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Speaker 1: Despite the fact that US officials have targeted people for

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Speaker 1: so many different reasons, the vast majority eighty five ninety

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Speaker 1: percent of people throughout US history who have been deported

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Speaker 1: have been Mexicans that have done nothing other than enter

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Speaker 1: the country without inspection.

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Speaker 2: From futuro media. It's Latino Usa. I'm Maria Ino Kosat

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Speaker 2: today breaking down the United States deportation machine. There's a

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Speaker 2: good chance that during this pandemic you've had something of

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Speaker 2: an awakening around the importance of immigrant labor. In fact,

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Speaker 2: you've probably benefited from immigrant labor, likely just today. Maybe

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Speaker 2: it was immigrants who picked the fresh produce sitting in

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Speaker 2: your fridge, or maybe that's how your online delivery arrived

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Speaker 2: at your door this morning. The United States wouldn't operate

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Speaker 2: without its immigrant workforce, and that's held true for most

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Speaker 2: of this country's history. And yet many of those same

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Speaker 2: essential workers are also constantly living under threat of the

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Speaker 2: deportation machine. That's how Professor Adam Goodman describes the United

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Speaker 2: States systemic efforts to expel non citizens. Goodman, a professor

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Speaker 2: of Latin American and Latino studies at the University of

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Speaker 2: Illinois at Chicago, spent the last ten years researching this

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Speaker 2: history for his book The Deportation Machine, America's long History

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Speaker 2: of expelling immigrants. Through the book, Professor Goodman explores how

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Speaker 2: the machine actually works. The deportation of immigrants has been

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Speaker 2: enabled and enforced by Republican and Democratic administrations alike for

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Speaker 2: well over a century, but it's not just a policy issue.

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Speaker 2: Persistent fear campaigns, social exclusion, and threats of violence and

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Speaker 2: incarceration have forced tens of millions of people out of

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Speaker 2: the United States, most of it through unofficial means. Goodman's

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Speaker 2: research also confirmed that the vast majority of deported immigrants

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Speaker 2: throughout US history have been Mexican. During the twentieth century,

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Speaker 2: US businesses became dependent on cheap labor from Mexican immigrants

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Speaker 2: and actively recruited them into the country, which, by the way,

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Speaker 2: is still happening today. In the years since the concept

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Speaker 2: of an undocumented immigrant was codified through a series of

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Speaker 2: federal policies, anti Mexican racism was often used to justify

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Speaker 2: harsher and more punitive deportation efforts, and it's a trend

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Speaker 2: explicitly continued by the current Trump administration. On this episode

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Speaker 2: of Latino USA, Professor Goodman gives us a crash course

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Speaker 2: on the history of migrant exploitation and expulsion from this country,

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Speaker 2: and he lays out how the deportation machine is still

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Speaker 2: alive and well and running today. Professor Adam Goodman, Welcome

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Speaker 2: to Latino, USA.

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Speaker 1: Thank you so much for having me, Maria.

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Speaker 2: So I've been reporting on deportation since the very first

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Speaker 2: days of my career, and that's many decades ago. So

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Speaker 2: it's kind of been my life's work to understand deportation

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Speaker 2: and report about it. But at what point when you

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Speaker 2: were kind of doing your research you had to have

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Speaker 2: an aha moment, because everybody does when they kind of

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Speaker 2: pull back and you're like, oh, wait, this is this

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Speaker 2: is not just Republicans, this is democrats, and this is

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Speaker 2: not just modern It's not just in the past. You know,

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Speaker 2: thirty years ago, this has been happening. This is like

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Speaker 2: an essential part of the American experiment. Do you remember

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Speaker 2: when you had that moment of like, whoa wait what?

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Speaker 1: I think it was really learning more about the United

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Speaker 1: States and its mythical reputation as a nation of immigrants.

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Speaker 1: There actually is a long bipartisan history of deportation from

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Speaker 1: the United States, not just Trump, not just Obama, George W.

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Speaker 1: Bush or Bill Clinton for that matter, but one hundred

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Speaker 1: and forty year history that I traced in this book

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Speaker 1: and in learning about that while also confronting the facts,

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Speaker 1: I was finding in the archives and the oral histories

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Speaker 1: and conversations I had with people in the United States

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Speaker 1: and in Mexico that their experiences didn't match up with

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Speaker 1: that nation of immigrants narrative, the narrative of the American dream.

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Speaker 1: It matched up with a much different story. And I

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Speaker 1: think the flip side of the coin, which is that

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Speaker 1: the United States, as much as it is welcomed immigrants,

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Speaker 1: has also been incredibly selective in excluding certain groups and

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Speaker 1: expelling groups and making really clear divisions about who belongs

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Speaker 1: who does not. And that's the question that I begin

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Speaker 1: the book with, is what kind of nation is the

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Speaker 1: United States? And I think those two are always intention

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Speaker 1: the nation that welcomes immigrants as well as the nation

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Speaker 1: that expels immigrants.

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Speaker 2: You're basically saying it's not just that deportation has existed,

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Speaker 2: it's that there's a machinery, that there's a kind of

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Speaker 2: even ideology around deportation. And you basically argue that deportation

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Speaker 2: has always been at the heart of the history of

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Speaker 2: the United States, whether it's from the economy to law

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Speaker 2: enforcement to stereotypes in the media. So let's kind of

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Speaker 2: break that if you could, because that's a big idea.

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Speaker 2: Some people are just like, wait, what are you talking about.

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Speaker 2: You know, we learned about the Statue of Liberty. We

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Speaker 2: didn't learn that were being deported for years, over one

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Speaker 2: hundred years. So how has the deportation of immigrants been

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Speaker 2: central to the narrative of this country?

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Speaker 1: I mean, on the one hand, deportation has been used

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Speaker 1: strategically to maintain an exploitable migrant labor force, and the

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Speaker 1: need for migrant labor is certainly not new. I mean,

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Speaker 1: we could think back to the Irish of the mid

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Speaker 1: nineteenth century, of the Chinese and Japanese in the late

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Speaker 1: nineteenth turn of the twentieth century, Southern and Eastern Europeans

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Speaker 1: in that same period, and then for much of the

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Speaker 1: last century Mexican migrants as all those other groups were

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Speaker 1: excluded by US laws and policies, employers and the federal government,

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Speaker 1: and consumers, all of us, in other words, came to

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Speaker 1: depend in large part on Mexican labor. And Mexicans were

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Speaker 1: welcomed into the country as labors, but they were not

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Speaker 1: historically at least welcomed as full members of society or

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Speaker 1: as citizens. The United States is the port fifty seven

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Speaker 1: million people since the eighteen eighties. Now close to nine

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Speaker 1: out of ten of those fifty seven million deportations have

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Speaker 1: been of Mexicans, and that disproportionate targeting of a single

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Speaker 1: group has also, I think had a real impact and

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Speaker 1: shaping ideas of politicians and of the media and perhaps

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Speaker 1: many people in the general public as well about who

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Speaker 1: is and who is not American. So it's the bureaucratic

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Speaker 1: processes as well as the need for the exploitable migrant

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Speaker 1: labor force that has drawn these real clear dividing lines.

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Speaker 2: You have to kind of look at who's writing the history,

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Speaker 2: who's writing the books that kids are being taught, and

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Speaker 2: then you understand the prism through which deportation is or

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Speaker 2: is not being talked about. And in fact, that's one

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Speaker 2: of the things that you bring up in your book,

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Speaker 2: which is and this is where it gets really sinister,

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Speaker 2: because you talk about how hard it was to get

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Speaker 2: information about deportations, and so you say, quote, it was

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Speaker 2: designed to leave no paper trail. So well, how hard

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Speaker 2: was it, in fact to discover this information? And is

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Speaker 2: that in fact part of the plan?

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Speaker 1: It was extraordinarily difficult, and that's part of the reason

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Speaker 1: it took me a decade to research and write this book,

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Speaker 1: you know. But slowly but surely the pieces came together

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Speaker 1: and I was able to put together this broader history

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Speaker 1: of the deportation machine, how and why I was constructed,

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Speaker 1: and how it's operated, and how it's changed during the

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Speaker 1: last century and a half. But your question also brings

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Speaker 1: up an important point, and that's that the vast majority

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Speaker 1: of deportations throughout US history have happened without due process.

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Speaker 1: The United States deportation machine depends on extraordinary discretionary power

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Speaker 1: that's instilled in low level agents of the state, border

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Speaker 1: patrol agents, and immigration investigators that have the power to

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Speaker 1: decide whether or not to apprehend someone and in many cases,

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Speaker 1: whether or not to expel them. And we certainly have

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Speaker 1: seen how and why it's problematic to instill extraordinary power

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Speaker 1: and low level officials, whether that's the police on our

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Speaker 1: city streets or border patrol agents and immigration investigators. But

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Speaker 1: the deportation machine is operated based on the unilateral power

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Speaker 1: of low level officials within a historically racist institution.

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Speaker 2: So we hear a lot about these essentially formal deportations.

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Speaker 2: These are deportations that happen after an immigration hearing or

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Speaker 2: a judicial order. But in your book you also talk

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Speaker 2: about other kinds of deportation. There's this term, you know,

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Speaker 2: self deportation, which is basically when people just they're like exhausted,

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Speaker 2: they're fed up, and so they leave the country. So

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Speaker 2: can you talk a little bit more about these other

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Speaker 2: kinds of expulsions.

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Speaker 1: Well, we hear about most in the news or the

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Speaker 1: formal deportations. These were the four hundred thousand deportations a

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Speaker 1: year under the Obama administration that made the news so often,

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Speaker 1: But these are but a small sliver of the total

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Speaker 1: number of expulsions from the United States. Now, they carry

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Speaker 1: with them harsher consequences, sometimes extended or indefinite periods and

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Speaker 1: detention as well lifetime bands or multi year up to

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Speaker 1: lifetime bans on returning to the US. And what immigration

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Speaker 1: officials have done is leveraged these harsh penalties that are

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Speaker 1: associated with formal deportations to coerce people into voluntary departure. Now,

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Speaker 1: I put voluntary departure in quotes because there's nothing voluntary

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Speaker 1: about them. These are administrative expulsions. They operate in a

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Speaker 1: similar way as plea bargains in the criminal justice system,

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Speaker 1: by threatening people with formal deportation and forcing or coercing

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Speaker 1: them to agree to leave the country supposedly on their own.

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Speaker 1: But as I show in the book, it's under coercive circumstances.

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Speaker 1: But it's also these broad based fear campaigns, immigration rates

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Speaker 1: and the propagation of the fear through the media, as

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Speaker 1: well as restrictive immigration laws at the local and state levels,

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Speaker 1: the threat of violence, which is very real, and I

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Speaker 1: think people understand that that combine to make people's lives

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Speaker 1: miserable until they say that they're going to pick up

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Speaker 1: and leave now. Rather than think about this as immigrants,

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Speaker 1: as rational decision makers deciding to leave on their own,

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Speaker 1: I think we need to understand that as part of

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Speaker 1: the government and sometimes ordinary Americans strategy to push people out.

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Speaker 2: The first people who were actually excluded were actually Chinese women.

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Speaker 2: They were the first ones who were told by law

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Speaker 2: like you can't come. And then it was the Chinese

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Speaker 2: Exclusion Act and I'm just wondering, how does it move

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Speaker 2: from the exclusion of Chinese immigrants to then specifically targeting

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Speaker 2: Mexican immigrants.

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Speaker 1: So in the late nineteenth century, immigration officials as well

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Speaker 1: as many residents of the West Coast targeted the Chinese

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Speaker 1: migrants and specifically Chinese laborers for exclusion and for expulsion,

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Speaker 1: in part because they saw them as a racial and

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Speaker 1: a cultural threat to the United States, in part because

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Speaker 1: they saw them as an economic threat, perhaps a public

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Speaker 1: health threat, and there's the combination of those factors. They

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Speaker 1: really riled people up and encouraged people to organize extraordinarily

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Speaker 1: violent expulsion campaigns in hopes of pushing the federal government

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Speaker 1: to pass federal legislation that would exclude Chinese migrants from

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Speaker 1: the country. They're successful. Now, people continue to act out

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Speaker 1: on a local level, and officials continue to depend on

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Speaker 1: these informal, coercive means of expulsion. But after eighteen eighty

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Speaker 1: two the Chinese Exclusion Act, which is renewed and in

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Speaker 1: fact expanded over time, it's much harder for Chinese labors

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Speaker 1: to enter the United States. Many employers then turned into

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Speaker 1: Japanese labors. After the nineteen oh seven Gentlemen's Agreement between

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Speaker 1: the United States and Japan more or less cuts off

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Speaker 1: the flow of Japanese labors. Employers turn more and more

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Speaker 1: to Mexicans, and for the next century, the nation becomes

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Speaker 1: entirely dependent in many ways on Mexican labor. Mexicans came

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Speaker 1: to represent both the source of labor that was so

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Speaker 1: needed and effect sought out in this country. Many US

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Speaker 1: companies sent labor recruiters to the US Mexico border and

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Speaker 1: sometimes even into Mexico. And on the flip side, they

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Speaker 1: were not welcomed as full members society. They're not welcomed

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Speaker 1: as citizens, and they lived under the threat of deportation.

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Speaker 2: Coming up on that, you know, USA, the deportation machine

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Speaker 2: is still alive and well. In twenty twenty, we hear

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Speaker 2: more about what makes it tick, how it operates today,

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Speaker 2: and efforts to break it down for good Stay with us. Yes, Hey,

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Speaker 2: we're back and we've been speaking with Professor Adam Goodman.

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Speaker 2: He's the author of the recently released book The Deportation Machine,

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Speaker 2: America's Long History of expelling immigrants. We're going to rejoin

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Speaker 2: that conversation now, and Professor Goodman is going to walk

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Speaker 2: us through how the machine is still firing on all

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Speaker 2: cylinders today. It is pretty hard to ignore the role

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Speaker 2: that race and eugenics and white supremacy play. Here in

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Speaker 2: your book, you outline the success of something called and

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Speaker 2: It's a slurry here, Operation Went Back. This was a

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Speaker 2: coordinated effort to expel tens of thousands of Mexican laborers

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Speaker 2: from the country in the nineteen fifties. And you know,

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Speaker 2: even that name, it really shows how comfortable the government

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Speaker 2: and officials have been with not only racist language but

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Speaker 2: racist tactics. And you know that was pretty recent history.

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Speaker 2: So when you analyze it through this lens, how does

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Speaker 2: racism and white supremacy keep the deportation machine running.

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Speaker 1: One of the things that I realized and researching the

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Speaker 1: book is that the disproportionate targeting of Mexicans wasn't just

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Speaker 1: in response to anti Mexican racism, but it actually played

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Speaker 1: a formative role in furthering and reifying and solidifying anti

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Speaker 1: Mexican racism. So, after the Brasero program, the temporary migrant

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Speaker 1: labor program that brought four hundred thousand or so Mexican

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Speaker 1: migrant labors to the United States on short term contracts

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Speaker 1: from nineteen forty two to nineteen sixty four. After that ended,

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Speaker 1: and after the nineteen sixty five Immigration Act passed for

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Speaker 1: the first time ever, putting a cap on the number

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Speaker 1: of migrants that could enter from the Western hemisphere. In

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Speaker 1: other words, Mexicans, people from the Caribbean and elsewhere. After

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Speaker 1: the Pursera program ended and after the nineteen sixty five

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Speaker 1: immigration law went into effect, the country still needed labors,

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Speaker 1: and Mexicans continued to pride that labor. Now they were

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Speaker 1: considered undocumented. So as that change in state policy that

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Speaker 1: created our problem of undocumented immigration, I think it's an

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Speaker 1: entirely solvable, fixable problem, and legislatively that might not be

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Speaker 1: the political will to do so. But what happened in

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Speaker 1: the decades ahead is that immigration officials continued to deport Mexicans,

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Speaker 1: and because the border was still relatively porous, Mexicans after

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Speaker 1: deportation could return to the United States, returned to their

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Speaker 1: job and returned to their families because many of them

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Speaker 1: had lived in the country for years or even decades

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Speaker 1: at that point, and there became a circular migration pattern.

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Speaker 1: It worked on the one hand for employers, it worked

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Speaker 1: on the other hand for the Immigration Service, who could

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Speaker 1: inflate their deportation statistics, which made them look good and

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Speaker 1: also gave them a reason to request more money from Congress.

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Speaker 1: But what most scholars haven't recognized is that this was

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Speaker 1: an entirely punitive cycle. If you think about the impact

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Speaker 1: it has on someone to live under the threat of deportation,

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Speaker 1: to have the possibility of being apprehended and expelled on

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Speaker 1: a daily basis, if you think of the human toll

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Speaker 1: that that takes, then I think we don't see this

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Speaker 1: as a nod in the wing system that worked for

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Speaker 1: employers and worked for the Immigration Service, but in fact,

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Speaker 1: we see it as an entirely punitive process that took

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Speaker 1: a real toll on individuals. And it also I think,

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Speaker 1: shaped ideas about who is and who is not American

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Speaker 1: and doubled down on antime Mexican racism.

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Speaker 2: Right, and of course, I mean it's still happening. Donald

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Speaker 2: Trump basically takes this idea and he runs with it.

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Speaker 2: And we saw this from the very start of his

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Speaker 2: presidential campaign where he cites immigrants and specifically Mexicans, as

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Speaker 2: being the essential carriers of all the problems that exist

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Speaker 2: in this country. So how exactly did the machines messaging

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Speaker 2: get this targeted and really kind of focused on a

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Speaker 2: specific group of immigrants that would be Mexicans. How did

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Speaker 2: that happen?

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Speaker 1: This false binary between us and them, which we've seen

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Speaker 1: the current administration use time and again to justify racist,

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Speaker 1: inhumane policies. I mean, I do not think this is new.

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Speaker 1: The headlines and the newspapers across more than a century,

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Speaker 1: they're fairly similar. I mean, if I gave you five headlines,

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Speaker 1: one from the late nineteenth century, one from the nineteen teens,

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Speaker 1: another from the nineteen thirties, nineteen f fifties, nineteen seventies,

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Speaker 1: and today, you wouldn't be able to tell what decade

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Speaker 1: they were from if I took the dates off. So

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Speaker 1: think about one example. So in the mid nineteen fifties,

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Speaker 1: I document the deportation of nearly fifty thousand Mexicans across

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Speaker 1: the Gulf of Mexico on transportation cargo ships. Now, the

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Speaker 1: US government collaborated with Mexican officials in this operation, and

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Speaker 1: they hired Mexican companies to carry it out. They took

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Speaker 1: bananas from the Mexican state of Tabasco, transported them to

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Speaker 1: states in the US. South like Alabama, and then on

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Speaker 1: the return trip swung by Port Isabel, Texas to pick

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Speaker 1: up Mexican deportees for transportation to Vera Cruz. And now

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Speaker 1: this flow of cargo north and south, because that is

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Speaker 1: how the US officials, that is how the company officials

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Speaker 1: described the deportise. They were considered human cargo, and it

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Speaker 1: was meant, in fact, to discourage them from returning to

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Speaker 1: the United States. It was perhaps a precursor to what

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Speaker 1: we think of today as prevention through deterrence policies, which

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Speaker 1: we've heard about recently with the Trump administration separation of

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Speaker 1: Central American asylum seeking families, or the border militarization policies

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Speaker 1: in the nineteen nineties. Now, what we know is that

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Speaker 1: none of these policies have stopped people from migrating and

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Speaker 1: crossing the border, but they have exacted an extraordinary human cost,

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Speaker 1: and US officials have been okay with that. And I

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Speaker 1: should mention that Mexican officials at certain points in history

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Speaker 1: have been as well because of how they saw Mexican

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Speaker 1: migrants and the racist language they used to describe them

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Speaker 1: made that clear, saying that the conditions aboard the boats

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Speaker 1: are justifiable considering the type of people being transported. Those

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Speaker 1: are their words.

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Speaker 2: You know, some people might think that the deportation is

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Speaker 2: the worst thing that happens, but you actually prefer the

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Speaker 2: fact that living under the constant threat of deportation is

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Speaker 2: for many Mexicans and Latinos, it's something that you can't

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Speaker 2: get over. It's the kind of thing that marks you psychologically, emotionally, spiritually.

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Speaker 2: You also talk though about how immigrants and allies in

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Speaker 2: this country haven't just taken this line down, that they're

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Speaker 2: constantly pushing back against these restrictive and racist policies. And

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Speaker 2: I'm wondering, when you're facing a system that builds itself

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Speaker 2: on secrecy and invisibility, exactly like you've laid out the

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Speaker 2: deportation machine has, how do people effectively organize then how

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Speaker 2: do you fight against this giant system. It's hard to

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Speaker 2: see and it's hard to understand, So how do you

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Speaker 2: do that?

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Speaker 1: Regardless of what happens in November, the deportation machine will continue,

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Speaker 1: regardless of who's in power, Democrat or Republican. The machine

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Speaker 1: has chugged along over time over the course of the

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Speaker 1: last one hundred and fifty years, so there still will

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Speaker 1: be work to do. It is extraordinarily important, and I'm

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Speaker 1: glad you bring up the fact that people have always

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Speaker 1: fought back against the machine, and one of the things

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Speaker 1: activists have done is trying to identify how the machine operates,

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Speaker 1: how the machine works, identifying its weak points and then

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Speaker 1: applying pressure to them. And those weak points change over time.

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Speaker 1: But I think what people today can do is not

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Speaker 1: just to post something on social media, but to investigate

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Speaker 1: what's happening in your local community, listening to the people

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Speaker 1: most affected by these policies, listening to the people who

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Speaker 1: are on the front lines, who have long been fighting

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Speaker 1: these fights and who need mass support. Because I do

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Speaker 1: think there's a real opportunity for change. I mean, the

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Speaker 1: possibilities I think have shifted as we've seen the Black

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Speaker 1: Lives Matter organizing and seeing the potential at least for

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Speaker 1: radical change when it comes to policing in the United States,

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Speaker 1: people have also been pushing for the abolition of ice

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Speaker 1: immigrations customs, and that's something we should have on the table.

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Speaker 1: We should be thinking about how can we reform and

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Speaker 1: remake immigration bureaucracy so that it can be more humane,

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Speaker 1: so that it can actually be a service agency and

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Speaker 1: not just an enforcement arm of the federal government.

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Speaker 2: Immigrants obviously have been central to this country, and you're

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Speaker 2: saying so has deportation, which begs the question, the final question,

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Speaker 2: which is, so who actually benefits? Why keep doing this?

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Speaker 2: What is the end goal?

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Speaker 1: First and foremost, immigration bureaucracy itself benefits. There's a self

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Speaker 1: interest within the Department of Homeland Security today. Regardless of

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Speaker 1: which party is in power, or who has the White House,

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Speaker 1: who controls Congress, the immigration bureaucracy will still see that

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Speaker 1: it's in its best interest to keep enforcement up. A

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Speaker 1: second group that certainly benefits are employers and perhaps in

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Speaker 1: turn consumers, who take advantage of the exploitable migrane labor

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Speaker 1: force and the control they exercise over it. The control

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Speaker 1: of the deportation machine provides them to maintain low wages

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Speaker 1: and low costs to consumers, so we're all benefiting in

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Speaker 1: a way. The question becomes, then, what would we be

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Speaker 1: willing to change and to pay a little bit more

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Speaker 1: for products? We'll be willing to understand that the status

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Speaker 1: quo isn't sustainable over time, and in fact is in

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Speaker 1: conflict with our morals and our political beliefs, and that

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Speaker 1: raises a number of hard questions, but I think they're

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Speaker 1: important questions that we should be asking ourselves and wrestling with.

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Speaker 2: Professor Adam Goodman. Thank you so much for spending some

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Speaker 2: time with us on Let You Know USA.

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Speaker 1: Thanks so much for having me on.

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Speaker 2: Adam Goodman's book The Deportation Machine, America's Long History of

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Speaker 2: expelling immigrants, is available now. This episode was produced by

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Speaker 2: Alejandra Sarrassarre and edited by Luis Trees. The Latino USA

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Speaker 2: team includes Miel Massias, Andrea Lopez Cruzzalo, Julieta Martinez, Alis Escarce,

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Speaker 2: and Gini Montalbo, with help this week from Raoul Perees.

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Speaker 2: Our engineers are Stephanie Lebou, Julia Caruso, and Liashaw, with

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Speaker 2: help from Alicia ba Itto. Our director of Programming in

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Speaker 2: Operations is Natalia Fiederhotz. Our digital editor is Luis Luna.

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Speaker 2: Our New York Women's Foundation Ignite fellow is Julia Rocha.

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Speaker 2: Our interns are Jimena del Serro, Emiliros and Gavaz. Our

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Speaker 2: theme music was composed by Zane Ronos. If you like

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Speaker 2: the music you heard on this episode, stop by latinousa

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Speaker 2: dot org and check out our weekly Spotify playlist. I'm

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Speaker 2: your host and executive producer Maria Jojosa. Join us again

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Speaker 2: on our next episode, and in the meantime, I'll see

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Speaker 2: you on all of our social media. Hi loos, BeO aste,

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Speaker 2: la proxima Chao.

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Speaker 3: Latino USA is made possible in part by Carnegie Corporation,

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Speaker 3: promoting the advancement and diffusion of knowledge and understanding, the

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Speaker 3: John D. And Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, and the Ford Foundation,

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Speaker 3: working with visionaries on the front lines of social change worldwide.

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Speaker 2: How's the weather in Chicago?

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Speaker 1: You know, it's really rainy here today. It's pretty gray.

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Speaker 2: Yeah, dude, it reminds me we have to take that

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Speaker 2: from Chicago. You me La, I right, Clado.

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Speaker 1: Yeah, it was a rough time, bro.

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Speaker 2: It was a rough time, man when they closed down.

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Speaker 2: Because I get a whole box, so I've got like

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Speaker 2: fifty dozen, you know. I'm Mariao Josa. Next time on

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Speaker 2: Latino USA, we're going to talk about Latino Republicans. Almost

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Speaker 2: a third of Latinos and Latinas voted for President Trump

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Speaker 2: in twenty sixteen, and they're probably going to do it

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Speaker 2: again this year.

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Speaker 1: Trumple was the man and Trump was good, and I'd

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Speaker 1: say I don't want to tok politics.

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Speaker 2: That's next time on Latino USA