WEBVTT - Surprise Win for Abortion Rights At High Court

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grassoe from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>It was one of the most closely watched cases of

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Courts term, in one of the most divisive

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<v Speaker 1>issues the country faces, and in a surprise reinforcement of

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<v Speaker 1>abortion rights. The Court throughout a Louisiana law that would

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<v Speaker 1>have left the state with only one abortion clinic in

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<v Speaker 1>a five to four decision this week, Chief Justice John

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<v Speaker 1>Roberts provided the crucial fifth vote, joining with the Courts

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<v Speaker 1>liberals to invalidate the Louisiana law requiring clinic doctors to

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<v Speaker 1>get privileges at a local hospital, a law almost identical

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<v Speaker 1>to a Texas law the Court struck down in twenty sixteen.

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<v Speaker 1>Perhaps the Chief gave a hint about his vote during

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<v Speaker 1>oral arguments. You know, I understand the point that the

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<v Speaker 1>impact of um the laws varies from state to state,

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<v Speaker 1>But why do you look at each state differently if

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<v Speaker 1>the benefits of the law they're not going to change

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<v Speaker 1>from state to state. The decision was a huge setback

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<v Speaker 1>for conservatives who had hoped a newly conservative court would

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<v Speaker 1>uphold restrictions on abortion. Joining me is Stephen Vladick, a

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<v Speaker 1>professor at the University of Texas Law School. The Chief

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<v Speaker 1>Justice has never voted before on the side of abortion rights.

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<v Speaker 1>Was this decision all about the Chief Justices vote? I

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<v Speaker 1>think it was. I mean, I think he signaled that

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<v Speaker 1>he was probably leaning in this direction last year when

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<v Speaker 1>he joined the four more progressive justices to stay that

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<v Speaker 1>the decision to leave the Louisiana law and hole. And

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<v Speaker 1>you know, I think, much like his concurrent opinion last

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<v Speaker 1>year and more versus Texas, this is a case where

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<v Speaker 1>the Chief doesn't necessarily agree with the majority on the merits,

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<v Speaker 1>but thinks that the lower courts were wrong to basically

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<v Speaker 1>ignore or not basically apply the Court's own earlier precedents.

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<v Speaker 1>So this is very much, I think an institutionalist decisions

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<v Speaker 1>for the Chief, an institutionalist opinion. Explain how it's an

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<v Speaker 1>institutionalist opinion. The Chief goes out of his way not

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<v Speaker 1>to say that much about the merits and about whether

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<v Speaker 1>he actually agrees with the majority, rather that most of

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<v Speaker 1>the opinions about starry decisis and why he thinks the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court should follow the whole woman's health decision from

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<v Speaker 1>four years ago. And I think that's very much the

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<v Speaker 1>Chief day Am. You know, I am not a big

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<v Speaker 1>fan of these abortion cases. I am generally sympathetic to

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<v Speaker 1>state abortion restrictions. But here where the state of Louisiana

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<v Speaker 1>basically passed the law that was in no material ways

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<v Speaker 1>different from the one that we just struck down, I'm

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<v Speaker 1>not gonna ignore the similarities just because I'm sympathetic to

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<v Speaker 1>the results. And I think that's an important marker, not

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<v Speaker 1>just for this decision, one that could be very important

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<v Speaker 1>going forward, as he's increasingly clearly the median and most

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<v Speaker 1>important vote on the Court in these high profile devices cases.

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<v Speaker 1>We've discussed before how Justice Elena Kagan has been sort

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<v Speaker 1>of harping on precedent. Is this the case she was

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<v Speaker 1>looking towards? You know, I don't skim so June. I

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<v Speaker 1>think that the president on started, you know, fidelity to

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<v Speaker 1>President by Justice Kagan, by Justice Briar. I think it

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<v Speaker 1>is very much about abortion. But I think the precedents

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<v Speaker 1>they're much more worried about are the canonical ones. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>Row from not sevent three casey from that two. The

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<v Speaker 1>precedent the Court is upholding is a much newer one

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<v Speaker 1>of much more recent vintage. I don't think that's necessarily

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<v Speaker 1>the goal that the progressives had in mind when they

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<v Speaker 1>started worrying about started side this last term. But I

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<v Speaker 1>do think that this is part of a broader pattern

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<v Speaker 1>where where the Court goes with regard to these precedents,

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<v Speaker 1>it's going to be entirely a function of how comfortable

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<v Speaker 1>the Chief Justice is overruling them. I think in this case,

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<v Speaker 1>he just wasn't comfortable. Given this was four years ago,

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<v Speaker 1>it was set a pretty dangerous precedent if the legislators

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<v Speaker 1>could just wait for one new justice to start trying

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<v Speaker 1>to force the Court to revisit its hands. So simp

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<v Speaker 1>this is Dune an important battle in the abortion war,

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<v Speaker 1>but I don't think either side is going to be

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<v Speaker 1>fully satisfied, which the result of Machnic is just a

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<v Speaker 1>portent of more and more devisive cases to come. This

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<v Speaker 1>is being hailed by abortion rights advocates as a huge victory.

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<v Speaker 1>Does it portend anything for Robert's votes in the future

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<v Speaker 1>on cases involving abortion. I don't think so. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's a victory for abortion rights advocates in

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<v Speaker 1>the sense that it wasn't a loss, But it's hard

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<v Speaker 1>to imagine a much narrower opinion from the Chief, and

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<v Speaker 1>it's hard to imagine a case that would have looked

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<v Speaker 1>much less attractive to him as a way of scaling

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<v Speaker 1>back the rights the Court has previously recognized. So you know,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think the Chief is going to feel bound

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<v Speaker 1>by his vote or his opinions to side with abortion

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<v Speaker 1>supporters in any future case. Indeed, I think he himself suggests,

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<v Speaker 1>especially in a couple of footnotes in his opinion, ways

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<v Speaker 1>in which other states that wanted to try to be

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<v Speaker 1>a little more nuanced could try to impose similar restrictions

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<v Speaker 1>as the ones that the Court struck down. That's why

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<v Speaker 1>I think if it's a victory for abortion rights advocate,

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's probably short term one, but still a

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<v Speaker 1>victory compared to a defeat, which is why I think

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<v Speaker 1>you're seeing any portrayed that way. This was painted as

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<v Speaker 1>a vehicle for abortion opponents to use it as a

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<v Speaker 1>step toward overturning Roe v. Wade. Is this decision then

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<v Speaker 1>just to stumble in the road for them? I think so, June.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, I think for those whose goal is to

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<v Speaker 1>get the court to read as it road, this was

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<v Speaker 1>never going to be the case much of the court

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<v Speaker 1>did it, And I'm not sure we know a whole

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<v Speaker 1>lot more today about the lifelihood that the Court would

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<v Speaker 1>read as it road, and we knew yesterday. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>it's gonna have to be a different kind of law.

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<v Speaker 1>That's a much more frontal assault on the edifice of Row,

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<v Speaker 1>on the notion that a woman has a constitutional right

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<v Speaker 1>to a pre viability abortion. We're seeing some of those

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<v Speaker 1>challenges June, and some of these fetal heartbeat cases, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>which are now probably gonna resume and light of the decisions.

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<v Speaker 1>But I don't think we know a lot more now

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<v Speaker 1>than we did about whether this current court with these

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<v Speaker 1>justices will or will not. You know, a I buy

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<v Speaker 1>uphold reaffirmed Row in a case in which that question

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<v Speaker 1>is properly presented. Justice Stephen Brier, who also wrote the

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<v Speaker 1>majority opinion in the Texas case, wrote the majority opinion here.

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<v Speaker 1>Did he reiterate his reasoning in the Texas case or

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<v Speaker 1>did he just follow precedent? No, I mean I think

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of the plurality opinion by this Brier was

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<v Speaker 1>very much not just reiterating him what he wrote for

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<v Speaker 1>the majority four years ago in the hole in the

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<v Speaker 1>health case, but also June, I think carefully trying to

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<v Speaker 1>explain why that decision four years ago should control of

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<v Speaker 1>this case, why the Louisiana law is not in any

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<v Speaker 1>material way actually or legally different from the laws that

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<v Speaker 1>the court throughout in Texas four years ago. And so

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<v Speaker 1>I think for Briar, the key was to show why

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<v Speaker 1>these cases are not dissimilar. And you know, I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think Robert actually dis agreed with that. I think he

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<v Speaker 1>just disagreed with the endorsements of the analysis from the

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<v Speaker 1>earlier decision at Home and celt and I that's why

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<v Speaker 1>he felt obliged and compelled to write separately. What was

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<v Speaker 1>a thread running through the dissenting opinions opinions. What's interesting

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<v Speaker 1>about this case is, you know, if you read the

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<v Speaker 1>dissenting opinions, there's actually very little June about Rower Casey

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<v Speaker 1>and a whole lot about standing. You know. I think

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<v Speaker 1>for the dissenters, the grounds they were hoping this case

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<v Speaker 1>would be resolved on was that the abortion providers June,

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<v Speaker 1>medical Services, etcetera. Weren't proper parties to challenge louising Allow

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<v Speaker 1>in the first place. That would have allowed the court

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<v Speaker 1>to sidestep a major ruling on the substantiscope of the

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<v Speaker 1>right to pursue a previability abortion, but of course that

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<v Speaker 1>would have consequences all its own and making it much

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<v Speaker 1>harder for courts to hear these kinds of cases going forward. So,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, I think for the dissenters for Justice Thomas,

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<v Speaker 1>Justice a leado Justice Courts from Kavanaugh, you know, they're

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<v Speaker 1>at least stated opposition here was principally to the courts

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<v Speaker 1>allowing this case to reach the merits at all. I

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<v Speaker 1>suspect June that that no one will be surprised if,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, were those merits to be properly before them,

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<v Speaker 1>that just as hostile to them that you know, the

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<v Speaker 1>descents may be focused on standing, but I think it's

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<v Speaker 1>it's not hard to imagine that there are objections on

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<v Speaker 1>the merits behind them as well. So during his confirmation hearings,

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kavanaugh was questioned again and again on Roe v. Wade,

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<v Speaker 1>and he said he would follow precedent. Did he veer

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<v Speaker 1>from that in this decision? I don't think so. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kavanaugh wrote only a very short two page descent,

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<v Speaker 1>although he joined large chunks of justice as much longer descent.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, I think Justice Justice kavanaugh descent is a

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<v Speaker 1>little bit cag and careful on exactly that point. He

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't say a lot about Rower Casey. He really focuses

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<v Speaker 1>on the procedural question of whether these planets had standing

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<v Speaker 1>um and why he thinks this matter should have been

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<v Speaker 1>remanded the trial court traditional facts finding on that question.

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<v Speaker 1>But you know, I think folks are not going to

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<v Speaker 1>have trouble reading the tea leaves. I mean, I think

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<v Speaker 1>this is you know, signal and without necessarily staying that

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<v Speaker 1>he's probably a reliable vote for the conservative in a

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<v Speaker 1>case where the merits of an abortion restruction really aren't

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<v Speaker 1>properly before the court. You know, I don't think it's

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<v Speaker 1>directly inconsistent with anything he said during the confirmation process,

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<v Speaker 1>but mass it certainly does him to be some writing

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<v Speaker 1>on the wall. We've heard a lot about Justice Robert

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<v Speaker 1>It's Justice Corse. Has Kevana been a reliable conservative vote

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<v Speaker 1>during his first term here? I think for the most part.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, I think there's one or two cases June

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<v Speaker 1>where you know, he's been on the What we might

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<v Speaker 1>think about is the other side where he sided with

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<v Speaker 1>the progressive um only one that comes to mind where

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<v Speaker 1>he was decided him vote UM, and it wasn't an

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<v Speaker 1>especially a major or contentious case. It was an anti

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<v Speaker 1>trust case. Um. You know, I think he's probably been

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<v Speaker 1>in some respects more reliable um in a smaller data

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<v Speaker 1>set as a conservative vote than Justice Corset has been

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<v Speaker 1>obviously Justice Course, it's you know, it's fresh off of

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<v Speaker 1>the majority opinion he wrote in the LGBT discrimination case. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, so I think I think it's it's pretty

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<v Speaker 1>clear that in Justice Kavanaugh, the Conservatives got what they

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<v Speaker 1>were hoping for. Um. Whether that holds across a larger

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<v Speaker 1>data set will see. But you know, I also think

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<v Speaker 1>it's just also a sign of the times. June. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>we had a thirty year period where we had a

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court with you know, two very obvious swing justices

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<v Speaker 1>Justice sandreday O'Connor, Justice Anthony Kennedy, where you could see

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<v Speaker 1>these pretty profound shifts in majorities from one case to

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<v Speaker 1>the next. That's not where we are now. We have

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<v Speaker 1>a solid conservative majority, and results like the abortion case

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<v Speaker 1>don't change that. I thinks they just show that there

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<v Speaker 1>are at least some limits that even the solid conservative

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<v Speaker 1>majority won't transgress. This was the third time in two

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<v Speaker 1>weeks that Chief Justice John roberts disappointed Conservatives in a

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<v Speaker 1>blockbuster opinion. Is he now the next Justice Kennedy? Oh?

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's been clear June, since Justice Kavanaugh was

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<v Speaker 1>confirmed to the Supreme Court that in most not all,

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<v Speaker 1>but most of the high profile divisive partisans, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>socially contentious cases before the Supreme Court, the departure of

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kennedy puts to Justice robertson in the middle. And

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<v Speaker 1>I think you know, we're seeing that this term in

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<v Speaker 1>phase um. It's not just his decisive vote today in

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<v Speaker 1>the Louisian abortion case, not just his majority opinion in

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<v Speaker 1>the Docker case. You know, it's also that he also

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<v Speaker 1>joined Justice Corsage in the LGBT discrimination case. So you know,

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<v Speaker 1>there are going to be outliers where it's not the

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<v Speaker 1>Chief who's the swim vote. But I think you know,

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<v Speaker 1>in these high profile cases, more often than not, yes,

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<v Speaker 1>where there's a five to four majority, and it's you know,

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<v Speaker 1>for the Conservatives who are dissenting, the one who will

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<v Speaker 1>have been perceived to switch on side is the Chief Justice. June.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think that's because anything about the Chief has changed.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that's because, you know, the Court itself has changed,

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<v Speaker 1>and because the kinds of disputes the Court is taking

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<v Speaker 1>are you know, increasingly gravitating towards ones where if any

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<v Speaker 1>of those five justices are going to be a some

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<v Speaker 1>client to side with the quote unquote conservative position, it's

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<v Speaker 1>going to be John Roberts using this opinion and looking

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<v Speaker 1>forward at some of the other opinions that are coming out,

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<v Speaker 1>especially the decision on the subpoenas for Trump's financial records,

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<v Speaker 1>Does this tell us anything about how Justice Roberts may

0:12:18.240 --> 0:12:20.679
<v Speaker 1>vote in that. I really don't think so, you know,

0:12:20.720 --> 0:12:23.040
<v Speaker 1>I don't think that this is any kind of broader

0:12:23.520 --> 0:12:26.680
<v Speaker 1>shift or pattern in how the Chief Justice since about

0:12:26.760 --> 0:12:29.199
<v Speaker 1>his job. You know, I think he's he's able to

0:12:29.240 --> 0:12:31.680
<v Speaker 1>take different cases differently. I mean, you know, right after

0:12:31.720 --> 0:12:33.800
<v Speaker 1>we got the abortion opinion this morning, we got the

0:12:33.880 --> 0:12:37.520
<v Speaker 1>Chief justices majority opinion in the CFPP case, which was

0:12:37.520 --> 0:12:41.360
<v Speaker 1>a very classically conservative separation of powers holding from him.

0:12:41.400 --> 0:12:45.439
<v Speaker 1>So I don't think we should read anything broader into

0:12:45.720 --> 0:12:48.440
<v Speaker 1>his votes in these cases other than the reality that

0:12:48.440 --> 0:12:50.640
<v Speaker 1>he is now the swimming vote, and you know, June

0:12:50.720 --> 0:12:53.000
<v Speaker 1>that could show up again. As early as you know

0:12:53.000 --> 0:12:55.040
<v Speaker 1>the cases where there coming down on Tuesday or the

0:12:55.040 --> 0:12:57.680
<v Speaker 1>rest of this week or next week. Um, you know,

0:12:57.840 --> 0:13:00.280
<v Speaker 1>I don't think this is the last time this term

0:13:00.320 --> 0:13:01.840
<v Speaker 1>that the chief is going to be the swing vote.

0:13:01.840 --> 0:13:04.160
<v Speaker 1>I also don't think that you know the fact that

0:13:04.200 --> 0:13:07.360
<v Speaker 1>he's the swing vote in some cases, in which cases

0:13:07.760 --> 0:13:10.920
<v Speaker 1>it's most likely thanks for being on Bloomberg Laws, Steve.

0:13:11.200 --> 0:13:14.640
<v Speaker 1>That's Stephen Vladick, professor at the University of Texas Law School.

0:13:17.240 --> 0:13:20.439
<v Speaker 1>In a closely divided decision on Monday, the Supreme Court

0:13:20.559 --> 0:13:23.240
<v Speaker 1>backed the president's power to fire the director of the

0:13:23.240 --> 0:13:27.320
<v Speaker 1>Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, but stopped short of abolishing the

0:13:27.400 --> 0:13:32.000
<v Speaker 1>agency altogether. Chief Justice John Roberts sided with the Conservatives

0:13:32.120 --> 0:13:35.000
<v Speaker 1>in the five to four decision that found Congress went

0:13:35.080 --> 0:13:39.040
<v Speaker 1>too far in trying to insulate the agency from political pressure,

0:13:39.400 --> 0:13:42.120
<v Speaker 1>striking down a provision in the Don Frank Act that

0:13:42.200 --> 0:13:45.920
<v Speaker 1>protected the director from being fired. Joining me is jail Fish,

0:13:45.960 --> 0:13:48.679
<v Speaker 1>a professor of business law at the University of Pennsylvania

0:13:48.760 --> 0:13:53.440
<v Speaker 1>Law School. This decision seemed to give some and take

0:13:53.440 --> 0:13:57.880
<v Speaker 1>away some. It ruled that the CFPB is constitutional, but

0:13:57.960 --> 0:14:00.760
<v Speaker 1>that its director can be fired with to have caused

0:14:00.760 --> 0:14:04.600
<v Speaker 1>by the President. It's clearly a compromise, and you see

0:14:04.640 --> 0:14:07.760
<v Speaker 1>that not so much in the majority opinion, but in

0:14:07.800 --> 0:14:13.960
<v Speaker 1>the stridency of both Justice Thomas and Justice Kagan's opinions. They,

0:14:14.000 --> 0:14:18.400
<v Speaker 1>I think, highlight how extreme a position the Court could

0:14:18.400 --> 0:14:21.920
<v Speaker 1>have taken in either direction and chose not to. Chief

0:14:21.920 --> 0:14:24.760
<v Speaker 1>Justice John Roberts wrote the majority opinion, what was his

0:14:24.960 --> 0:14:28.320
<v Speaker 1>reasoning for coming to this decision? So, I think there

0:14:28.320 --> 0:14:33.040
<v Speaker 1>are three components to this. I think first, and most importantly,

0:14:34.000 --> 0:14:38.840
<v Speaker 1>the future of the modern administrative state. The breadth of

0:14:38.880 --> 0:14:43.560
<v Speaker 1>the Court's reasoning could potentially affect the legitimacy not just

0:14:43.760 --> 0:14:49.160
<v Speaker 1>of the CFPB, but a range of independent agencies, the FTC,

0:14:49.960 --> 0:14:55.880
<v Speaker 1>the Federal Communications Commission, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the CFTC,

0:14:56.600 --> 0:15:00.800
<v Speaker 1>So the Court had to be careful not to undermine

0:15:01.040 --> 0:15:05.000
<v Speaker 1>the workings of those agencies. Second component, the Court I

0:15:05.040 --> 0:15:12.000
<v Speaker 1>think was very concerned not to disrupt completely protection of

0:15:12.440 --> 0:15:17.920
<v Speaker 1>consumers and consumer finance regulations. A broadly written decision that

0:15:18.040 --> 0:15:23.200
<v Speaker 1>struck down the CFPB entirely would have left consumer protection

0:15:23.320 --> 0:15:27.560
<v Speaker 1>in a range of areas completely undesignated. Right, other agencies

0:15:27.640 --> 0:15:30.560
<v Speaker 1>don't have the manpower, don't have the bandwidths and in

0:15:30.600 --> 0:15:34.040
<v Speaker 1>some cases don't have the statutory authority to pick up

0:15:34.040 --> 0:15:37.680
<v Speaker 1>the flat. So the severability question, which seems like a

0:15:37.760 --> 0:15:42.800
<v Speaker 1>kind of technical one, preserved the status quo and left

0:15:42.840 --> 0:15:46.760
<v Speaker 1>the only issue the authority of the President to remove

0:15:47.080 --> 0:15:49.880
<v Speaker 1>this head of the CFTB. That's a kind of narrow ruling.

0:15:50.440 --> 0:15:57.440
<v Speaker 1>Third issue, the Court was, I think concerned about expansions

0:15:57.560 --> 0:16:01.640
<v Speaker 1>of the administrative state and idea that we really need

0:16:01.640 --> 0:16:07.960
<v Speaker 1>to be faithful to old cases, to history and to tradition,

0:16:08.480 --> 0:16:10.560
<v Speaker 1>and that theme. You see a little bit of the

0:16:10.560 --> 0:16:15.600
<v Speaker 1>majority opinion. You see that even more Injustice Thomas's partial descent,

0:16:15.960 --> 0:16:20.080
<v Speaker 1>the idea that you know, really you need limiting principles here.

0:16:20.480 --> 0:16:23.880
<v Speaker 1>And so although the opinion is narrow, it sets out

0:16:23.920 --> 0:16:27.760
<v Speaker 1>some important limiting principles. So how far does this go

0:16:27.920 --> 0:16:33.360
<v Speaker 1>towards conservatives movement to curb the administrative state? Not very

0:16:33.360 --> 0:16:39.440
<v Speaker 1>far at all. The key distinguishing feature of the CFPB

0:16:40.320 --> 0:16:44.240
<v Speaker 1>in the courts opinion is that it has a single director.

0:16:45.000 --> 0:16:49.680
<v Speaker 1>That's unusual for administrative agencies. That's not the norm, and

0:16:49.760 --> 0:16:53.840
<v Speaker 1>the language of the Court's opinion doesn't extend beyond that

0:16:54.040 --> 0:16:57.400
<v Speaker 1>single director feature. So this makes the head of the

0:16:57.480 --> 0:17:01.040
<v Speaker 1>CFTB sort of like a cabinet member who serves at

0:17:01.040 --> 0:17:04.760
<v Speaker 1>the pleasure of the president. Yes, So does that mean

0:17:04.840 --> 0:17:10.480
<v Speaker 1>that in order to make the CFBB more independent, Congress

0:17:10.520 --> 0:17:14.560
<v Speaker 1>would have to pass legislation that gives it sort of

0:17:14.560 --> 0:17:19.440
<v Speaker 1>a structure like other agencies where there are five directors

0:17:19.520 --> 0:17:25.000
<v Speaker 1>or so and they alternate tenure. Well, that's one possible

0:17:25.280 --> 0:17:30.040
<v Speaker 1>Congressional response. The Court's opinion is narrowly written, so it

0:17:30.080 --> 0:17:34.760
<v Speaker 1>doesn't expressly say if Congress made this a multi member board.

0:17:35.000 --> 0:17:38.200
<v Speaker 1>If Congress made this a bipartisan board, that would be

0:17:38.359 --> 0:17:43.000
<v Speaker 1>enough that would fix the constitutionality. All the decision says

0:17:43.160 --> 0:17:48.280
<v Speaker 1>is a single member isn't constitutional unless he's removable at

0:17:48.280 --> 0:17:51.960
<v Speaker 1>will by the president. But it would seem that a

0:17:52.080 --> 0:17:55.119
<v Speaker 1>multi member board that looks like the board of the

0:17:55.160 --> 0:17:59.720
<v Speaker 1>other agencies that I refer to would pass constitutional muster

0:18:00.280 --> 0:18:04.359
<v Speaker 1>or alternatively, would push the Court to graph with a

0:18:04.520 --> 0:18:09.679
<v Speaker 1>much more broadly ranging analysis. Let's talk about the discent

0:18:09.920 --> 0:18:12.840
<v Speaker 1>a little bit, because part of the dissent was Justice

0:18:12.920 --> 0:18:17.199
<v Speaker 1>Kagan saying that this wipes out a measure of independence

0:18:17.280 --> 0:18:22.160
<v Speaker 1>from political pressure. Do you agree with that? I absolutely do,

0:18:22.800 --> 0:18:27.840
<v Speaker 1>and I think that independence from political pressure was a

0:18:27.960 --> 0:18:32.479
<v Speaker 1>key concern of Congress in setting up the CFPB, and

0:18:32.520 --> 0:18:36.639
<v Speaker 1>we've seen since its origin the CFPB has been the

0:18:36.720 --> 0:18:40.560
<v Speaker 1>target of you know, massive political pressure. So you know,

0:18:40.640 --> 0:18:46.399
<v Speaker 1>that's absolutely a concern. But interestingly enough, Congress insulated the

0:18:46.520 --> 0:18:50.040
<v Speaker 1>CFPB in a number of ways. It isn't just the

0:18:50.160 --> 0:18:53.679
<v Speaker 1>single director, at least under the statute not removable at

0:18:53.720 --> 0:18:57.359
<v Speaker 1>will by the president. It's also financial independence, and the

0:18:57.359 --> 0:19:00.119
<v Speaker 1>Court didn't seize on that. The Court mentions that, just

0:19:00.320 --> 0:19:03.840
<v Speaker 1>Robert mentions that a couple of times in his opinions,

0:19:03.840 --> 0:19:09.520
<v Speaker 1>but ultimately the only constitutional frailty that he identifies is

0:19:09.560 --> 0:19:12.359
<v Speaker 1>the fact that there's a single director. So I think

0:19:12.400 --> 0:19:16.760
<v Speaker 1>the message is that a degree of political installation is

0:19:16.960 --> 0:19:22.240
<v Speaker 1>both still possible and constitutional. Now, Richard Cordray, who was

0:19:22.280 --> 0:19:25.080
<v Speaker 1>the former director of the CFPB, wrote an op ed

0:19:25.160 --> 0:19:28.800
<v Speaker 1>in The Washington Post saying this decision will actually help

0:19:28.920 --> 0:19:35.400
<v Speaker 1>the bureau's enforcement work since the constitutional challenges are settled. Yeah,

0:19:35.440 --> 0:19:39.960
<v Speaker 1>I definitely think that's true. Again, you know, the opinion

0:19:40.240 --> 0:19:44.720
<v Speaker 1>is written in such a narrow way that it puts

0:19:44.800 --> 0:19:47.879
<v Speaker 1>to rest a lot of the questions that have been

0:19:47.960 --> 0:19:55.119
<v Speaker 1>percolating about the overall legitimacy of the CFPB and the

0:19:55.200 --> 0:19:58.640
<v Speaker 1>degree of installation that's enjoys. So I think with those

0:19:58.760 --> 0:20:02.000
<v Speaker 1>issues more or less off the table, UH, it can

0:20:02.040 --> 0:20:05.960
<v Speaker 1>go about its business with a greater degree of latitude

0:20:06.280 --> 0:20:08.280
<v Speaker 1>than at least you know, some of the officials may

0:20:08.320 --> 0:20:11.600
<v Speaker 1>have felt they had. What is it about the CFPB

0:20:11.920 --> 0:20:18.680
<v Speaker 1>that has had conservatives in an uproar since it was established? Well,

0:20:19.200 --> 0:20:23.440
<v Speaker 1>if you think about kind of the politics of interest groups,

0:20:23.960 --> 0:20:30.679
<v Speaker 1>the cfpbs mission is to defend an interest group, consumers

0:20:30.800 --> 0:20:34.199
<v Speaker 1>that typically hasn't had an awful lot of political power

0:20:35.240 --> 0:20:39.920
<v Speaker 1>at the expense of politically powerful groups banks, credit card

0:20:40.000 --> 0:20:43.040
<v Speaker 1>companies and the like. And so I think that's been

0:20:43.480 --> 0:20:49.000
<v Speaker 1>controversial from the beginning. The CFPB has also a rich

0:20:49.080 --> 0:20:52.400
<v Speaker 1>cordre is you know, an example of this has had

0:20:52.800 --> 0:20:57.679
<v Speaker 1>leaders who have taken aggressive positions, who have identified problems

0:20:57.680 --> 0:21:01.760
<v Speaker 1>instead of worked really to bring strong reforms into place.

0:21:02.400 --> 0:21:06.560
<v Speaker 1>Um they have uh sort of pioneered a lot of

0:21:06.880 --> 0:21:12.400
<v Speaker 1>new regulatory approaches, a lot of satirical work testing consumers,

0:21:12.520 --> 0:21:17.399
<v Speaker 1>um uh, trying to draw upon a broader base of

0:21:17.520 --> 0:21:22.479
<v Speaker 1>fact finding in generating reforms. So, you know, they've stepped

0:21:22.480 --> 0:21:25.560
<v Speaker 1>on a lot of toades. Senator Warren, who was fundamental

0:21:25.880 --> 0:21:28.600
<v Speaker 1>in the establishment of the CFPB. It's sort of like

0:21:28.640 --> 0:21:31.520
<v Speaker 1>her baby, people say. She tweeted that the Court just

0:21:31.640 --> 0:21:34.880
<v Speaker 1>handed over more power to Wall Street's army of lawyers

0:21:34.920 --> 0:21:37.560
<v Speaker 1>and lobbyists to push out a director who fights for

0:21:37.600 --> 0:21:41.200
<v Speaker 1>the American people. It is her baby. But again, I

0:21:41.240 --> 0:21:46.040
<v Speaker 1>think there was a lot of potential for the Supreme

0:21:46.080 --> 0:21:52.040
<v Speaker 1>Court reasoning to be more expansive and to really cripple

0:21:52.560 --> 0:21:56.800
<v Speaker 1>the CFPBS ability to function. And I think the opinion

0:21:56.960 --> 0:22:01.120
<v Speaker 1>is written it's pretty hands off. Yes, giving the president

0:22:01.240 --> 0:22:06.280
<v Speaker 1>the power to remove a sitting director at will obviously

0:22:06.600 --> 0:22:13.160
<v Speaker 1>provides a degree of political accountability and reduces the agency's insulation.

0:22:13.720 --> 0:22:19.000
<v Speaker 1>But it's a fairly modest limit in comparison to an

0:22:19.000 --> 0:22:23.240
<v Speaker 1>opinion that went into some of the other constitutional challenges

0:22:23.520 --> 0:22:28.159
<v Speaker 1>to the CFPBS legitimacy. Kathy Croninger is the head of

0:22:28.200 --> 0:22:33.600
<v Speaker 1>the CFPB since Cordrey resigned. How has she been handling

0:22:34.119 --> 0:22:37.800
<v Speaker 1>the agency? My sense is the CFPB has been run

0:22:37.920 --> 0:22:42.400
<v Speaker 1>in exactly the way we might think of the ideal

0:22:42.760 --> 0:22:48.199
<v Speaker 1>independent agency. It's not being sort of in the political spotlight.

0:22:48.840 --> 0:22:52.000
<v Speaker 1>It's been doing its work in a lot of different areas.

0:22:52.160 --> 0:22:57.720
<v Speaker 1>It's trying to rely on expertise and science and evidence

0:22:57.840 --> 0:23:00.560
<v Speaker 1>rather than politics. I think those are all things that

0:23:00.720 --> 0:23:04.560
<v Speaker 1>the CFTB or any administrative agency should be doing. Now.

0:23:04.560 --> 0:23:09.440
<v Speaker 1>The irony here is that the Trump administration won this decision,

0:23:09.960 --> 0:23:14.239
<v Speaker 1>but if Trump loses in November, it will allow the

0:23:14.280 --> 0:23:20.840
<v Speaker 1>next president to remove Craninger and a point whoever he wants. Yes,

0:23:21.000 --> 0:23:24.720
<v Speaker 1>And to a certain extent, to Justice Roberts is right,

0:23:25.240 --> 0:23:28.840
<v Speaker 1>when you have a single director, it's kind of ironic

0:23:29.000 --> 0:23:33.760
<v Speaker 1>to think that the president wouldn't have any power in

0:23:34.240 --> 0:23:37.240
<v Speaker 1>choosing who that single director is for what might be

0:23:37.400 --> 0:23:40.800
<v Speaker 1>the entire period of his or her administration. You know,

0:23:40.880 --> 0:23:44.720
<v Speaker 1>that's one of the I think pragmatic differences between a

0:23:44.840 --> 0:23:49.280
<v Speaker 1>single director agency and a multi member agency like the

0:23:49.440 --> 0:23:55.359
<v Speaker 1>sec um for the CFTC. Every president has input in

0:23:55.400 --> 0:23:58.719
<v Speaker 1>a multi member agency, whether or not the president can

0:23:58.760 --> 0:24:02.560
<v Speaker 1>remove the entire or board or the commission. The president

0:24:02.640 --> 0:24:05.480
<v Speaker 1>can nominate people, can sort of change the direction, can

0:24:05.560 --> 0:24:09.040
<v Speaker 1>change the dialogue. So I think that level of input

0:24:09.640 --> 0:24:12.560
<v Speaker 1>is probably valuable. And so I guess what I'm saying is,

0:24:12.600 --> 0:24:15.960
<v Speaker 1>I'm not sure that Chief Justice Roberts is wrong to

0:24:16.119 --> 0:24:22.199
<v Speaker 1>view a single director structure as presenting distinctive concerns. So

0:24:22.240 --> 0:24:26.920
<v Speaker 1>now in this case it was Celia Law appealing. They've

0:24:26.960 --> 0:24:30.960
<v Speaker 1>basically lost, haven't they, because the CFPP can go ahead

0:24:30.960 --> 0:24:34.159
<v Speaker 1>with its enforcement actions. It looks like they can. There

0:24:34.200 --> 0:24:36.960
<v Speaker 1>are a few technical issues that the lower court is

0:24:37.000 --> 0:24:42.440
<v Speaker 1>going to have to resolve about exactly how the demand

0:24:42.480 --> 0:24:47.200
<v Speaker 1>for information was authorized within the CFPP structure, But yes,

0:24:47.280 --> 0:24:50.560
<v Speaker 1>it does look like they've lost. And presumably the CFPP,

0:24:51.040 --> 0:24:55.440
<v Speaker 1>even if the existing demand were improper, could always renew

0:24:55.480 --> 0:25:00.600
<v Speaker 1>the request. You talked about. Justice Thomas's dissent was his

0:25:01.320 --> 0:25:05.479
<v Speaker 1>level of outrage. So there's been an ongoing debate and

0:25:05.480 --> 0:25:08.800
<v Speaker 1>this has gone on for decades in administrative law and

0:25:08.880 --> 0:25:14.320
<v Speaker 1>constitutional law about the legitimacy of the modern administrative state,

0:25:14.800 --> 0:25:19.600
<v Speaker 1>whether you can really have administrative agencies they carry out

0:25:19.640 --> 0:25:23.480
<v Speaker 1>the functions of not just the president, but Congress and

0:25:23.520 --> 0:25:27.240
<v Speaker 1>the courts as well. And Justice Thomas takes this sort

0:25:27.240 --> 0:25:33.040
<v Speaker 1>of conservative position that this expansion or this delegation of

0:25:33.359 --> 0:25:38.040
<v Speaker 1>power is a legitimate that you have politically accountable branches,

0:25:38.160 --> 0:25:42.359
<v Speaker 1>the presidents in Congress, and you can't escape that political

0:25:42.400 --> 0:25:49.520
<v Speaker 1>accountability by moving their responsibilities, their policy making, their functions

0:25:49.560 --> 0:25:53.080
<v Speaker 1>to an agency. Well how does Thomas suggest running the

0:25:53.160 --> 0:25:56.760
<v Speaker 1>country without the help of agencies in the majority opinion

0:25:57.119 --> 0:25:59.520
<v Speaker 1>is exactly that. It's like, who's going to run the

0:25:59.560 --> 0:26:04.080
<v Speaker 1>country if we somehow write a broader opinion that suggests

0:26:04.160 --> 0:26:07.920
<v Speaker 1>the whole administrative state is illegitimate, you can't really do that.

0:26:08.320 --> 0:26:12.320
<v Speaker 1>You know, you can say the administrative state is legal,

0:26:12.960 --> 0:26:17.080
<v Speaker 1>but as a policy matter, maybe we have too much installation,

0:26:17.320 --> 0:26:21.520
<v Speaker 1>or maybe administrative agencies they exercise too much power and

0:26:21.560 --> 0:26:24.480
<v Speaker 1>it's inappropriate, or they don't make good decisions or something

0:26:24.520 --> 0:26:28.040
<v Speaker 1>like that. One of the things that's interesting about Justice

0:26:28.160 --> 0:26:33.240
<v Speaker 1>Kagan's opinion as an academic, she was really embroiled in

0:26:33.359 --> 0:26:36.440
<v Speaker 1>this debate. This is her area of expertise, and it's

0:26:36.480 --> 0:26:41.560
<v Speaker 1>a very finely written opinion because it distinguishes the legal issues,

0:26:41.640 --> 0:26:46.080
<v Speaker 1>the constitutional issues, from the prudential ones, from the policy debate.

0:26:46.280 --> 0:26:49.119
<v Speaker 1>That's Jill Fish at the University of Pennsylvania Law School.

0:26:50.680 --> 0:26:53.640
<v Speaker 1>Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can

0:26:53.640 --> 0:26:57.400
<v Speaker 1>subscribe and listen to the show on Apple podcast, SoundCloud,

0:26:57.480 --> 0:27:01.360
<v Speaker 1>and on Bloomberg dot com slash podcast. I'm June Brolso

0:27:01.840 --> 0:27:08.960
<v Speaker 1>this is Bloomberg h