speaker 1>the Central Party School in Beijing. Meanwhile, people swap between

0:15:22.040 --> 0:15:24.840
<v Speaker 1>SASSAK and high level manager positions, and the heads of

0:15:24.920 --> 0:15:28.840
<v Speaker 1>large sos also have positions in the Chinese government itself.

0:15:29.440 --> 0:15:31.560
<v Speaker 1>Trying to explain all of the positions they have and

0:15:31.600 --> 0:15:34.440
<v Speaker 1>the councils they're on and their technical ministerial ranks is

0:15:34.480 --> 0:15:37.440
<v Speaker 1>a disaster because oh boy, if you think the American

0:15:37.480 --> 0:15:40.120
<v Speaker 1>government is confusing, try sorting out who does what in

0:15:40.120 --> 0:15:43.080
<v Speaker 1>a party state. The moral of the story is that

0:15:43.120 --> 0:15:46.240
<v Speaker 1>the CCP tries to keep control over the enormous number

0:15:46.240 --> 0:15:49.040
<v Speaker 1>of companies it technically owns through control of who gets

0:15:49.040 --> 0:15:52.000
<v Speaker 1>appointed as the head of soees through Sassak, which is

0:15:52.000 --> 0:15:55.480
<v Speaker 1>directly a part of the state, and by integrating SOE

0:15:55.600 --> 0:15:59.800
<v Speaker 1>heads into various government and party bodies. They also are

0:16:00.440 --> 0:16:03.200
<v Speaker 1>somewhat embarrassingly given that they owed these companies forced to

0:16:03.240 --> 0:16:05.800
<v Speaker 1>directly go after them through the law and through the

0:16:05.840 --> 0:16:10.600
<v Speaker 1>court system, which works sometimes and also doesn't work other times.

0:16:11.600 --> 0:16:17.960
<v Speaker 1>But this relationship is multidirectional. Leewhen Lynn and Curtis J. Milhoft,

0:16:18.400 --> 0:16:22.640
<v Speaker 1>two scholars who've written extensively about Chinese corporate structure, argue

0:16:22.680 --> 0:16:25.800
<v Speaker 1>convincingly that the deep integration of the Party into soees

0:16:26.440 --> 0:16:29.880
<v Speaker 1>after the state owned industries have been corporatized, that is,

0:16:30.120 --> 0:16:34.280
<v Speaker 1>turned from direct state industries run by state employees to

0:16:34.480 --> 0:16:38.400
<v Speaker 1>profit seeking market corporations own a through shares, was a

0:16:38.440 --> 0:16:41.000
<v Speaker 1>way to buy the Party off and allow these firms

0:16:41.000 --> 0:16:43.680
<v Speaker 1>to become more capitalists in ways that wouldn't have worked

0:16:43.720 --> 0:16:46.840
<v Speaker 1>if the Party wasn't also getting rich off of it.

0:16:46.840 --> 0:16:49.560
<v Speaker 1>It's not just that China has state owned industries. It's

0:16:49.560 --> 0:16:52.600
<v Speaker 1>that the corporatization of state owned industries has made the

0:16:52.640 --> 0:16:57.680
<v Speaker 1>Party and the Chinese state increasingly capitalist, and this raises

0:16:57.680 --> 0:17:02.080
<v Speaker 1>another question. As the Chinese state grows more capitalists, are

0:17:02.120 --> 0:17:06.160
<v Speaker 1>public and private Chinese firms even all that different, Private

0:17:06.200 --> 0:17:08.879
<v Speaker 1>firms also have links to the state through equity, have

0:17:09.040 --> 0:17:12.760
<v Speaker 1>joint ventures with soees, where private companies will own a

0:17:12.760 --> 0:17:14.880
<v Speaker 1>part of a company and an SOE will own another

0:17:14.920 --> 0:17:18.600
<v Speaker 1>part of a company. Private companies expand and get access

0:17:18.640 --> 0:17:22.840
<v Speaker 1>to credit through partnering with local sos. In essence, many

0:17:22.840 --> 0:17:25.119
<v Speaker 1>of the things that are supposed to make sos different

0:17:25.119 --> 0:17:28.080
<v Speaker 1>from private companies are shared by both, from the profit

0:17:28.119 --> 0:17:33.959
<v Speaker 1>motive to state affiliation as milhop to put it quote, functionally,

0:17:34.400 --> 0:17:38.720
<v Speaker 1>SOEs and large pos private enterprises in China share many

0:17:38.720 --> 0:17:42.040
<v Speaker 1>similarities in the areas commonly thought to distinguish state owned

0:17:42.040 --> 0:17:46.160
<v Speaker 1>firms from privately owned firms. Market access received of state subsidies,

0:17:46.240 --> 0:17:50.159
<v Speaker 1>proximity state power, and execution of the government's policy objectives.

0:17:51.000 --> 0:17:53.520
<v Speaker 1>A complete account of Chinese state capitalists, and must explain

0:17:53.600 --> 0:17:59.080
<v Speaker 1>these similarities. Even figuring out what legally is an SOE

0:17:59.600 --> 0:18:03.200
<v Speaker 1>and what's technically still a private firm gets very weird,

0:18:03.359 --> 0:18:09.440
<v Speaker 1>very fast. ZT, for example, a giant Chinese telecom telecom

0:18:09.480 --> 0:18:12.639
<v Speaker 1>company is owned by a bewildering array of shell and

0:18:12.720 --> 0:18:15.520
<v Speaker 1>holding companies, which are in turn owned by other companies,

0:18:15.520 --> 0:18:18.680
<v Speaker 1>some of which are state owned. This is the level

0:18:18.720 --> 0:18:22.120
<v Speaker 1>of ownership confusion we're working at here. If the largest

0:18:22.160 --> 0:18:25.000
<v Speaker 1>stake of a company is owned by a holding company

0:18:25.200 --> 0:18:28.120
<v Speaker 1>that's owned in turn by a combination of two soees

0:18:28.160 --> 0:18:30.520
<v Speaker 1>who own fifty one percent of the stock and a

0:18:30.560 --> 0:18:33.520
<v Speaker 1>private investor's company who owns forty nine percent of the stock,

0:18:34.119 --> 0:18:37.840
<v Speaker 1>is the company state owned? And it gets worse Inzte's

0:18:37.960 --> 0:18:41.400
<v Speaker 1>case because even if you assume, okay, the majority stake

0:18:41.440 --> 0:18:43.800
<v Speaker 1>in this company is owned by an SOE, therefore it's

0:18:43.840 --> 0:18:46.560
<v Speaker 1>state owned, you would assume that the state or a

0:18:46.560 --> 0:18:51.680
<v Speaker 1>state owned company would manage the corporation. Right. Wrong. In

0:18:51.800 --> 0:18:54.560
<v Speaker 1>Zt's case, the soees worked out in agreement with the

0:18:54.600 --> 0:18:58.199
<v Speaker 1>other investor such that ZT is technically state owned but

0:18:58.280 --> 0:19:02.640
<v Speaker 1>privately managed. And this, it turns out, is a very

0:19:02.680 --> 0:19:06.640
<v Speaker 1>common arrangement because of laws about foreign ownership of companies

0:19:06.640 --> 0:19:09.399
<v Speaker 1>operating in China, many state owned enterprises that are actually

0:19:09.480 --> 0:19:13.680
<v Speaker 1>joint partnerships between sos and foreign corporations, where the SOE

0:19:13.920 --> 0:19:16.000
<v Speaker 1>owns fifty one percent of the stock and the foreign

0:19:16.040 --> 0:19:18.879
<v Speaker 1>corporation owns forty nine percent of the stock while running

0:19:18.920 --> 0:19:22.840
<v Speaker 1>the actual company in extracting profits from it even one

0:19:22.920 --> 0:19:27.160
<v Speaker 1>hundred percent. Chinese firms, of which there are many, pose

0:19:27.160 --> 0:19:30.080
<v Speaker 1>a challenge to the traditional conception of sos as run

0:19:30.080 --> 0:19:31.600
<v Speaker 1>by the state for the good of the state and

0:19:31.640 --> 0:19:35.440
<v Speaker 1>its political objectives. This goes back to their structure as

0:19:35.480 --> 0:19:40.560
<v Speaker 1>corporations the state owns by shareholding. This means, as I've emphasized,

0:19:40.720 --> 0:19:44.320
<v Speaker 1>that these sos aren't government ministries, their companies trying to

0:19:44.320 --> 0:19:46.680
<v Speaker 1>make a profit and are run by their own managers.

0:19:47.640 --> 0:19:50.600
<v Speaker 1>These firms have a total workforce of seventy million people,

0:19:50.600 --> 0:19:55.000
<v Speaker 1>which makes direct regulation very difficult in practice. This means

0:19:55.119 --> 0:19:57.680
<v Speaker 1>sos are a lot more autonomous in direct state control,

0:19:58.000 --> 0:20:01.359
<v Speaker 1>even with all the state guards put in place than

0:20:01.400 --> 0:20:05.199
<v Speaker 1>you'd think just from the word state owned industry. Another

0:20:05.200 --> 0:20:07.879
<v Speaker 1>thing that makes sooez more like private companies is that

0:20:07.960 --> 0:20:10.680
<v Speaker 1>money from soez goes back to the company and not

0:20:10.720 --> 0:20:13.359
<v Speaker 1>to the state, to which it pays dividends, but not

0:20:13.480 --> 0:20:16.720
<v Speaker 1>much else. This means that soees have their own revenue

0:20:16.720 --> 0:20:21.200
<v Speaker 1>stream that's not dependent on state budget allocations. Meanwhile, private

0:20:21.240 --> 0:20:26.200
<v Speaker 1>firms like SOEs are operated by members of symbolic party congresses,

0:20:26.640 --> 0:20:29.840
<v Speaker 1>and private firms also get state subsidies and access to

0:20:29.920 --> 0:20:34.120
<v Speaker 1>loans from state banks. A common canard about the unfairness

0:20:34.119 --> 0:20:37.119
<v Speaker 1>of anti competitive Chinese soez it applies to private firms

0:20:37.160 --> 0:20:40.040
<v Speaker 1>as well, And at this point I must point out

0:20:40.040 --> 0:20:43.280
<v Speaker 1>that any company anywhere in the world can make money

0:20:43.320 --> 0:20:46.280
<v Speaker 1>by allying with the state and getting access to state resources.

0:20:46.600 --> 0:20:49.320
<v Speaker 1>The US does this too, especially state and local governments,

0:20:49.359 --> 0:20:51.520
<v Speaker 1>who are all too happy to give enormous tax breaks

0:20:51.720 --> 0:20:55.960
<v Speaker 1>and even provide prison labor to private companies. Meanwhile, tech

0:20:55.960 --> 0:20:58.119
<v Speaker 1>companies like Amazon and Google are kept a float by

0:20:58.160 --> 0:21:01.360
<v Speaker 1>massive government contract to say nothing of the American defense industry.

0:21:01.960 --> 0:21:04.240
<v Speaker 1>In the US, we call this corruption, or at least

0:21:04.520 --> 0:21:07.200
<v Speaker 1>used to until it became legal to literally buy senators,

0:21:07.520 --> 0:21:09.760
<v Speaker 1>a thing that nat Sek Dipshits always seem to forget

0:21:09.760 --> 0:21:12.040
<v Speaker 1>when they talk about the uniqueness of the Chinese economy

0:21:12.040 --> 0:21:15.600
<v Speaker 1>and its relation to subsidies. There are obviously differences between

0:21:15.600 --> 0:21:18.399
<v Speaker 1>the US and Chinese economies, but arguing that businesses having

0:21:18.440 --> 0:21:22.080
<v Speaker 1>ties to the state which they extract benefits from constitutes

0:21:22.119 --> 0:21:26.239
<v Speaker 1>a unique form of capitalism as incomprehensibly absurd. None does

0:21:26.280 --> 0:21:29.320
<v Speaker 1>this have stopped China watchers from the most rabid reactionaries

0:21:29.320 --> 0:21:33.640
<v Speaker 1>and the most stalwart or self described style wart communists

0:21:33.680 --> 0:21:37.000
<v Speaker 1>to declare that China carries out something called industrial policy

0:21:37.040 --> 0:21:40.320
<v Speaker 1>through its soees, which makes it different from other neoliberal states.

0:21:41.200 --> 0:21:46.199
<v Speaker 1>So what is industrial policy? In theory, industrial policy refers

0:21:46.200 --> 0:21:49.280
<v Speaker 1>to the state giving subsidies and funding to specific corporations

0:21:49.280 --> 0:21:53.119
<v Speaker 1>in order to pursue specific economic objectives the market wouldn't

0:21:53.119 --> 0:21:58.119
<v Speaker 1>normally have pursued. These writers point the preferential treatment that

0:21:58.240 --> 0:22:01.760
<v Speaker 1>Chinese sos have credit and subsidies that they receive from

0:22:01.760 --> 0:22:04.480
<v Speaker 1>the government as evidence of the subordination of the market

0:22:04.520 --> 0:22:18.320
<v Speaker 1>to the political which they also claim is essentially a

0:22:18.359 --> 0:22:22.359
<v Speaker 1>form of socialist state planning. My response to this is

0:22:22.359 --> 0:22:24.800
<v Speaker 1>that I will accept that an see getting a subsidy

0:22:25.160 --> 0:22:28.199
<v Speaker 1>is socialist state planning. The moment they agree that the

0:22:28.280 --> 0:22:30.760
<v Speaker 1>US as a socialist state because of its coren subsidies

0:22:31.600 --> 0:22:35.119
<v Speaker 1>despite writing about China somehow turning everyone into anarchical capitalists.

0:22:35.480 --> 0:22:38.560
<v Speaker 1>State subsidies in the form of direct cash transfers, tax breaks,

0:22:38.600 --> 0:22:41.600
<v Speaker 1>preferential legal treatment, technology transfers, and a thousand other forms

0:22:41.600 --> 0:22:44.639
<v Speaker 1>of state aid are as old as capitalism itself and

0:22:44.680 --> 0:22:48.919
<v Speaker 1>are pretty normal even under neoliberalism. People describe these measures

0:22:48.920 --> 0:22:53.240
<v Speaker 1>as industrial policy, using state favor to promote certain industries,

0:22:53.600 --> 0:22:56.680
<v Speaker 1>but corn subsidies put lie to the claim that industrial

0:22:56.720 --> 0:22:59.760
<v Speaker 1>policy is some unique thing of a new era emerging

0:22:59.760 --> 0:23:04.240
<v Speaker 1>in capitalism that had totally disappeared with neoliberalism. American corn

0:23:04.240 --> 0:23:06.439
<v Speaker 1>and other agricultural subsidies are one of the largest and

0:23:06.480 --> 0:23:10.840
<v Speaker 1>most expensive industrial policy regimes in the world, constituting half

0:23:10.840 --> 0:23:14.199
<v Speaker 1>a trillion dollars spent since nineteen fifty five. They are

0:23:14.200 --> 0:23:16.720
<v Speaker 1>also written in as exceptions to most of the world's

0:23:16.720 --> 0:23:21.280
<v Speaker 1>major free trade agreements. We also need to ask what

0:23:21.480 --> 0:23:25.360
<v Speaker 1>is the difference between industrial policy, which is state strategic

0:23:25.400 --> 0:23:29.240
<v Speaker 1>investment in certain sectors to develop their economy, and regulatory capture,

0:23:29.600 --> 0:23:33.439
<v Speaker 1>where control over agencies or even the legislature itself is

0:23:33.600 --> 0:23:37.399
<v Speaker 1>taken over by specialistist groups. This question sounds silly, but

0:23:37.480 --> 0:23:40.080
<v Speaker 1>the results a company in a sector getting handed a

0:23:40.080 --> 0:23:42.680
<v Speaker 1>pile of money in various forms by the state looks

0:23:42.720 --> 0:23:47.840
<v Speaker 1>exactly the same. Those corn subsidies arguably are industrial policy.

0:23:47.880 --> 0:23:50.320
<v Speaker 1>They were technically originally designed to ensure that the US

0:23:50.359 --> 0:23:53.080
<v Speaker 1>would always have a supply of cheap food. But on

0:23:53.119 --> 0:23:55.440
<v Speaker 1>the other hand, the real reason they exist has nothing

0:23:55.440 --> 0:23:58.280
<v Speaker 1>to do with planning whatsoever. They exist because the copala

0:23:58.320 --> 0:24:00.880
<v Speaker 1>of legislatures from farming states have enough power to shut

0:24:00.920 --> 0:24:02.879
<v Speaker 1>down both the House and the Senate if their demands

0:24:02.880 --> 0:24:05.359
<v Speaker 1>aren't met. So every year the state bows to the

0:24:05.359 --> 0:24:09.639
<v Speaker 1>corn lobby and pays them billions of dollars. So is

0:24:09.680 --> 0:24:13.359
<v Speaker 1>this industrial policy or is it regulatory capture? And can

0:24:13.400 --> 0:24:17.320
<v Speaker 1>the two even be distinguished? In capitalist countries? This is

0:24:17.320 --> 0:24:19.359
<v Speaker 1>a question we need to take very seriously. In the

0:24:19.440 --> 0:24:22.679
<v Speaker 1>Chinese case, At the same time, we ask ourselves what

0:24:22.880 --> 0:24:26.239
<v Speaker 1>is the actual objective of the Chinese state? Is it

0:24:26.240 --> 0:24:29.920
<v Speaker 1>decoupling inmid trenchment from the West or is it making money?

0:24:30.080 --> 0:24:33.040
<v Speaker 1>There is significant evidence that it's the latter. For one thing,

0:24:33.359 --> 0:24:37.320
<v Speaker 1>China receives an enormous amount of foreign direct investment, something

0:24:37.359 --> 0:24:39.960
<v Speaker 1>that everyone seems to conveniently forgets, even though it was

0:24:40.000 --> 0:24:42.600
<v Speaker 1>one of the key elements that fueled Chinese industrialization and

0:24:42.640 --> 0:24:46.320
<v Speaker 1>plays a major role in the Chinese economy to this day. Meanwhile,

0:24:46.600 --> 0:24:49.920
<v Speaker 1>US affiliates in China alone had over half a trillion

0:24:49.960 --> 0:24:53.600
<v Speaker 1>dollars of sales just in twenty eighteen, while the focus

0:24:53.600 --> 0:24:56.760
<v Speaker 1>of most analysis has been in flashy disputes between the

0:24:56.840 --> 0:24:59.840
<v Speaker 1>US and China over their attempts to produce their own semiconductors.

0:25:00.400 --> 0:25:03.399
<v Speaker 1>China has also liberalized its foreign investment laws in the

0:25:03.480 --> 0:25:06.639
<v Speaker 1>last few years and allowed foreign companies and industries like

0:25:06.680 --> 0:25:10.040
<v Speaker 1>insurance to operate directly instead of running through joint partnerships

0:25:10.080 --> 0:25:14.119
<v Speaker 1>with Chinese stakeholders. Even the chairman of SASSAK gave a

0:25:14.119 --> 0:25:16.439
<v Speaker 1>speech in February about how his goal was to increase

0:25:16.480 --> 0:25:21.280
<v Speaker 1>the profitability of Chinese soees. China is and will remain

0:25:21.680 --> 0:25:25.520
<v Speaker 1>deeply enmeshed in the global capitalist economy, and this, I

0:25:25.560 --> 0:25:29.120
<v Speaker 1>think is as much as their unwillingness to grasp how

0:25:29.240 --> 0:25:33.520
<v Speaker 1>SOEs actually work. The fatal flaw of analysis of the

0:25:33.560 --> 0:25:37.520
<v Speaker 1>Chinese economy and its obsession with formal state ownership. These

0:25:37.560 --> 0:25:39.960
<v Speaker 1>analyzes are not a serious attempt to look at the

0:25:40.000 --> 0:25:44.280
<v Speaker 1>actual structure of the economic system the entire world, including China,

0:25:44.400 --> 0:25:47.760
<v Speaker 1>lives under. There are several kinds of arguments that we

0:25:47.800 --> 0:25:51.280
<v Speaker 1>need to look beyond formal ownership to understand capitalism. More broadly,

0:25:52.240 --> 0:25:55.520
<v Speaker 1>there is a somewhat complicated Marxist argument which holds that

0:25:55.800 --> 0:25:58.040
<v Speaker 1>while we talk about capitalism as a system where the

0:25:58.119 --> 0:26:00.639
<v Speaker 1>ruling class owns the means of production of the working class,

0:26:00.640 --> 0:26:03.480
<v Speaker 1>which owns nothing, is forced to work for them, that's

0:26:03.520 --> 0:26:07.359
<v Speaker 1>not all capitalism is. Capitalism is also a series of

0:26:07.359 --> 0:26:10.879
<v Speaker 1>commodity production, in which objects confront each other in the

0:26:10.920 --> 0:26:15.119
<v Speaker 1>market and appear as commodities with their own discrete values

0:26:15.200 --> 0:26:19.600
<v Speaker 1>based on abstract labor time. Generalize commodity production, which is

0:26:19.640 --> 0:26:23.000
<v Speaker 1>people producing commodities from market exchange and not for other purposes,

0:26:23.200 --> 0:26:26.360
<v Speaker 1>is the other core component of capitalism, and when you're

0:26:26.400 --> 0:26:30.000
<v Speaker 1>dealing with generalized commodity production, it doesn't really matter whether

0:26:30.080 --> 0:26:32.679
<v Speaker 1>the company that owns the holding company that owns the

0:26:32.720 --> 0:26:35.480
<v Speaker 1>company that makes the commodity is owned by the state

0:26:35.640 --> 0:26:38.119
<v Speaker 1>or a hedge fund or a bank or a softeign

0:26:38.200 --> 0:26:42.080
<v Speaker 1>wealth fund. It still reproduces commodity production, which means it's

0:26:42.080 --> 0:26:45.959
<v Speaker 1>still just capitalism, but with more complex formal ownership mechanisms.

0:26:47.160 --> 0:26:50.280
<v Speaker 1>There's also the David Graeber argument which goes, Okay, sure,

0:26:50.440 --> 0:26:53.760
<v Speaker 1>state owned property is technically the property of the people TM,

0:26:54.200 --> 0:26:56.320
<v Speaker 1>but try and to actually go there and see how

0:26:56.359 --> 0:26:59.760
<v Speaker 1>fast the cops show up and take you away. Just

0:26:59.760 --> 0:27:03.280
<v Speaker 1>like rivy ownership, you still don't own public property any

0:27:03.280 --> 0:27:06.480
<v Speaker 1>substantive sense. It's just controlled by a different group of

0:27:06.480 --> 0:27:09.359
<v Speaker 1>bureaucrats with guns. And focusing purely on ownership to define

0:27:09.359 --> 0:27:12.919
<v Speaker 1>an economic system gets you nowhere. And then there's my argument,

0:27:13.640 --> 0:27:16.439
<v Speaker 1>which is that people are absolutely obsessed with looking at

0:27:16.480 --> 0:27:19.359
<v Speaker 1>capitalism from the perspective of capital which means that they

0:27:19.359 --> 0:27:22.560
<v Speaker 1>are absolutely obsessed with the question of ownership. But what

0:27:22.720 --> 0:27:25.159
<v Speaker 1>happens if you look at so called state capitalism and

0:27:25.160 --> 0:27:27.359
<v Speaker 1>the nature of state ownership from the perspective of the

0:27:27.400 --> 0:27:32.800
<v Speaker 1>working class, everything suddenly becomes a lot clearer. Soe workers

0:27:32.840 --> 0:27:35.520
<v Speaker 1>are a bit better off than not us or we counterparts,

0:27:35.520 --> 0:27:38.600
<v Speaker 1>but their jobs suck ass, their hours are long, and

0:27:38.640 --> 0:27:41.560
<v Speaker 1>they don't make that much money. They are fully dependent

0:27:41.600 --> 0:27:44.600
<v Speaker 1>on selling their labor to the market to survive. And

0:27:44.680 --> 0:27:47.639
<v Speaker 1>all of these companies have hundreds of subsidiaries and suppliers

0:27:47.680 --> 0:27:50.879
<v Speaker 1>with a variety of levels of state ownership, and people

0:27:50.880 --> 0:27:54.480
<v Speaker 1>who work for those companies' lives are even shittier. Meanwhile,

0:27:54.560 --> 0:27:57.439
<v Speaker 1>the means of production and the physical infrastructure of so

0:27:57.520 --> 0:28:00.720
<v Speaker 1>called state capitalism was built by work who were left

0:28:00.720 --> 0:28:03.720
<v Speaker 1>with nothing but silicosis after turning places like Shenzhen from

0:28:03.760 --> 0:28:06.200
<v Speaker 1>fishing villages to a city with a population of over

0:28:06.240 --> 0:28:10.879
<v Speaker 1>ten million people in less than thirty years. This is

0:28:10.920 --> 0:28:14.080
<v Speaker 1>the ultimate truth of the Chinese economy, just says, it

0:28:14.119 --> 0:28:17.960
<v Speaker 1>is the ultimate truth of the American economy. We sell

0:28:18.000 --> 0:28:20.919
<v Speaker 1>our lives for nothing, and our only reward in the

0:28:21.080 --> 0:28:23.520
<v Speaker 1>end is to die amidst the wonders of the world

0:28:23.920 --> 0:28:30.840
<v Speaker 1>that was never ours. It could Happen here as a

0:28:30.880 --> 0:28:33.720
<v Speaker 1>production of cool Zone Media. For more podcasts from cool

0:28:33.800 --> 0:28:36.639
<v Speaker 1>Zone Media, visit our website cool zonemedia dot com or

0:28:36.720 --> 0:28:39.360
<v Speaker 1>check us out on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or

0:28:39.400 --> 0:28:42.400
<v Speaker 1>wherever you listen to podcasts. You can find sources for

0:28:42.440 --> 0:28:45.480
<v Speaker 1>It could Happen Here, updated monthly at cool zonemedia dot

0:28:45.520 --> 0:28:47.720
<v Speaker 1>com slash sources. Thanks for listening.