WEBVTT - Legality of Trump’s Tariffs With Professor Yoo

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to the Votes and Verdicts podcast hosted by Bloomberg Intelligence,

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<v Speaker 1>the investment research arm of Bloomberg LPA. In this podcast series,

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<v Speaker 1>we talk about the intersection of business policy and law.

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<v Speaker 1>My name is Holly Frome. I'm an analyst with Bloomberg

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<v Speaker 1>Intelligence covering consumer and industrials litigation. Today's podcast, we'll focus

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<v Speaker 1>on several key court rulings impacting tariffs, and specifically a

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<v Speaker 1>May twentieth decision by the US Court of International Trade

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<v Speaker 1>and May twenty ninth decision by a Washington, d c.

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<v Speaker 1>District Court holding that President Trump's reciprocal tariffs and tariffs

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<v Speaker 1>imposed on China, Canada, and Mexico were unlawful. I'm delighted

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<v Speaker 1>to be joined today by law Professor John Yu. Professor

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<v Speaker 1>U is a Senior Research Fellow at the Cibitas Institut,

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<v Speaker 1>a Distinguished Visiting Professor at the School of Civil Leadership

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<v Speaker 1>at the University of Texas Austin, the Emmanuel Heller Professor

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<v Speaker 1>of Law at the University of California at Berkeley, and

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<v Speaker 1>a non resident Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

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<v Speaker 1>Professor U served as an official in the US Department

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<v Speaker 1>of Justice General Counsel of the US Senate Judiciary Committee,

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<v Speaker 1>and was a law clerk for Supreme Court Justice Clarence

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<v Speaker 1>Thomas and Federal Appeals Judge Lawrence Silberman. He has written

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<v Speaker 1>or assisted in the writing of numerous books on constitutional

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<v Speaker 1>law national security in the Supreme Court and graduated Harvard

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<v Speaker 1>College and Yale Law School. Professor U also serves on

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<v Speaker 1>the board of the Pacific Legal Foundation, which is representing

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<v Speaker 1>businesses that have filed a case called Princess Austin versus

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<v Speaker 1>Customs and a separate lawsuit against the Trump administration over

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<v Speaker 1>the tariffs we will discuss today. Thank you so much

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<v Speaker 1>for joining us, Professor U. So, just by way of background,

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<v Speaker 1>the International Trade Court on May twenty eighth found executive

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<v Speaker 1>orders imposing so called reciprocal terrors were also called worldwide

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<v Speaker 1>terraffs and terraffs in China, Canada, and Mexico related to

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<v Speaker 1>fentanyl trafficking unlawful. The Court found reciprocal terrafts lawful because

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<v Speaker 1>it found the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, the law

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<v Speaker 1>the President used to impose them, doesn't permit unbounded teriffs.

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<v Speaker 1>If it did, the Court said it would violate the

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<v Speaker 1>major questions and non delegation doctrines, and with respect to

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<v Speaker 1>fentanyl trafficking terraffs, it found that the terriffs don't deal

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<v Speaker 1>with the emergency as required by what's the Internationalency Economic

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<v Speaker 1>Powers Act were also known as AIPA. So, as many

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<v Speaker 1>people know, the President posed reciprocal terrafs on the grounds

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<v Speaker 1>that the trade deficit constituted an emergency. And you've said

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<v Speaker 1>that the judges of the International Trade Court could have

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<v Speaker 1>rejected the reciprocal terraces on the straightforward ground that the

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<v Speaker 1>trade deficit doesn't qualify as an unusual and extraordinary threat

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<v Speaker 1>as required by AEPA, But the court didn't make that determination.

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<v Speaker 1>Why do you think they didn't?

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<v Speaker 2>Thanks for having me, Holly, And it's an interesting question.

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<v Speaker 2>There's really two different parts to it. One is what's

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<v Speaker 2>the right role of the courts? And that's the question

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<v Speaker 2>you just asked, why didn't the courts reach a certain

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<v Speaker 2>question or not? And then the second one is just

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<v Speaker 2>under the statute is this and appropriate use of the

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<v Speaker 2>emergency international Economic powers? So I think as to the

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<v Speaker 2>first question, courts have always been reluctant to second guess

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<v Speaker 2>the executive branch, and when it decides there's an emergency.

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<v Speaker 2>In fact, I don't think that any court really ever

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<v Speaker 2>has overturned a finding of it by the president of

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<v Speaker 2>an emergency. This is because courts feel a great deal

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<v Speaker 2>of reluctance in this area to try to determine what

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<v Speaker 2>the facts are. They understand that emergencies are fast moving,

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<v Speaker 2>that they happen in an unanticipated way. That's in fact

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<v Speaker 2>why Congress often delegates broad authority to the president. So

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<v Speaker 2>I think that this court, this Court of International Trade,

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<v Speaker 2>which is a very unusual court. It's in fact, for

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<v Speaker 2>most of its history it was actually an administrative agency,

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<v Speaker 2>and it's not like the other kinds of federal courts

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<v Speaker 2>were used to reading about, which have what we call

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<v Speaker 2>a general jurisdiction. They can hear almost any issue under

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<v Speaker 2>federal law. This court especially created just to hear really

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<v Speaker 2>cases about dumping and unfair subsidies in the trade context.

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<v Speaker 2>I don't think they wanted to step out and be

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<v Speaker 2>the first federal court to ever overturn of finding a

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<v Speaker 2>presidential emergency. That doesn't mean that, you know, as to

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<v Speaker 2>the second question I raised, under the law itself, this

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<v Speaker 2>is an emergency. It might just be that this court thought,

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<v Speaker 2>maybe be it should be the Supreme Court or the

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<v Speaker 2>Federal Circuit, the higher appeals court that take this fateful step.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, that makes sense. And then I wonder why, well

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<v Speaker 1>we'll get I guess we'll get to it later because

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<v Speaker 1>you know, there's another district court case that found the

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<v Speaker 1>tarifs and lawful for different reasons, which we'll get to.

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<v Speaker 1>That court also didn't say that the trade deficit wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>an emergency, but the President has said that the trade

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<v Speaker 1>imbalances have hollowed out our manufacturing base, inhibited our abilities

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<v Speaker 1>to scale domestic manufacturing, undermine critical supply chains, and rendered

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<v Speaker 1>our defense industrial based dependent on foreign adversaries. So why

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<v Speaker 1>do you think that that doesn't lead to the conclusion

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<v Speaker 1>that trade balance imbalances and other trade barriers doesn't arise

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<v Speaker 1>to the level of an unusual and extraordinary threat. Yeah.

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<v Speaker 2>I think, Holly, that if the courts do get to

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<v Speaker 2>the question, if they do, unlike as you said, the

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<v Speaker 2>Court of a National Trade just take off what we

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<v Speaker 2>called denovo, a fresh look at whether an emergency exist

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<v Speaker 2>or not. I don't think this is what Congress had

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<v Speaker 2>in mind with AIPA. As you said in your introduction,

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<v Speaker 2>you quoted the statute, it requires an unusual and extraordinary

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<v Speaker 2>threat to the national security or foreign policy of the

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<v Speaker 2>United States. You go back and look, and first, I

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<v Speaker 2>don't think that the trade deficit has suddenly fallen upon us.

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<v Speaker 2>We've had a trade deficit consistently for about fifty years

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<v Speaker 2>since the Nixon administration. And in fact, Nixon was the

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<v Speaker 2>last person to kind of try something, last president to

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<v Speaker 2>try something like this, to pose a kind of universal

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<v Speaker 2>tariff in order to solve the trade deficit, which didn't work.

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<v Speaker 2>And so the trade deficit has fluctuated up and down.

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<v Speaker 2>And I also looked, and if you correct for inflation,

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<v Speaker 2>the trade deficit today is about where the trade deficit

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<v Speaker 2>was at the beginning of the second Bush term. So

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<v Speaker 2>it's been about many years. And the inflation adjusted size

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<v Speaker 2>of the budget deficit, there's a percentage of GDP for example,

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<v Speaker 2>is really not change at all. So to me, it

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<v Speaker 2>seems that an emergency, you know, something unusual, extraordinary, something

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<v Speaker 2>that has an enormous impact, and it's something that's all

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<v Speaker 2>of a sudden, it's something that has fallen us in

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<v Speaker 2>an unanticipated way. Whereas this emergency is a non emergency.

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<v Speaker 2>The trade deficit is just the fact of the economic life,

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<v Speaker 2>or a trade SURPPLUS would be two. And it's been

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<v Speaker 2>fluctuating up and down four or five decades now, got it.

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<v Speaker 1>So what the International Trade Court said was that if

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<v Speaker 1>the president is going to address trade deficits, he has

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<v Speaker 1>to do that through Section one twenty two of the

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<v Speaker 1>Trade Act and not through I do you agree with

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<v Speaker 1>that ruling.

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<v Speaker 2>I think that's an I don't think that's correct. So

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<v Speaker 2>I think there's a number of ways that the president

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<v Speaker 2>can impact trade, and I think that's why this legal question,

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<v Speaker 2>the first one is this an emergency is all important

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<v Speaker 2>because if you then turn to AIPA and you read

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<v Speaker 2>the powers that are given to the president, it doesn't

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<v Speaker 2>use the word tariff, but it uses the words which

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<v Speaker 2>you make up a tariff. It says that the president

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<v Speaker 2>is allowed to regulate block sees any kind of transaction

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<v Speaker 2>with a foreign party. Essentially, so, for example, under APA,

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<v Speaker 2>and keep in mind, AEPA grandfathered in other kinds of

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<v Speaker 2>international emergencies that have been declared and trade sanctions that

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<v Speaker 2>have been used, you could regularly impose an embargo on

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<v Speaker 2>a trade embargo on an entire country. So the predecessor

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<v Speaker 2>of TAIPA was something called the Trading with the Enemy Act,

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<v Speaker 2>and so when Congress, which was passed in nineteen seventeen,

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<v Speaker 2>and so when Congress passed AEPA in nineteen seventy seven,

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<v Speaker 2>it was trying to change how presidents could use those powers,

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<v Speaker 2>but they didn't really change the powers that the president

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<v Speaker 2>got from the statute. And so under the Trading with

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<v Speaker 2>the Enemy Act and then even under AEPA, presidents have

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<v Speaker 2>regularly imposed trade sanctions that go even farther beyond teriffs,

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<v Speaker 2>to the point of cutting off all trade with the country.

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<v Speaker 2>For example, we're talking right now about secondary Russian sanctions,

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<v Speaker 2>which would be to impose trade sanctions on country that

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<v Speaker 2>do trade with Russia, not even primary sanctions, which are

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<v Speaker 2>sanctions that are just directly on US Russian trade, which

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<v Speaker 2>is now very small. This to me is even more

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<v Speaker 2>powerful tool than just straightforward tariffs, and that would be

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<v Speaker 2>done under IPA. I think the way to understand what

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<v Speaker 2>these powers are is that they're very broad, broader than

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<v Speaker 2>these x under the other trade laws. But I think

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<v Speaker 2>what they're really aimed at, in combination with the first question,

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<v Speaker 2>is this an emergency, is that the purpose of the

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<v Speaker 2>statute was to aim at individual countries. So, for example,

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<v Speaker 2>if President Trump were to say, a trade with China

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<v Speaker 2>and China itself is a national security and foreign policy threat,

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<v Speaker 2>so I'm going to impose sanctions on China, for example,

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<v Speaker 2>in order to protect American national security related industries, or

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<v Speaker 2>to build up alternate sources for raw materials or for

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<v Speaker 2>basic electronic components that if we rely on China for

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<v Speaker 2>I think that would fall under AUPA.

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<v Speaker 1>So do you think he would have been on better

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<v Speaker 1>legal footing perhaps if he had directed it in a

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<v Speaker 1>specific country instead of the you know, the worldwide chairis

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<v Speaker 1>where he directed it in almost every country.

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<v Speaker 2>Exactly right, Holly. That I think is the way APA

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<v Speaker 2>is supposed to work is here's a country like a China,

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<v Speaker 2>like a Russia, they now pose a threat to our

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<v Speaker 2>national security. Then AIPA gives you much broader therapy power

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<v Speaker 2>than just terriffs. You know, president could just close off

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<v Speaker 2>all trade, not just trade. You can close off trade,

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<v Speaker 2>you could close off travel, you could close off communications

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<v Speaker 2>with that country. But it has to be I think,

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<v Speaker 2>country by country, and it has to be because, of course,

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<v Speaker 2>you find that country is a threat, not because they're

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<v Speaker 2>just part of the overall trade deficit that we have.

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<v Speaker 2>That makes sense. So the District Court of Washington, d c. However,

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<v Speaker 2>said that AIPA doesn't authorize tariffs at all. And one

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<v Speaker 2>of the points the court raised was that AIPA never

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<v Speaker 2>even mentions the word tariff. What do you think, what

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<v Speaker 2>do you make of the argument that if Congress meant

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<v Speaker 2>to authorize the president to impose terriffs vi iepa, it

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<v Speaker 2>would have explicitly said so in the statute. You know,

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<v Speaker 2>this is a I think a problem with that opinion

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<v Speaker 2>and the Court of International Trades opinion is that I

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<v Speaker 2>think they ignore that Supreme Court decisions in this area

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<v Speaker 2>of international emergencies and economic powers. It has very different

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<v Speaker 2>fundamentals than domestic law. So you mentioned earlier that the

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<v Speaker 2>Quarter of International Trade had held that the Trump administration

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<v Speaker 2>was violating what's called the major Questions doctrine. This is

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<v Speaker 2>essentially what the Court in Washington has helped too. And

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<v Speaker 2>this idea that the Supreme Court has articulated in cases

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<v Speaker 2>like striking down President Biden's effort to forgive student loans

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<v Speaker 2>or the nationwide vaccine mandate. This is the idea that

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<v Speaker 2>a statute that's vague, isn't to be read to give

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<v Speaker 2>the executive branch power on a question of major economic

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<v Speaker 2>or social or political importance. In other words, if Congress

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<v Speaker 2>really wanted to give the executive branch that power, for example,

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<v Speaker 2>to acquire a nationwide COVID nineteen vaccine mandate, it would

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<v Speaker 2>say so in the statute. And courts aren't to give

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<v Speaker 2>the president the benefit of the doubt. And that's been

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<v Speaker 2>a very important development under the Robbers Court. But the

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<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court has never applied that to foreign affairs. And

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<v Speaker 2>so there's another line of cases involving international economic regulations

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<v Speaker 2>where the Court has rejected exactly that argument, and in

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<v Speaker 2>fact it rejected it exactly in the area of interpreting AIPA.

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<v Speaker 2>The first major use of AEPA was against Iran, and

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<v Speaker 2>it was to resolve the Iranian hostages crisis. Is a

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<v Speaker 2>case called Dames and Moore versus Reagan. And in that case,

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<v Speaker 2>the Court, I'm sorry, the President had to execute certain

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<v Speaker 2>economic sunctions and lifting of sanctions that were not permitted

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<v Speaker 2>under a EPA. The Court said that even though the

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<v Speaker 2>statute did not clearly deny the authority to provide the

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<v Speaker 2>authority for that, it was going to give the president

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<v Speaker 2>the benefit of the doubt because it involved foreign affairs

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<v Speaker 2>and involved national security, involved fast moving events that the

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<v Speaker 2>court was reluctant to resecond guests. And that's exactly I

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<v Speaker 2>think what's going on here. So that's why I think

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<v Speaker 2>really the hard question for the courts are going to

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<v Speaker 2>be are they going to review the emergency declaration? I

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<v Speaker 2>think once they do, then the major questions doctrine. So

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<v Speaker 2>far the Supreme Court can always change his mind. The

0:14:44.960 --> 0:14:47.200
<v Speaker 2>major questions doctrine and the theory of it has not

0:14:47.680 --> 0:14:50.640
<v Speaker 2>been held to apply to IBA. Got it.

0:14:50.760 --> 0:14:54.560
<v Speaker 1>So the International Trade Court said that if the law

0:14:54.680 --> 0:14:59.720
<v Speaker 1>allowed unbounded terrafts, as it found a reciprocal terrafs were,

0:15:00.200 --> 0:15:03.360
<v Speaker 1>it would violate the non delegation doctrine which you talked about.

0:15:04.880 --> 0:15:07.920
<v Speaker 1>And that doctrine, you know, as you said, this says

0:15:07.960 --> 0:15:10.200
<v Speaker 1>that Congress can't delegate a power to the president without

0:15:10.240 --> 0:15:14.720
<v Speaker 1>providing intelligible principle or limits around that power. And you

0:15:14.760 --> 0:15:17.320
<v Speaker 1>said you believe this line of reasoning, though, opens the

0:15:17.400 --> 0:15:21.200
<v Speaker 1>door for Trump to prevail on appeal. Can you explain

0:15:21.240 --> 0:15:22.200
<v Speaker 1>why you think that?

0:15:22.920 --> 0:15:25.920
<v Speaker 2>Yes, So this pulls from that case in dameson Moore

0:15:26.000 --> 0:15:30.160
<v Speaker 2>versus Reagan. The Court held that, So, I don't want

0:15:30.160 --> 0:15:32.680
<v Speaker 2>to get too complicated, but this was the deal that

0:15:32.720 --> 0:15:35.960
<v Speaker 2>freed the hostages in nineteen eighty and part of the

0:15:36.000 --> 0:15:39.480
<v Speaker 2>deal was the United States had to had frozen all

0:15:39.560 --> 0:15:43.360
<v Speaker 2>Iranian government assets in the United States under a EPA,

0:15:44.240 --> 0:15:46.960
<v Speaker 2>and a whole bunch of people and companies had also

0:15:47.160 --> 0:15:52.360
<v Speaker 2>sued Iran's government for nationalizing all their assets and had

0:15:52.400 --> 0:15:56.680
<v Speaker 2>won judgments and attached them all throughout the country. And

0:15:56.720 --> 0:16:00.320
<v Speaker 2>so as part of that deal, the Carter first and

0:16:00.320 --> 0:16:03.400
<v Speaker 2>then the Reagan administration had to free up all that

0:16:03.480 --> 0:16:08.880
<v Speaker 2>money and send it out of the country. AIPA doesn't

0:16:08.880 --> 0:16:11.440
<v Speaker 2>allow you to do that. AIPA doesn't actually say that you,

0:16:11.840 --> 0:16:15.480
<v Speaker 2>the president, in the course of a national emergency, can

0:16:16.080 --> 0:16:21.920
<v Speaker 2>take away basically lift all those attachments and basically eliminate

0:16:22.000 --> 0:16:27.120
<v Speaker 2>all those judgments in court. And so the Supreme Court said, yes,

0:16:27.200 --> 0:16:29.040
<v Speaker 2>we admit. They were very open. They said, we admit

0:16:29.240 --> 0:16:33.560
<v Speaker 2>that the Statute APA doesn't specifically give the president that power.

0:16:34.160 --> 0:16:36.320
<v Speaker 2>It gives a president a lot of other broad powers.

0:16:36.600 --> 0:16:40.360
<v Speaker 2>And so we think that in the area of an

0:16:41.000 --> 0:16:46.120
<v Speaker 2>economic regulation during an international emergency, we are going to

0:16:47.400 --> 0:16:51.160
<v Speaker 2>basically give the president the benefit of the doubt, let

0:16:51.200 --> 0:16:55.200
<v Speaker 2>him exercise that power, just kind of like filling a

0:16:55.240 --> 0:16:59.880
<v Speaker 2>gap in the statute and not strike down something during

0:16:59.880 --> 0:17:02.960
<v Speaker 2>the during an international emergency, which we don't want to

0:17:03.160 --> 0:17:07.040
<v Speaker 2>second guests. So that case really is the one that

0:17:07.080 --> 0:17:09.760
<v Speaker 2>the Trump administration should be relying on, and I'm sure

0:17:09.800 --> 0:17:12.160
<v Speaker 2>they will as this case moves up to the Supreme Court.

0:17:12.400 --> 0:17:14.280
<v Speaker 2>It's actually quite I don't think they did, though. I

0:17:14.280 --> 0:17:17.920
<v Speaker 2>think it's really puzzling that the trial courts weren't confronted

0:17:17.960 --> 0:17:20.720
<v Speaker 2>with this case and so have to explain, you know,

0:17:20.800 --> 0:17:23.360
<v Speaker 2>why they were able, you know, why they were able

0:17:23.359 --> 0:17:25.560
<v Speaker 2>to hold what they did in the face of you know,

0:17:25.600 --> 0:17:28.280
<v Speaker 2>the most recent This is the clearest Supreme Court President

0:17:28.440 --> 0:17:31.040
<v Speaker 2>president on the IPIS Statute itself.

0:17:31.960 --> 0:17:34.639
<v Speaker 1>So, if this case does make its way to the

0:17:34.640 --> 0:17:38.480
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court, do you think there's a way that they

0:17:38.520 --> 0:17:44.040
<v Speaker 1>can affirm the International Trade Court's decision with regard to

0:17:44.160 --> 0:17:48.040
<v Speaker 1>worldwide sheriffs but disagree with its reason for finding them

0:17:48.080 --> 0:17:48.600
<v Speaker 1>am awful.

0:17:49.240 --> 0:17:51.879
<v Speaker 2>Yes, I mean, I think the easiest thing the Supreme

0:17:51.920 --> 0:17:56.160
<v Speaker 2>Court could do would be to say we don't consider

0:17:56.160 --> 0:17:59.680
<v Speaker 2>this an emergency within the meaning of the Statute. And

0:18:00.200 --> 0:18:02.040
<v Speaker 2>to do that would be to look at, as I said,

0:18:02.080 --> 0:18:05.800
<v Speaker 2>all the emergencies under the Trading with the Enemy Act

0:18:06.480 --> 0:18:11.000
<v Speaker 2>and look at that which were all nations specific, and

0:18:11.040 --> 0:18:14.080
<v Speaker 2>then to say, you know the purpose of the statue

0:18:14.080 --> 0:18:15.800
<v Speaker 2>and the way it's been used, And that's the thing

0:18:15.800 --> 0:18:17.640
<v Speaker 2>a court has been looking at a lot in its

0:18:17.680 --> 0:18:21.320
<v Speaker 2>recent cases in other areas, is what's been the tradition

0:18:21.359 --> 0:18:25.679
<v Speaker 2>and history, what's been the practice under the statute and

0:18:25.760 --> 0:18:29.360
<v Speaker 2>say these all appeared to us to be aimed at

0:18:29.400 --> 0:18:32.480
<v Speaker 2>specific countries that pose a threat, and then actually gives

0:18:32.520 --> 0:18:36.840
<v Speaker 2>you broader powers and terrors. But that what the Congress

0:18:36.840 --> 0:18:41.320
<v Speaker 2>didn't think an international emergency would be is something that's

0:18:41.400 --> 0:18:44.800
<v Speaker 2>again been with us for fifty years, hasn't really changed

0:18:45.480 --> 0:18:48.320
<v Speaker 2>in twenty years. So it's hard to say it's an emergency.

0:18:48.960 --> 0:18:52.639
<v Speaker 1>You've said that the Trade Court's decision intrudes into foreign

0:18:52.680 --> 0:18:55.400
<v Speaker 1>policy in a manner no federal court has ever done before.

0:18:55.680 --> 0:18:57.280
<v Speaker 1>Can you explain what you mean by that?

0:18:58.160 --> 0:19:01.960
<v Speaker 2>So this is the thing I think that's dangerous. You know,

0:19:02.000 --> 0:19:04.560
<v Speaker 2>it's close to but different than the argument I was making,

0:19:05.000 --> 0:19:08.000
<v Speaker 2>which is, I don't know though, if the courts want

0:19:08.000 --> 0:19:10.479
<v Speaker 2>to get in the position of saying we can decide

0:19:10.480 --> 0:19:13.359
<v Speaker 2>whether this is an emergency or not just on our

0:19:13.400 --> 0:19:17.159
<v Speaker 2>own power. I think what's easier about what I just

0:19:17.240 --> 0:19:20.240
<v Speaker 2>laid out what the court would try to do is

0:19:20.320 --> 0:19:26.040
<v Speaker 2>figure out what did Congress think is an emergency? You know,

0:19:26.119 --> 0:19:30.199
<v Speaker 2>what does Congress think it was doing. What did Congress

0:19:30.200 --> 0:19:32.160
<v Speaker 2>think it was doing when it passed the EYEPA law.

0:19:32.280 --> 0:19:35.320
<v Speaker 2>What kind of international emergencies did it have in mind

0:19:35.680 --> 0:19:39.399
<v Speaker 2>when it said unusual an extraordinary threat to the national

0:19:39.440 --> 0:19:42.679
<v Speaker 2>security and foreign policy United States? But I think what

0:19:42.720 --> 0:19:46.560
<v Speaker 2>the courts will be cautious of is sort of deciding

0:19:46.640 --> 0:19:50.199
<v Speaker 2>for itself whether something is an emergency. I think you

0:19:50.280 --> 0:19:52.960
<v Speaker 2>mentioned that the Court the lower courts have been doing

0:19:53.000 --> 0:19:58.240
<v Speaker 2>this in other areas, specifically immigration cases, and so far

0:19:58.320 --> 0:20:02.360
<v Speaker 2>the Supreme Court is actually intervened mean to overturn the

0:20:02.440 --> 0:20:04.800
<v Speaker 2>cases where the Supreme Court the lower courts have done

0:20:04.880 --> 0:20:08.720
<v Speaker 2>this and said, reconsider what you're doing. It's not clear

0:20:08.720 --> 0:20:11.280
<v Speaker 2>that this is what the federal courts should be. You know,

0:20:11.359 --> 0:20:14.960
<v Speaker 2>this is this this question is included in our powers,

0:20:15.400 --> 0:20:19.800
<v Speaker 2>the question of what is an international emergency in terms

0:20:19.800 --> 0:20:22.800
<v Speaker 2>of just the president's powers, in terms of the constitution.

0:20:23.400 --> 0:20:25.040
<v Speaker 2>All they would have to do in the course that

0:20:25.119 --> 0:20:27.359
<v Speaker 2>I think they might follow is just say this is

0:20:27.400 --> 0:20:29.560
<v Speaker 2>what we think, congressman, when they gave the power to

0:20:29.600 --> 0:20:31.360
<v Speaker 2>the president in the first place.

0:20:31.760 --> 0:20:34.360
<v Speaker 1>I wonder if they would run into that same problem,

0:20:35.480 --> 0:20:38.399
<v Speaker 1>you know, that they are overstepping their authority. The courts

0:20:38.440 --> 0:20:42.200
<v Speaker 1>when they if they decide, you know, Congress didn't meanness

0:20:42.240 --> 0:20:45.359
<v Speaker 1>because AIPA is meant to be meant to give the

0:20:45.359 --> 0:20:48.440
<v Speaker 1>president powers you know in the invention emergency that Congress

0:20:48.480 --> 0:20:49.480
<v Speaker 1>can't contemplate.

0:20:50.040 --> 0:20:52.880
<v Speaker 2>Yes, I think that's a fair question. I think that's

0:20:52.920 --> 0:20:57.679
<v Speaker 2>the best argument for the Trump administration is to say, uh,

0:20:58.080 --> 0:21:02.400
<v Speaker 2>you shouldn't really the courts, you really shouldn't limit yourself

0:21:03.760 --> 0:21:08.560
<v Speaker 2>to what Congress thought was an international emergency. Congress is

0:21:08.680 --> 0:21:11.840
<v Speaker 2>very broad words in the statute. They knew they couldn't

0:21:11.840 --> 0:21:15.439
<v Speaker 2>anticipate the future. And that's a very point of an

0:21:15.440 --> 0:21:18.240
<v Speaker 2>emergency is you can't write laws in advance to really

0:21:18.560 --> 0:21:21.560
<v Speaker 2>deal with them because they haven't happened yet and they're extraordinary.

0:21:21.640 --> 0:21:24.800
<v Speaker 2>And that's the whole point of these emergency statutes in

0:21:24.840 --> 0:21:27.240
<v Speaker 2>the first place. And you can see I agree with

0:21:27.280 --> 0:21:30.159
<v Speaker 2>that. You can see the courts are reluctant, at least the

0:21:30.160 --> 0:21:33.480
<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court has been reluctant to have the federal courts

0:21:34.680 --> 0:21:38.320
<v Speaker 2>tread into this area, which you look at the Constitution.

0:21:38.440 --> 0:21:41.520
<v Speaker 2>Obviously it sets up Congress and the President as the

0:21:41.520 --> 0:21:45.880
<v Speaker 2>branches to lead the country in the context of an emergency.

0:21:46.240 --> 0:21:49.600
<v Speaker 2>But at the same time, you could see the Supreme

0:21:49.600 --> 0:21:52.240
<v Speaker 2>War is not going to say that's an unlimited power

0:21:52.359 --> 0:21:57.160
<v Speaker 2>either that at some point, you know, at some point,

0:21:57.800 --> 0:22:00.760
<v Speaker 2>the courts, I don't think, are going to allow a

0:22:00.840 --> 0:22:07.920
<v Speaker 2>president to declare an emergency for something that's really slow moving,

0:22:08.560 --> 0:22:12.720
<v Speaker 2>really is permanent kind of social problem. So the example

0:22:12.800 --> 0:22:17.080
<v Speaker 2>I give is, I don't think the Court would say

0:22:17.720 --> 0:22:25.359
<v Speaker 2>that climate change is an an international economic emergency because

0:22:25.359 --> 0:22:27.240
<v Speaker 2>it has been going on for so long and is

0:22:27.320 --> 0:22:30.840
<v Speaker 2>very slow moving that I don't think the Court, for example,

0:22:30.840 --> 0:22:35.600
<v Speaker 2>would allow presidents to say climate change triggers i EPA powers.

0:22:36.280 --> 0:22:39.600
<v Speaker 1>Right, That's an interesting example. I've never heard that one

0:22:39.720 --> 0:22:42.920
<v Speaker 1>used before, but that makes sense to me. So you've

0:22:42.960 --> 0:22:46.479
<v Speaker 1>said that the International Trade Court's decision with respect to

0:22:46.560 --> 0:22:50.840
<v Speaker 1>the trafficking terraffs, and what the Court did there was

0:22:50.880 --> 0:22:54.240
<v Speaker 1>they said that those don't deal with the fentanyl emergency.

0:22:54.640 --> 0:22:58.320
<v Speaker 1>And you've said the Court's decision would allow courts to

0:22:58.359 --> 0:23:00.960
<v Speaker 1>sit in judgment over the weather the president has chosen

0:23:01.000 --> 0:23:04.240
<v Speaker 1>the most effective means to achieve its goals. Do you

0:23:04.680 --> 0:23:07.320
<v Speaker 1>support an approach that makes the presence means of dealing

0:23:07.320 --> 0:23:11.000
<v Speaker 1>with an emergency not subject to judicial review? And if not,

0:23:11.160 --> 0:23:13.479
<v Speaker 1>what role do you think the courts should have in

0:23:13.520 --> 0:23:14.800
<v Speaker 1>reviewing such questions?

0:23:15.119 --> 0:23:17.879
<v Speaker 2>Well, I think this was the problem that you know,

0:23:17.920 --> 0:23:19.719
<v Speaker 2>the Supreme Court is going to be worried about that

0:23:19.800 --> 0:23:23.880
<v Speaker 2>if the trial courts really start getting into the business

0:23:23.920 --> 0:23:29.119
<v Speaker 2>of reviewing is this an international emergency at all? And

0:23:29.160 --> 0:23:32.000
<v Speaker 2>then this is what the corporal then went a head

0:23:32.040 --> 0:23:37.880
<v Speaker 2>and said, is this responsive what the government's doing responsive

0:23:38.640 --> 0:23:43.080
<v Speaker 2>to the international emergency? I think that's really an area

0:23:43.119 --> 0:23:47.000
<v Speaker 2>where courts have very little competence. And this was a

0:23:47.000 --> 0:23:52.000
<v Speaker 2>good example. The Court said below that we don't see

0:23:52.040 --> 0:23:56.280
<v Speaker 2>how putting trade sanctions in Mexico and Canada have anything

0:23:56.320 --> 0:23:59.360
<v Speaker 2>to do with the flow fentanyl into the United States.

0:24:00.000 --> 0:24:03.159
<v Speaker 2>So how does the court know that The reason that

0:24:03.240 --> 0:24:07.320
<v Speaker 2>the administration might have done that, for example, is to say, well,

0:24:07.359 --> 0:24:10.480
<v Speaker 2>we're putting that sanction on Mexico because if they start

0:24:10.520 --> 0:24:14.520
<v Speaker 2>to suffer a lot of economic losses from terrorists, then

0:24:14.560 --> 0:24:17.439
<v Speaker 2>the government in Mexico will start to take the steps

0:24:17.440 --> 0:24:19.639
<v Speaker 2>that we want them to take to reduce ventanyl and

0:24:19.720 --> 0:24:22.879
<v Speaker 2>that seems perfectly logical to me. It may not be

0:24:23.040 --> 0:24:27.480
<v Speaker 2>high probability. That's up to you know, the President and

0:24:27.520 --> 0:24:30.400
<v Speaker 2>the Secretary Stay and the just Department, the DEA. They're

0:24:30.400 --> 0:24:34.560
<v Speaker 2>the ones who have the real information about how fentyel's

0:24:34.560 --> 0:24:36.560
<v Speaker 2>getting into the country, and they're the ones who really

0:24:36.560 --> 0:24:39.000
<v Speaker 2>have to make the hard decisions about how to try

0:24:39.040 --> 0:24:41.800
<v Speaker 2>to stop it from getting into the country. I don't

0:24:41.840 --> 0:24:44.840
<v Speaker 2>see how a judge can just sit back in Washington

0:24:44.920 --> 0:24:47.080
<v Speaker 2>and just say I don't think it's going to work.

0:24:47.400 --> 0:24:50.720
<v Speaker 2>You know, the court doesn't have the kind of experience

0:24:50.840 --> 0:24:54.560
<v Speaker 2>or information regarding our national security to make those kinds

0:24:54.600 --> 0:24:58.960
<v Speaker 2>of decisions. But that's what I think is worrisome. I

0:24:58.960 --> 0:25:00.880
<v Speaker 2>think that for the Supreme Court or if they are

0:25:00.920 --> 0:25:05.000
<v Speaker 2>going to let trial courts make decisions about is this

0:25:05.320 --> 0:25:08.199
<v Speaker 2>really an emergency? And then the next step would then

0:25:08.359 --> 0:25:12.680
<v Speaker 2>an WLB is what the court, I'm sorry, is what

0:25:12.720 --> 0:25:17.760
<v Speaker 2>the administration proposing in response effective? That's that's that's something

0:25:17.800 --> 0:25:21.240
<v Speaker 2>no court has ever done, actually is to been has

0:25:21.280 --> 0:25:25.080
<v Speaker 2>been to hold on whether a certain measure by the

0:25:25.080 --> 0:25:28.160
<v Speaker 2>government is really effective or not for our national security.

0:25:28.680 --> 0:25:32.760
<v Speaker 1>So this is my final question. My So many commentators

0:25:32.800 --> 0:25:36.640
<v Speaker 1>have said that no court will rule that the fenttional

0:25:36.720 --> 0:25:40.879
<v Speaker 1>trafficking isn't is not an emergency. Do you agree with that?

0:25:41.000 --> 0:25:44.200
<v Speaker 1>And if so, is there any other way the Supreme Court,

0:25:44.240 --> 0:25:48.520
<v Speaker 1>if it follows precedent, can find venttional trafficking terrorists on lawful.

0:25:48.640 --> 0:25:52.399
<v Speaker 2>So I think that that that the chance of survival

0:25:53.000 --> 0:25:57.040
<v Speaker 2>of the President's tariffs are much higher for the ones

0:25:57.040 --> 0:25:59.200
<v Speaker 2>that were you know, they're separate, right, the ones that

0:25:59.240 --> 0:26:01.679
<v Speaker 2>are that were in ounced on China and Mexico and

0:26:01.760 --> 0:26:05.479
<v Speaker 2>Canada are separate from the other terrorifts what I call

0:26:05.520 --> 0:26:09.040
<v Speaker 2>it the court calls these worldwide tariffs, for example. So

0:26:09.119 --> 0:26:13.080
<v Speaker 2>I think that is much more in line those targeted

0:26:13.320 --> 0:26:16.080
<v Speaker 2>terrorists are much more in line with how AIPA might

0:26:16.119 --> 0:26:20.000
<v Speaker 2>buso saying the rise of fentanyl which is coming through

0:26:20.080 --> 0:26:22.639
<v Speaker 2>and the present saying is coming through the borders of

0:26:22.800 --> 0:26:27.679
<v Speaker 2>Canada and Mexico and it's produced by China. And because

0:26:27.680 --> 0:26:29.719
<v Speaker 2>of that, I'm going to impose these terroriffs in order

0:26:29.760 --> 0:26:32.800
<v Speaker 2>to get those down, you know, those ventanyl trafficking down.

0:26:33.520 --> 0:26:37.240
<v Speaker 2>That's actually I think much more likely to survive than

0:26:37.480 --> 0:26:39.879
<v Speaker 2>every country in the world's going to pay ten percent terrorists.

0:26:40.359 --> 0:26:43.600
<v Speaker 1>Right, that makes sense, Professor you. I could keep you

0:26:43.600 --> 0:26:45.800
<v Speaker 1>here for hours asking questions, but I know you have

0:26:45.840 --> 0:26:47.679
<v Speaker 1>other things to do. Thank you so much for joining

0:26:47.680 --> 0:26:50.200
<v Speaker 1>me today. Well, we'll be keeping a lookout for more

0:26:50.280 --> 0:26:52.520
<v Speaker 1>articles you publish on the topic. Thanks you so much

0:26:52.560 --> 0:26:52.840
<v Speaker 1>again

0:27:03.600 --> 0:27:05.600
<v Speaker 2>To