WEBVTT - Democracy's Midlife Crisis

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<v Speaker 1>Pushkin from Pushkin Industries. This is Deep Background, the show

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<v Speaker 1>where we explore the stories behind the stories in the news.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Noah Feldman. Since four in the morning on the

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<v Speaker 1>day after Donald Trump was elected, it's been clear to

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<v Speaker 1>me that democracy in the United States is facing a

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<v Speaker 1>kind of stress test. In the months that follow that

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<v Speaker 1>bregsit kicked in and we discovered that the United States

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<v Speaker 1>is not alone in this regard. Indeed, those who care

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<v Speaker 1>a lot about democracy worldwide have worried that everywhere in

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<v Speaker 1>the globe democracy is in retreat, under attack, and under pressure.

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<v Speaker 1>To discuss these challenges that democracy faces today, I'm joined

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<v Speaker 1>by David Runsman, who's professor of Politics at Cambridge University.

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<v Speaker 1>He's the author of two highly relevant books, one called

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<v Speaker 1>How Democracy Ends, published in the United States in twenty

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<v Speaker 1>and eighteen, and the other Where Power Stops The Making

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<v Speaker 1>and Unmaking of Presidents and Prime Ministers, which is coming

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<v Speaker 1>out in two and nineteen. Professor Runsman is also the

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<v Speaker 1>host of the Talking Politics podcast produced by the London

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<v Speaker 1>Review of Books. David, thank you so much for joining me.

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<v Speaker 1>Thank you very much. You've written a fascinating book called

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<v Speaker 1>How Democracy Ends, in which you characterize democracy is having

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<v Speaker 1>hit a midlife crisis. I am somewhere in midlife myself.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't know if you count yourself in that same

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<v Speaker 1>category of life, But tell us something about why you

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<v Speaker 1>think democracy is hitting a midlife crisis and what you

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<v Speaker 1>think a midlife crisis looks like. So I think, full disclosure,

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<v Speaker 1>I am. And people always say to me that presumably

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<v Speaker 1>I'm writing about myself and I'm just transposing it onto democracy,

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<v Speaker 1>and I don't think I am. But the reason I

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<v Speaker 1>characterized it like that is I do think we're in

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<v Speaker 1>the middle of this story, particularly in the older democracy.

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<v Speaker 1>So I don't think it's a midlife crisis in Hungary

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<v Speaker 1>because that democracy is too young. But the democracies that

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<v Speaker 1>are really well established since the Second World War are,

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<v Speaker 1>in political terms, in a kind of middle age. And

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<v Speaker 1>my feeling about a midlife crisis is that it's characteristic

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<v Speaker 1>is a desire to change and at the same time

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<v Speaker 1>a real resistance to change because we're comfortable, because we're

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<v Speaker 1>well off, because we're prosperous, because we're settled in our ways.

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<v Speaker 1>Because actually a lot of what we are angry about

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<v Speaker 1>we're also deeply familiar with and it's that kind of

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<v Speaker 1>quality to our democracies, and by our I mean mine

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<v Speaker 1>and yours, I mean particularly Brexit democracy and Trump democracy.

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<v Speaker 1>There is a lot of acting out going on here,

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<v Speaker 1>but it's middle aged acting out. It's not wild young

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<v Speaker 1>person acting out. It's that desire for something new, something

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<v Speaker 1>maybe exciting, along with a really deep reluctance to embrace newness.

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<v Speaker 1>Means so we kick away at our system, we were

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<v Speaker 1>angry with it, we shake it up a bit, but

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<v Speaker 1>deep down we don't want anything different. May I ask

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<v Speaker 1>about the midlife their model? You mentioned the Second World War,

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<v Speaker 1>but both British and American democracies, at least at their

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<v Speaker 1>present scales, are really products of in the middle of

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<v Speaker 1>the nineteenth century, and so they've been actually around for

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<v Speaker 1>a good long time, not just since the Second World War.

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<v Speaker 1>If one thinks of post World War two democracy, is

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<v Speaker 1>one thinks of Germany and of Japan perhaps some of

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<v Speaker 1>the other European democracies. Can we really be described yours

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<v Speaker 1>or mind as being in midlife or are we at

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<v Speaker 1>the edge of our dotage? As as a North Korean

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<v Speaker 1>had to say about my president, it's a really good question.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's a mixture of both, and that some

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<v Speaker 1>of the characteristics of German democracy or Japanese democracy we're

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<v Speaker 1>in the same historical arc, so mass franchise, mass communication,

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<v Speaker 1>and professionalized political party democracy. It's a twentieth century product.

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<v Speaker 1>In the British and American case, you can probably take

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<v Speaker 1>it back to the First World War. I don't think

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<v Speaker 1>you can take it back much further. What makes ours

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<v Speaker 1>different is that that form of democracy was channeled through

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<v Speaker 1>institutions and institutional arrangements that are much older, and in

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<v Speaker 1>the case of the British State, maybe it goes all

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<v Speaker 1>the way back to sixteen eighty eight. In the American State,

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<v Speaker 1>it goes back the end of the eighteenth century. So

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<v Speaker 1>our institutions have that really elderly feel to them. The

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<v Speaker 1>Electoral College, the House of Lords, the way the British

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<v Speaker 1>Parliament operates often strikes many people in the twenty first

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<v Speaker 1>century is feeling not just old but antique. And yet

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<v Speaker 1>some of the qualities that make our democracy democracy. Everyone

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<v Speaker 1>gets a vote at election time, people try and communicate

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<v Speaker 1>with the broadest possible cross section of a literate and

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<v Speaker 1>at some level informed population. That's a more recent thing,

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<v Speaker 1>but it's still relatively old. I mean, even if you

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<v Speaker 1>take it back a hundred years, say in the British

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<v Speaker 1>or American case, you take it back to nineteen eighteen,

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<v Speaker 1>a hundred years for a political system, it doesn't make

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<v Speaker 1>it decrepit, but it means that it has outlasted the

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<v Speaker 1>living memory of any human being who currently inhabits it,

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<v Speaker 1>so no one can remember anything different, and that's what

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<v Speaker 1>gives it that kind of middling quality. To me, it's

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<v Speaker 1>not dying. Ending is something very different from dying. Now

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<v Speaker 1>you can end in an open way. There is something

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<v Speaker 1>called being open ended, and ending is also about transition,

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<v Speaker 1>whereas death is about death. So we're in the middle.

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<v Speaker 1>But I think over that hundred year period that combination

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<v Speaker 1>of a way of doing politics where the parties are

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<v Speaker 1>the same. So in your country, in my country they

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<v Speaker 1>have the same names. The Labor Party, our current opposition party,

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<v Speaker 1>is something that was born roughly a hundred years ago

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<v Speaker 1>as a mass professional political party Labor, Conservative, Republican Democrat.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course, these parties have been through changes over this period,

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<v Speaker 1>but you know that gives them, in political terms, extraordinary

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<v Speaker 1>roots and longevity. But also they're tired, they feel tired,

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<v Speaker 1>they feel tired to me, they don't feel dead. They

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<v Speaker 1>could evolve. They could also have quite a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>life left in them, decades of life left in them,

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<v Speaker 1>but they feel tired. And it's that kind of quality

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<v Speaker 1>of tiredness rather than panic, despair, collapse that I was

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<v Speaker 1>trying to capture. It sounds a bit like the midlife

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<v Speaker 1>person that you have in mind is driving a car

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<v Speaker 1>that is perhaps in many ways one hundred years old

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<v Speaker 1>and has been patched together and peace together and changed

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<v Speaker 1>and transformed. And that's the institutions that you're describing, the

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<v Speaker 1>political parties, some of our constitutional institutions in the US

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<v Speaker 1>which changed very very slowly. That the electoral college comes

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<v Speaker 1>to mind. And so here we are in midlife, but

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<v Speaker 1>equipped not with the latest coolest machinery or computers or

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<v Speaker 1>software that would help us deal with the current circumstances,

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<v Speaker 1>but rather to some degree constrained or limited by those institutions. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, I'm happy with that analogy. And I do

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<v Speaker 1>have a variant on that in my book where I

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<v Speaker 1>describe Donald Trump as being like the motorbike that the

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<v Speaker 1>middle aged man buys partly because there is that feeling

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<v Speaker 1>in a midlife crisis. The car is old, or the

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<v Speaker 1>other analogy you could draw here is the marriage is

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<v Speaker 1>old or the relationship is old. You know you've been

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<v Speaker 1>start in something or with something for years or decades.

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<v Speaker 1>You're frustrated with it. You have a sense that it's

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<v Speaker 1>over familiar. It served you well in the past, but

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<v Speaker 1>you have a feeling that somehow it's not quite fit

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<v Speaker 1>for purpose anymore. One classic midlife response is to think, well,

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<v Speaker 1>I need the up to date version of this thing,

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<v Speaker 1>so I need the motorbike, or I need the affair,

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<v Speaker 1>I need you, I need to find the new version

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<v Speaker 1>of this thing. When that's not the issue here. You're

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<v Speaker 1>not going to solve your midlife crisis because you're frustrated

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<v Speaker 1>with your car by buying a motorbike. And that's what

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<v Speaker 1>it feels like to me, is that, yes, these institutions

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<v Speaker 1>are old and tired, they're also adaptable, so in a way,

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<v Speaker 1>they're not like a car from one hundred years ago.

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<v Speaker 1>They're like a car that has been updated regularly and

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<v Speaker 1>yet we can still see the original model behind it.

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<v Speaker 1>But the idea that somehow the solution to this is

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<v Speaker 1>just a faster car, the latest model, rather than to

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<v Speaker 1>ask ourselves genuinely. If we want this thing that we

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<v Speaker 1>call democracy to work and to continue for another hundred years,

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<v Speaker 1>we've probably got to think much harder about how we're different,

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<v Speaker 1>how the societies that we live in are different. You

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<v Speaker 1>can't just plug in a faster, newer version of this

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<v Speaker 1>thing and think it's going to make all the difference.

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<v Speaker 1>What I think that we're missing always when we think

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<v Speaker 1>about what's wrong with our democracy is genuinely thinking about

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<v Speaker 1>the future. And you know, we can leave this image

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<v Speaker 1>in a moment. But that's the other thing about a

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<v Speaker 1>midlife crisis. It's often nostalgia. You wish you were younger,

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<v Speaker 1>You want the moment when you could drive the car fast.

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<v Speaker 1>So if Donald Trump then is the motorbike Brexit is

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<v Speaker 1>the walking out on one's spouse and going walk about.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah it is, and it's that thing of it underneath it.

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<v Speaker 1>There's a kind of complacency too, which is a characteristic

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<v Speaker 1>of this kind of psychology, which is people are frustrated

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<v Speaker 1>and angry, but they also believe we can take this risk.

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<v Speaker 1>Maybe our marriage will survive it. Now, maybe we won't

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<v Speaker 1>crash the motorbike. Because we're older and wiser. We're conflicted

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<v Speaker 1>about these things we want to change, but deep down

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<v Speaker 1>we don't want to change. And what people do in

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<v Speaker 1>middle age when they have that feeling is they do

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<v Speaker 1>something impetuous and impulsive but not actually long lasting. The

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<v Speaker 1>thing that we're missing is the long lasting reform. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the things that representative democracy was meant to do

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<v Speaker 1>from start, according to its theorists at least, was to

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<v Speaker 1>protect government against impulsive acts by the public. And that's

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<v Speaker 1>one reason why the referendum would have been very much

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<v Speaker 1>doubted as a good way of doing business by certainly

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<v Speaker 1>by eighteenth century theorists of democracy, and then in the

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<v Speaker 1>nineteenth century some people began to argue that, after all,

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<v Speaker 1>the referendum was a more direct direct way of reaching

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<v Speaker 1>the people. I wanted to ask you a question that

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<v Speaker 1>I've really been obsessed with in watching from across the

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<v Speaker 1>Atlantic the entire bregsit melt down. And that is why,

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<v Speaker 1>at this moment in time did Britain use a referendum

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<v Speaker 1>when it's in possession of the most evolved representative democratic

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<v Speaker 1>institutions that there are. Because it's frequently struck me that

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<v Speaker 1>the impossibility for Parliament of working out a solution to

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<v Speaker 1>bregsit has come from the fact that there was a

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<v Speaker 1>referendum with a yes or no question attached to it,

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<v Speaker 1>and then that was being pushed upon an institution very

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<v Speaker 1>different or represented institution that I've got its own internal logic,

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<v Speaker 1>in its own internal structures of politics. So why the referendum?

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<v Speaker 1>And am I right that the referendums mismatch with parliamentary

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<v Speaker 1>government has been part of the problem. You definitely are right.

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<v Speaker 1>I think there is a context here, which is the

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<v Speaker 1>Brexit referendum was not the first referendum, so it was

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<v Speaker 1>one of a series. Governments had recourse to referendums in

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<v Speaker 1>Britain for nearly a decade now, so there was one

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<v Speaker 1>about changing the voting system. There was more famously one

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<v Speaker 1>about Scottish independence. And the conclusion that I think that government,

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<v Speaker 1>in particular that David Cameron government drew was that referendums

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<v Speaker 1>are a good fit with representative parliamentary democracy when the

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<v Speaker 1>answer basically comes back as no change, and that therefore

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<v Speaker 1>they are a useful outlet. You give the people a

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<v Speaker 1>chance to have their moment, their flirtation with radical change,

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<v Speaker 1>they will come to their senses, they will sort of

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<v Speaker 1>snap out of it when they realize just how dangerous

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<v Speaker 1>the motorbikes or whatever, or the relationship, and they won't

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<v Speaker 1>do the really dangerous thing. What we've discovered with the

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<v Speaker 1>first referendum, when the answer didn't come back no change,

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<v Speaker 1>the answer came back change please. We don't know what

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<v Speaker 1>change means. We just want change. And you hear anecdotally

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<v Speaker 1>all the time in Britain when people who asked why

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<v Speaker 1>they voted for this they wanted some form of change.

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<v Speaker 1>It was an expression of frustration. There is no fit

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<v Speaker 1>because then Parliament has to decide what change means. And

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<v Speaker 1>Parliament can't decide what change means because Parliament doesn't agree

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<v Speaker 1>on the necessary change. And the referendum doesn't tell you

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<v Speaker 1>what change means, it just tells you there was an

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<v Speaker 1>appetite for change. So the shock to the system has

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<v Speaker 1>actually again come from a kind of complacency, and you

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<v Speaker 1>really saw it in the Brexit referendum. I mean, I

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<v Speaker 1>think the catastrophic mistake that the Cameron government made was

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<v Speaker 1>that they thought that the Scottish referendum had shown them

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<v Speaker 1>that when you get to the day of the choice,

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<v Speaker 1>people shy away, and they didn't appreciate that the data

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<v Speaker 1>set there was very small. It was just one yes.

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<v Speaker 1>And actually I also think they learned the wrong lesson

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<v Speaker 1>because there was this phrase used about the Scottish referendum,

0:13:14.116 --> 0:13:17.596
<v Speaker 1>which was project fear, which was that what people shied

0:13:17.596 --> 0:13:19.956
<v Speaker 1>away from in the end in Scotland from independent when

0:13:19.956 --> 0:13:23.156
<v Speaker 1>they offered independence was the thought of the possible chaos,

0:13:23.236 --> 0:13:26.956
<v Speaker 1>particularly financial monetary chaos, what currency would we have, what

0:13:26.996 --> 0:13:29.476
<v Speaker 1>would our relationship be with the Bank of England and

0:13:29.516 --> 0:13:31.876
<v Speaker 1>so on. But actually, if you look at the evidence

0:13:31.916 --> 0:13:35.036
<v Speaker 1>from the Scottish referendum and the polling evidence, people were

0:13:35.636 --> 0:13:39.676
<v Speaker 1>moving towards independence and they didn't shy away from it

0:13:39.676 --> 0:13:42.476
<v Speaker 1>at the last minute because they suddenly got afraid. What

0:13:42.596 --> 0:13:45.316
<v Speaker 1>happened was the politicians got afraid and at the last

0:13:45.356 --> 0:13:48.196
<v Speaker 1>minute all of the leaders of the British parties, the

0:13:48.196 --> 0:13:50.636
<v Speaker 1>Westminster Parties, went up to Scotland and made all sorts

0:13:50.636 --> 0:13:53.796
<v Speaker 1>of concessions to great a devolution, to more financial support.

0:13:54.316 --> 0:13:55.996
<v Speaker 1>It wasn't fear on the part of the voter, that

0:13:56.076 --> 0:13:58.316
<v Speaker 1>was fear on the part of the politicians. They didn't

0:13:58.356 --> 0:14:00.516
<v Speaker 1>do that in the Brexit case. So in the last

0:14:00.556 --> 0:14:03.596
<v Speaker 1>week there wasn't from Cameron or anyone else a recognition

0:14:03.596 --> 0:14:05.196
<v Speaker 1>that this thing was getting away from them, and they

0:14:05.196 --> 0:14:07.436
<v Speaker 1>would actually have to say something to the people who

0:14:07.436 --> 0:14:11.436
<v Speaker 1>wanted change which sounded like change. They carried on with fear,

0:14:12.156 --> 0:14:14.396
<v Speaker 1>and now we are, as you described, in a position

0:14:14.396 --> 0:14:16.556
<v Speaker 1>where we have two forms of democracy in this country

0:14:16.716 --> 0:14:19.956
<v Speaker 1>that cannot be meshed together. But it wasn't. It wasn't

0:14:19.956 --> 0:14:21.436
<v Speaker 1>a one off, and I think the history of it

0:14:21.476 --> 0:14:24.236
<v Speaker 1>only makes sense when you understand that it was the

0:14:24.236 --> 0:14:28.076
<v Speaker 1>politicians who drew the wrong lesson about referendums because they

0:14:28.156 --> 0:14:31.716
<v Speaker 1>thought it gave them a safe outlet. And the thing

0:14:31.796 --> 0:14:34.156
<v Speaker 1>about safe outlets is that they're safe until they're not,

0:14:34.316 --> 0:14:37.156
<v Speaker 1>and then you've got a disaster on your hands. It's

0:14:37.156 --> 0:14:40.876
<v Speaker 1>a genuinely fascinating answer because it also explains another puzzle

0:14:40.916 --> 0:14:43.356
<v Speaker 1>that I was never clear on, which is why it

0:14:43.436 --> 0:14:46.996
<v Speaker 1>was conservatives in particular who would have taken this risk

0:14:47.076 --> 0:14:50.636
<v Speaker 1>with the referendums, since the referendum form, at least in

0:14:50.676 --> 0:14:56.396
<v Speaker 1>its historical form, is always thought to be precisely about populism.

0:14:56.436 --> 0:14:58.396
<v Speaker 1>It's about the whole reason to have a referendum rather

0:14:58.436 --> 0:15:01.196
<v Speaker 1>than going through the legislature, is to get to the people.

0:15:01.516 --> 0:15:03.716
<v Speaker 1>On the theory that the politicians are in some way

0:15:03.756 --> 0:15:05.756
<v Speaker 1>interfering with the will of the people and one has

0:15:05.756 --> 0:15:08.156
<v Speaker 1>to get around them. And what I hear implicit in

0:15:08.156 --> 0:15:10.916
<v Speaker 1>your answer, tell me if this is the right lesson

0:15:10.916 --> 0:15:13.356
<v Speaker 1>to take away from what you're saying, is that it was,

0:15:13.396 --> 0:15:19.716
<v Speaker 1>in a way the nostalgic or aspirational view of the

0:15:19.756 --> 0:15:22.716
<v Speaker 1>contemporary Conservative Party that thinks of the ordinary British voter

0:15:22.836 --> 0:15:25.996
<v Speaker 1>is really very sensible in the end and likely to

0:15:26.036 --> 0:15:30.196
<v Speaker 1>do what the Conservative Partian imagines ought to be done,

0:15:30.236 --> 0:15:32.756
<v Speaker 1>at least what Cameron imagined ought to be done. That

0:15:33.036 --> 0:15:37.316
<v Speaker 1>was the driving force behind them making the mistaken inference

0:15:37.356 --> 0:15:40.556
<v Speaker 1>from one or two data points. I definitely think that's

0:15:40.596 --> 0:15:44.276
<v Speaker 1>part of it. I think what we've discovered, and it's

0:15:44.356 --> 0:15:48.636
<v Speaker 1>clearly not just in this country. Elections, both general elections

0:15:48.636 --> 0:15:51.156
<v Speaker 1>and referendum results have been surprising people for a few

0:15:51.236 --> 0:15:54.996
<v Speaker 1>years now that there was also this feeling. The Conservative

0:15:54.996 --> 0:15:58.716
<v Speaker 1>Party often describes itself as the historically most successful election

0:15:58.796 --> 0:16:02.876
<v Speaker 1>winning machine in the Western world. It's been winning elections

0:16:02.916 --> 0:16:05.076
<v Speaker 1>in one form or another two hundred years, and somehow

0:16:05.076 --> 0:16:07.876
<v Speaker 1>it always stumbles across the right answer, and there is

0:16:07.876 --> 0:16:10.036
<v Speaker 1>that feeling that the Conservative part he has an instinctive

0:16:10.116 --> 0:16:13.556
<v Speaker 1>understanding of its people, and it didn't in this case.

0:16:14.076 --> 0:16:16.556
<v Speaker 1>But there was also this other weird complacency at work,

0:16:16.556 --> 0:16:18.116
<v Speaker 1>and I heard it a lot after the results. So

0:16:18.156 --> 0:16:22.036
<v Speaker 1>the result profoundly shocked the party establishment, but it quickly adapted.

0:16:22.276 --> 0:16:26.236
<v Speaker 1>Theresa May became Prime Minister and the thought was, well,

0:16:26.276 --> 0:16:28.476
<v Speaker 1>at least the thing that we have done as true

0:16:28.516 --> 0:16:32.796
<v Speaker 1>Conservatives is that we have co opted populism. We offered

0:16:32.796 --> 0:16:35.396
<v Speaker 1>this referendum, it didn't produce the result that we were expecting,

0:16:35.436 --> 0:16:38.236
<v Speaker 1>but now that result can be channeled through the party

0:16:38.276 --> 0:16:40.876
<v Speaker 1>and we have killed our populist party. So the populist

0:16:40.916 --> 0:16:44.876
<v Speaker 1>party was UKIP Nigel Farage's party, which was polling pretty

0:16:44.956 --> 0:16:46.996
<v Speaker 1>high in the run up to the referendum, and then

0:16:46.996 --> 0:16:50.236
<v Speaker 1>when they got what they wanted leaving the EU, the

0:16:50.276 --> 0:16:53.316
<v Speaker 1>Conservative Party just took it over and performed its historic mission,

0:16:53.316 --> 0:16:55.436
<v Speaker 1>which was basically to take over whatever was on the

0:16:55.436 --> 0:16:59.036
<v Speaker 1>table and conservatize it. That's a word, you make it

0:16:59.316 --> 0:17:02.756
<v Speaker 1>fit conservative politics. And Theresa May and her supporters I

0:17:02.796 --> 0:17:05.516
<v Speaker 1>heard them saying for a year eighteen months, we have

0:17:05.596 --> 0:17:08.956
<v Speaker 1>performed our historic function. We have killed populism in Britain.

0:17:09.316 --> 0:17:13.356
<v Speaker 1>It's rampant in Europe. It's frankly rampant. In the United States,

0:17:13.676 --> 0:17:17.596
<v Speaker 1>Donald Trump has just used populism and actually infected Republicanism

0:17:17.596 --> 0:17:20.316
<v Speaker 1>with it. We've done the opposite. They claimed, we have

0:17:20.396 --> 0:17:24.396
<v Speaker 1>allowed a traditional conservative party to take it on and

0:17:24.436 --> 0:17:28.996
<v Speaker 1>then basically to defang it, and they were wrong. So

0:17:29.076 --> 0:17:31.156
<v Speaker 1>here we are three years later, because they had no

0:17:31.276 --> 0:17:36.156
<v Speaker 1>means of translating the referendum result into meaningful politics, and

0:17:36.156 --> 0:17:38.076
<v Speaker 1>they still haven't worked out how to do it. We

0:17:38.196 --> 0:17:40.756
<v Speaker 1>have Boris Johnson about to become Prime Minister on a

0:17:40.836 --> 0:17:45.156
<v Speaker 1>frankly populist Trumpish platform because he has got to compete

0:17:45.156 --> 0:17:48.956
<v Speaker 1>with Nigel Farrage his party yukit was killed and then

0:17:48.996 --> 0:17:52.036
<v Speaker 1>reinvented itself as the Brexit Party and is polling at

0:17:52.076 --> 0:17:55.236
<v Speaker 1>double the level yukit was ever polling out. There has

0:17:55.316 --> 0:17:59.516
<v Speaker 1>always been in British Conservatism a deep complacency which is

0:17:59.556 --> 0:18:03.356
<v Speaker 1>somehow as long as it passes through us because we're Conservatives,

0:18:03.396 --> 0:18:05.796
<v Speaker 1>it will be all right. And even a party that's

0:18:05.796 --> 0:18:07.796
<v Speaker 1>two hundred years old is eventually going to make a

0:18:07.876 --> 0:18:11.276
<v Speaker 1>fatal mistake. And I know conservative politicians in this country

0:18:11.276 --> 0:18:15.356
<v Speaker 1>who believe the British Conservative Party maybe in its death throws.

0:18:15.436 --> 0:18:17.836
<v Speaker 1>So British democracy. I don't think it's in its death throws,

0:18:18.276 --> 0:18:20.756
<v Speaker 1>but one of its traditional parties, and maybe even both

0:18:20.756 --> 0:18:24.876
<v Speaker 1>of them, could well be dying. So tell me a

0:18:24.916 --> 0:18:28.316
<v Speaker 1>little bit about your view of Johnson and in what

0:18:28.396 --> 0:18:33.316
<v Speaker 1>way does someone who know sociologically looks not so different

0:18:33.436 --> 0:18:40.076
<v Speaker 1>from Cameron turn into a Trump figure. Frankly, even six

0:18:40.156 --> 0:18:43.476
<v Speaker 1>months ago, the prospect of Boris Johnson becoming Prime Minister

0:18:43.516 --> 0:18:45.996
<v Speaker 1>looked very very remote. So this is British politics has

0:18:45.996 --> 0:18:49.636
<v Speaker 1>turned around, very very quickly. And the reason Johnson is

0:18:49.676 --> 0:18:53.436
<v Speaker 1>now seen by many Conservatives as the answer is partly

0:18:53.476 --> 0:18:57.596
<v Speaker 1>because May's failure was total. It's partly because the last

0:18:57.636 --> 0:19:00.676
<v Speaker 1>thing that Theresa May did was to try and forge

0:19:00.676 --> 0:19:04.796
<v Speaker 1>some bipartisan consensus to get her Brexit deal over the line,

0:19:04.796 --> 0:19:08.316
<v Speaker 1>which meant negotiating with Jeremy Corbyn. And it's almost like

0:19:08.676 --> 0:19:12.156
<v Speaker 1>the bin is not just our Bernie Sanders. He's for

0:19:12.316 --> 0:19:15.116
<v Speaker 1>many Conservatives, he's further along the line to what they

0:19:15.156 --> 0:19:18.076
<v Speaker 1>think of as Leninist catastrophe than that he is to

0:19:18.156 --> 0:19:20.476
<v Speaker 1>the left of Bernie Sanders on substantive policy. I think,

0:19:20.476 --> 0:19:23.236
<v Speaker 1>for what that's worth quite a part from any allegations

0:19:23.236 --> 0:19:26.236
<v Speaker 1>of Clinism Yeah, So what we had was a Conservative

0:19:26.316 --> 0:19:30.556
<v Speaker 1>leader offering to negotiate with someone who, genuinely, I think

0:19:30.596 --> 0:19:36.836
<v Speaker 1>for almost every conservative politician, is beyond the pale, and

0:19:37.316 --> 0:19:41.516
<v Speaker 1>that seemed to sort of trigger in the Conservative Party

0:19:42.156 --> 0:19:47.196
<v Speaker 1>a desire for the politician who would never think that

0:19:47.196 --> 0:19:50.156
<v Speaker 1>that kind of bipartisan consensus was a way to solve

0:19:50.196 --> 0:19:53.236
<v Speaker 1>this problem. And it was almost a reaction to that

0:19:53.236 --> 0:19:58.756
<v Speaker 1>that produced Johnson. Johnson's claim and he's repeated it throughout

0:19:58.796 --> 0:20:00.636
<v Speaker 1>this campaign, which is about to end, but he's more

0:20:00.676 --> 0:20:03.276
<v Speaker 1>or less already won. It is that he can be

0:20:03.316 --> 0:20:06.156
<v Speaker 1>trusted because he was quite a successful mayor of London.

0:20:06.876 --> 0:20:09.516
<v Speaker 1>But when he was mayor of London, if you looked

0:20:09.516 --> 0:20:11.396
<v Speaker 1>at Johnson, you would have said he was another of

0:20:11.396 --> 0:20:14.836
<v Speaker 1>that generation of Conservative politicians of whom Cameron was another,

0:20:15.356 --> 0:20:18.916
<v Speaker 1>who saw themselves as twenty first century Thatcher rights, and

0:20:18.996 --> 0:20:22.676
<v Speaker 1>that Margaret Thatcher was their model. Margaret Thatcher is on

0:20:22.716 --> 0:20:25.996
<v Speaker 1>no account a populist and on no account was anything

0:20:26.036 --> 0:20:29.596
<v Speaker 1>like a Trump politician. She was radical in her way,

0:20:30.236 --> 0:20:34.156
<v Speaker 1>but she was also small c conservative, particularly about institutions.

0:20:34.396 --> 0:20:36.236
<v Speaker 1>So there was none of that sense that you get

0:20:36.236 --> 0:20:39.116
<v Speaker 1>with the current generation of populace that they're here actually

0:20:39.156 --> 0:20:43.316
<v Speaker 1>to undercut the institutional basis of democratic politics. Margaret Thatcher

0:20:43.396 --> 0:20:45.996
<v Speaker 1>was a classic politician We've had fifty years of them

0:20:45.996 --> 0:20:48.356
<v Speaker 1>at that period, maybe coming to an end, who saw

0:20:48.356 --> 0:20:51.876
<v Speaker 1>the challenge of democratic politics, to test the institutions, to

0:20:51.956 --> 0:20:55.276
<v Speaker 1>push them, but never to think about breaking them. And

0:20:55.396 --> 0:20:59.116
<v Speaker 1>Johnson was one of those. It is the phenomenon of

0:20:59.156 --> 0:21:01.236
<v Speaker 1>the last three or four years that has changed him

0:21:01.276 --> 0:21:05.076
<v Speaker 1>into what looks like a more trumpish politician. He's also

0:21:05.116 --> 0:21:08.756
<v Speaker 1>a journalist. His journalism has always been you know, the

0:21:09.156 --> 0:21:11.396
<v Speaker 1>people have been trawling through it and have found statements

0:21:11.436 --> 0:21:14.436
<v Speaker 1>which you would think would rule someone out from needing

0:21:14.916 --> 0:21:19.116
<v Speaker 1>a mature democracy because of the implicit racism in a

0:21:19.116 --> 0:21:23.316
<v Speaker 1>lot of it, the imperialism, the nostalgia for a time

0:21:23.356 --> 0:21:26.916
<v Speaker 1>when Britain ruled the world and people of different colors

0:21:26.916 --> 0:21:31.356
<v Speaker 1>and different creeds knew their place. That's there in Johnson's past.

0:21:31.396 --> 0:21:33.316
<v Speaker 1>But I think in his own mind he would have thought, well,

0:21:33.396 --> 0:21:37.036
<v Speaker 1>my journalism was kind of a sideshow to make me famous,

0:21:37.356 --> 0:21:42.116
<v Speaker 1>and then my politics will be conventional thatch right politics.

0:21:42.636 --> 0:21:44.516
<v Speaker 1>And I think he's noticed in the last two or

0:21:44.516 --> 0:21:48.996
<v Speaker 1>three years that his journalism and that persona is the

0:21:49.036 --> 0:21:51.796
<v Speaker 1>one that other populists around the world are using to

0:21:51.836 --> 0:21:54.796
<v Speaker 1>win power. How far he's willing to push it, I

0:21:54.836 --> 0:21:58.996
<v Speaker 1>don't know, but we're seeing signs of it already, that

0:21:59.716 --> 0:22:04.516
<v Speaker 1>he thinks that the climate has changed and he's changed

0:22:04.516 --> 0:22:08.236
<v Speaker 1>with it. The way in which he's not Trump is

0:22:08.236 --> 0:22:10.876
<v Speaker 1>that he is a professor politician. I mean, he's a journalist,

0:22:10.876 --> 0:22:14.636
<v Speaker 1>but he's also a professional politician. He is flirting with

0:22:14.676 --> 0:22:18.796
<v Speaker 1>this form of politics, and I think he's trying it out,

0:22:18.916 --> 0:22:21.836
<v Speaker 1>and no one knows in the British context how far

0:22:21.956 --> 0:22:24.156
<v Speaker 1>you can go. The one other thing I would say

0:22:24.196 --> 0:22:27.716
<v Speaker 1>about Boris Johnson is that say Britain, like the United States,

0:22:27.796 --> 0:22:32.556
<v Speaker 1>is a country where that kind of politics populist, appealing

0:22:32.596 --> 0:22:35.356
<v Speaker 1>to older voters, appealing to voters who didn't go to college,

0:22:36.356 --> 0:22:41.636
<v Speaker 1>and speaking a language which flirts with racial stereotypes and

0:22:41.716 --> 0:22:44.836
<v Speaker 1>other kinds of politics which would five years ago been

0:22:44.876 --> 0:22:48.996
<v Speaker 1>thought to be outside the bounds of democratic decency. Say

0:22:49.036 --> 0:22:53.396
<v Speaker 1>you can get to forty percent with that. Trump's sealing

0:22:53.876 --> 0:22:58.356
<v Speaker 1>forty five, forty seven when he's lucky, But say forty

0:22:58.436 --> 0:23:01.396
<v Speaker 1>is the limit you can get to in a British context, Well,

0:23:01.396 --> 0:23:03.436
<v Speaker 1>we do not have a presidential system we have a

0:23:03.436 --> 0:23:06.676
<v Speaker 1>parliamentary system, and if Boris Johnson polls forty percent at

0:23:06.676 --> 0:23:09.636
<v Speaker 1>the next British general election, given the other parties divide

0:23:09.716 --> 0:23:13.076
<v Speaker 1>up the rest, he will be Prime Minister with a

0:23:13.116 --> 0:23:16.396
<v Speaker 1>massive majority in Parliament. If it is true that that

0:23:16.476 --> 0:23:20.396
<v Speaker 1>kind of politics does undercut Farrage wins back the Farage

0:23:20.436 --> 0:23:22.956
<v Speaker 1>people of the Conservative body, and it's feeling is forty

0:23:22.996 --> 0:23:27.036
<v Speaker 1>percent Johnson wins, and he's not stupid, So there is

0:23:27.076 --> 0:23:30.716
<v Speaker 1>some political calculation at work here too. One more question

0:23:30.756 --> 0:23:34.116
<v Speaker 1>about Baris Johnson before we start talking about other potential

0:23:34.156 --> 0:23:38.996
<v Speaker 1>approaches to the midlife crisis, and it's this A central

0:23:39.116 --> 0:23:43.116
<v Speaker 1>theme in your brand, brand new book, Where Power Stops,

0:23:43.676 --> 0:23:46.556
<v Speaker 1>is that power reveals, a phrase that you I think

0:23:46.636 --> 0:23:49.556
<v Speaker 1>rightly attribute to Robert Carrow and his fantastic books about

0:23:50.196 --> 0:23:53.556
<v Speaker 1>Lyndon Johnson. In the case of Johnson, he hasn't yet

0:23:53.596 --> 0:23:56.396
<v Speaker 1>assumed power, and so it's too soon to say with

0:23:56.396 --> 0:23:58.836
<v Speaker 1>any confidence what it will reveal. But what you describe

0:23:58.876 --> 0:24:01.356
<v Speaker 1>as somebody who has already had two sides, the professional

0:24:01.436 --> 0:24:04.596
<v Speaker 1>politician side a little bit more cautious and that right

0:24:04.716 --> 0:24:09.076
<v Speaker 1>than the journalist side, much more outspoken, bordering on racism.

0:24:09.196 --> 0:24:12.956
<v Speaker 1>Under some circumstances capable of populism, if that's what's called for,

0:24:13.596 --> 0:24:17.196
<v Speaker 1>and they're in some sense in counterpoise with one another.

0:24:17.916 --> 0:24:22.476
<v Speaker 1>And now if he does indeed take power and exercise it,

0:24:22.596 --> 0:24:25.996
<v Speaker 1>I suppose we'll find out. Power will reveal which of

0:24:26.036 --> 0:24:28.716
<v Speaker 1>these two he really is, or really means to be.

0:24:28.796 --> 0:24:31.156
<v Speaker 1>And I guess the question I have is, do you

0:24:31.196 --> 0:24:33.316
<v Speaker 1>have an instinct do you think that he is? It

0:24:33.356 --> 0:24:34.836
<v Speaker 1>sounds like you don't think that he is at heart

0:24:34.836 --> 0:24:36.676
<v Speaker 1>a populist or at heart of Thatcher right, but rather

0:24:36.756 --> 0:24:39.196
<v Speaker 1>at heart something of an opportunist, and that you think

0:24:39.236 --> 0:24:41.556
<v Speaker 1>he'll go with whatever works. But I don't want to

0:24:41.836 --> 0:24:44.196
<v Speaker 1>push an interpretation around you that that isn't yours. Do

0:24:44.236 --> 0:24:45.836
<v Speaker 1>you have an instinct about which way he will go

0:24:45.956 --> 0:24:48.716
<v Speaker 1>in power? If he does acquire power. The lesson that

0:24:48.716 --> 0:24:51.156
<v Speaker 1>I'm trying to draw is slightly different from the Karrow ones.

0:24:51.156 --> 0:24:54.636
<v Speaker 1>A Caro's line is indeed that power reveals the true person,

0:24:54.716 --> 0:24:57.876
<v Speaker 1>the true man, because he's writing about a man, Lyndon Johnson,

0:24:57.916 --> 0:25:01.916
<v Speaker 1>and that when Johnson becomes president Lyndon Boris, we discover

0:25:02.036 --> 0:25:04.276
<v Speaker 1>that deep down there was a man of compassion there.

0:25:04.916 --> 0:25:08.236
<v Speaker 1>And my argument is that most of these people don't

0:25:08.356 --> 0:25:11.316
<v Speaker 1>really reveal anything about themselves in the highest office that

0:25:11.356 --> 0:25:14.396
<v Speaker 1>we didn't know about them anyway. What we discover is

0:25:14.436 --> 0:25:17.196
<v Speaker 1>more not who they are, but the nature of the

0:25:17.236 --> 0:25:20.116
<v Speaker 1>power that can be wielded in these roles as president

0:25:20.196 --> 0:25:22.556
<v Speaker 1>or prime minister. So in a way, with Johnson, we

0:25:22.596 --> 0:25:25.796
<v Speaker 1>discovered more about what a president could do than who

0:25:25.876 --> 0:25:29.436
<v Speaker 1>Lyndon Johnson really was. I don't think politicians change when

0:25:29.436 --> 0:25:31.956
<v Speaker 1>they reached the top. If anything, I think they become

0:25:32.316 --> 0:25:36.316
<v Speaker 1>more fixed because the person they were is what brought

0:25:36.356 --> 0:25:39.396
<v Speaker 1>them to the top. What we will discover if and

0:25:39.396 --> 0:25:42.516
<v Speaker 1>when Boris Johnson becomes prime Minister is not who he

0:25:42.596 --> 0:25:45.956
<v Speaker 1>really is. We know that what we'll discover is what

0:25:45.996 --> 0:25:48.236
<v Speaker 1>a man like that can do as prime minister? Can

0:25:48.276 --> 0:25:53.116
<v Speaker 1>the office a prime minister be stretched so opportunistically beyond

0:25:53.156 --> 0:25:55.636
<v Speaker 1>what we might have thought was possible over the last decades,

0:25:56.556 --> 0:26:01.916
<v Speaker 1>that a character like Johnson's, so in its way fickle,

0:26:02.196 --> 0:26:05.396
<v Speaker 1>are so capable of playing both sides, is able to

0:26:05.436 --> 0:26:08.796
<v Speaker 1>achieve things that someone liked the reason may couldn't. And

0:26:09.996 --> 0:26:12.596
<v Speaker 1>the character of the office of prime minister is changing,

0:26:12.676 --> 0:26:15.316
<v Speaker 1>just as the character of the office of president is changing.

0:26:15.996 --> 0:26:19.596
<v Speaker 1>And I think we get acclimatized so quickly, you know,

0:26:19.636 --> 0:26:23.036
<v Speaker 1>we forget that Trump is doing things that would have

0:26:23.116 --> 0:26:26.636
<v Speaker 1>seemed inconceivable five years ago, and I suspect with Johnson

0:26:27.556 --> 0:26:29.796
<v Speaker 1>the same will be true. But we will also find

0:26:29.836 --> 0:26:32.196
<v Speaker 1>the limits. And in a sense, I think what we

0:26:32.276 --> 0:26:35.316
<v Speaker 1>discover with these characters are the limits, but the limits

0:26:35.356 --> 0:26:37.916
<v Speaker 1>aren't quite where we thought they were. And again with Trump,

0:26:38.916 --> 0:26:40.716
<v Speaker 1>we're finding that some of the things that we thought

0:26:40.716 --> 0:26:42.956
<v Speaker 1>were limits aren't. But I think we're also finding that

0:26:43.036 --> 0:26:47.076
<v Speaker 1>it's not that Trump has just achieved something with that

0:26:47.156 --> 0:26:50.196
<v Speaker 1>office of president, which means that none of the old

0:26:50.236 --> 0:26:54.036
<v Speaker 1>rules apply. Some of them still do. That leads me

0:26:54.156 --> 0:26:57.836
<v Speaker 1>to then the real question of what is going to

0:26:57.916 --> 0:27:02.116
<v Speaker 1>happen next in these midlife crises. You're careful not to

0:27:02.156 --> 0:27:05.196
<v Speaker 1>say in either book that you have a solution or

0:27:05.276 --> 0:27:08.556
<v Speaker 1>that there's a simple answer of where we're headed. But

0:27:08.676 --> 0:27:12.236
<v Speaker 1>in both cases of the United States and of Britain,

0:27:13.036 --> 0:27:18.476
<v Speaker 1>these crises generated by midlife are going to have some trajectory.

0:27:18.476 --> 0:27:21.996
<v Speaker 1>They're going to come out somehow or other. I tend

0:27:22.036 --> 0:27:23.836
<v Speaker 1>to agree with you that the presidency will survive at

0:27:23.876 --> 0:27:26.756
<v Speaker 1>Donald Trump, even if a bit changed, and no doubt

0:27:27.236 --> 0:27:31.116
<v Speaker 1>the prime ministership will survive. Baris Johnson. The question I

0:27:31.156 --> 0:27:34.436
<v Speaker 1>have is what do you see as plausible roots out

0:27:34.476 --> 0:27:38.396
<v Speaker 1>of these crises now, not normative solutions, but possible paths

0:27:38.596 --> 0:27:41.516
<v Speaker 1>that we might be following. So I increasingly think that

0:27:41.556 --> 0:27:44.756
<v Speaker 1>we have to recognize that when we tell the story

0:27:44.756 --> 0:27:48.236
<v Speaker 1>of democracy, we're telling these overlapping stories. There is the

0:27:48.316 --> 0:27:53.956
<v Speaker 1>story of what we think of as democracy, modern liberal, representative, constitutional,

0:27:54.396 --> 0:27:58.716
<v Speaker 1>mass franchise, mass communication democracy, basically the twentieth century story,

0:27:59.316 --> 0:28:00.956
<v Speaker 1>and we could not just be in the middle of that.

0:28:00.996 --> 0:28:03.716
<v Speaker 1>We might be quite late in that, and some of

0:28:03.716 --> 0:28:06.596
<v Speaker 1>those institutions I think are in real trouble. Of which

0:28:07.436 --> 0:28:10.796
<v Speaker 1>political parties are first in the firing line, I think,

0:28:10.996 --> 0:28:15.356
<v Speaker 1>especially the established political parties, ten fifteen years down the line,

0:28:15.516 --> 0:28:17.996
<v Speaker 1>that scene could look very very different. I think you

0:28:17.996 --> 0:28:20.476
<v Speaker 1>can see these parties breaking up. So I think some

0:28:20.516 --> 0:28:23.116
<v Speaker 1>of the institutions that are familiar, over familiar to us

0:28:23.116 --> 0:28:25.556
<v Speaker 1>could be in real trouble. But there's a longer story.

0:28:25.676 --> 0:28:28.596
<v Speaker 1>There is the story of representative democracy which does go back,

0:28:28.956 --> 0:28:31.356
<v Speaker 1>particularly in the British and American case, not just one

0:28:31.396 --> 0:28:33.836
<v Speaker 1>hundred years, but two hundred plus years. The idea that

0:28:34.516 --> 0:28:37.796
<v Speaker 1>most of us don't do politics except very, very occasionally,

0:28:37.836 --> 0:28:39.756
<v Speaker 1>but we vote for people who do it for us,

0:28:39.996 --> 0:28:42.636
<v Speaker 1>and that there is a group sometimes called a class,

0:28:43.156 --> 0:28:47.396
<v Speaker 1>who are the political class. I'm almost more interested in

0:28:47.436 --> 0:28:49.836
<v Speaker 1>what's going to happen to that story, and I think

0:28:49.836 --> 0:28:55.196
<v Speaker 1>that one might be starting to slowly, very slowly break down. Two. So,

0:28:55.236 --> 0:28:56.956
<v Speaker 1>to go back to your question about referendums, I mean,

0:28:56.956 --> 0:28:59.676
<v Speaker 1>it wasn't just a political calculation. There's also this sense,

0:28:59.716 --> 0:29:04.196
<v Speaker 1>I think from elected politicians that there is growing pressure

0:29:05.156 --> 0:29:09.836
<v Speaker 1>from the voters for more direct input. I am starting

0:29:09.836 --> 0:29:12.036
<v Speaker 1>to think that there is a deeper story, you know,

0:29:12.076 --> 0:29:13.996
<v Speaker 1>the two thousand year old story two and a half

0:29:14.036 --> 0:29:16.836
<v Speaker 1>thousand year old story about democracy, which is the ancient

0:29:16.836 --> 0:29:20.076
<v Speaker 1>Greek story about direct democracy. But also people feeling that

0:29:20.156 --> 0:29:22.756
<v Speaker 1>what democracy gives you is not a quiet life, a

0:29:22.836 --> 0:29:26.756
<v Speaker 1>comfortable life. Prosperity also gives you a sense of control

0:29:26.876 --> 0:29:30.596
<v Speaker 1>of your fate, and that we have to recapture that.

0:29:31.156 --> 0:29:34.556
<v Speaker 1>And we're going through the spasms of democratic societies where

0:29:34.596 --> 0:29:37.716
<v Speaker 1>too many people, for different reasons, feel that giving that

0:29:37.836 --> 0:29:41.876
<v Speaker 1>small group of professional politicians the ultimate decision means that

0:29:41.916 --> 0:29:45.036
<v Speaker 1>we have lost control of our fate. I don't think

0:29:45.036 --> 0:29:49.036
<v Speaker 1>this will end dramatically with something happening in the next

0:29:49.036 --> 0:29:51.236
<v Speaker 1>five or ten years that signals the end. I think

0:29:51.236 --> 0:29:56.236
<v Speaker 1>it's a gradual unraveling of these hundred two hundred years stories.

0:29:56.876 --> 0:30:01.156
<v Speaker 1>But over the next decades, those institutions, and particularly the

0:30:01.196 --> 0:30:05.876
<v Speaker 1>institutions that have anchored professional politics as we've known it

0:30:05.956 --> 0:30:09.356
<v Speaker 1>for the last couple of generations, that's the thing going

0:30:09.356 --> 0:30:12.636
<v Speaker 1>to unravel. And when you look at that hundred years story,

0:30:12.676 --> 0:30:16.316
<v Speaker 1>that incredible success story, the twentieth century story, the democratic century,

0:30:16.356 --> 0:30:21.156
<v Speaker 1>the liberal constitutional, representative democratic century, the professional democratic century,

0:30:22.196 --> 0:30:24.916
<v Speaker 1>and you look at our politics now, and you look

0:30:24.916 --> 0:30:28.316
<v Speaker 1>at how fast everything else has changed, it does look

0:30:28.436 --> 0:30:30.676
<v Speaker 1>not just tired and old, but it looks like it

0:30:30.756 --> 0:30:33.476
<v Speaker 1>got stuck twenty thirty years ago, sort of at the

0:30:33.516 --> 0:30:36.196
<v Speaker 1>dawn of the digital revolution. We must be on the

0:30:36.276 --> 0:30:38.636
<v Speaker 1>cast like I can't believe that in ten twenty years

0:30:38.716 --> 0:30:40.836
<v Speaker 1>time we won't look back to this period and see

0:30:40.916 --> 0:30:44.316
<v Speaker 1>this was the beginning not just of the unraveling, but

0:30:44.436 --> 0:30:46.516
<v Speaker 1>of the transition to something that we would think of

0:30:46.676 --> 0:30:51.036
<v Speaker 1>is genuinely twenty first century democracy, and that will be

0:30:51.076 --> 0:30:55.436
<v Speaker 1>more fragmented, more local, more digital, more direct, less professional,

0:30:56.276 --> 0:31:01.396
<v Speaker 1>probably for a while, more chaotic. It could be better now.

0:31:01.396 --> 0:31:04.916
<v Speaker 1>The future is not determined by how democracy failed in

0:31:04.956 --> 0:31:06.956
<v Speaker 1>the nineteen thirties or the risks that we ran in

0:31:06.996 --> 0:31:11.076
<v Speaker 1>the nineteen seventies. The future is infinitely more open than

0:31:11.116 --> 0:31:14.196
<v Speaker 1>the past. And this form of democracy has been really

0:31:14.236 --> 0:31:17.036
<v Speaker 1>set in place for about a hundred years now, fifty

0:31:17.076 --> 0:31:19.876
<v Speaker 1>to one hundred years. If it has an open future,

0:31:20.236 --> 0:31:23.036
<v Speaker 1>it's going to look radically different. And say, we're at

0:31:23.076 --> 0:31:27.556
<v Speaker 1>the start of that. It's challenging, it's scary, but it

0:31:27.636 --> 0:31:32.116
<v Speaker 1>could be hugely exciting. And I don't think we've I

0:31:32.116 --> 0:31:34.076
<v Speaker 1>don't think we've opened our minds up to that yet

0:31:34.356 --> 0:31:37.396
<v Speaker 1>enough because we're too preoctopied with Brexit and Trump and

0:31:38.276 --> 0:31:43.036
<v Speaker 1>say they are the signals not of fascism or populism

0:31:43.156 --> 0:31:45.516
<v Speaker 1>or racism. I mean, they do signal those things, but

0:31:45.596 --> 0:31:47.476
<v Speaker 1>say they're not the signal that that's what's coming down

0:31:47.476 --> 0:31:50.036
<v Speaker 1>the track. They're signaling that what's coming down the track

0:31:50.596 --> 0:31:54.596
<v Speaker 1>is meaningful change. They are not the meaningful change. There

0:31:54.676 --> 0:31:57.116
<v Speaker 1>is optimism to be found in a midlife crisis too.

0:31:58.236 --> 0:32:03.476
<v Speaker 1>It's very good to hear the chastened realist, nevertheless optimistic

0:32:03.516 --> 0:32:06.756
<v Speaker 1>picture of what the future could hold. And I'm very

0:32:06.756 --> 0:32:09.516
<v Speaker 1>grateful to David for speaking to us and share that,

0:32:09.916 --> 0:32:12.156
<v Speaker 1>and then perhaps the next time we speak we can

0:32:12.716 --> 0:32:16.796
<v Speaker 1>talk about the end of the end and how old

0:32:16.796 --> 0:32:19.916
<v Speaker 1>age reaches everyone, even if it doesn't come in the

0:32:19.996 --> 0:32:22.756
<v Speaker 1>form of total collapse. But we have some time for

0:32:22.796 --> 0:32:25.676
<v Speaker 1>you to write your next book on that topic or another.

0:32:25.716 --> 0:32:34.956
<v Speaker 1>Thank you again very much for your time. David Runsman

0:32:35.316 --> 0:32:38.556
<v Speaker 1>likens the challenges facing democracy in Britain and the US

0:32:38.636 --> 0:32:42.636
<v Speaker 1>to a midlife crisis, and, in his faintly optimistic view

0:32:42.636 --> 0:32:45.716
<v Speaker 1>about how such midlife crises come to an end, he

0:32:45.796 --> 0:32:49.636
<v Speaker 1>thinks that will slowly take on a better stage of life,

0:32:50.196 --> 0:32:53.716
<v Speaker 1>one with gradual changes in institutions, rather than a genuine

0:32:53.756 --> 0:32:56.796
<v Speaker 1>crash and burn for the institutions of democracy as we

0:32:56.876 --> 0:33:00.236
<v Speaker 1>know them. Is he right well to find that out,

0:33:00.276 --> 0:33:03.116
<v Speaker 1>We're going to have to watch developments very very closely,

0:33:03.476 --> 0:33:06.436
<v Speaker 1>and we're gonna have to pay special attention to the

0:33:06.516 --> 0:33:10.596
<v Speaker 1>question of whether we actually develop new approaches and methods

0:33:10.596 --> 0:33:14.476
<v Speaker 1>for solving our democratic problems, like changes in our fundamental

0:33:14.476 --> 0:33:17.436
<v Speaker 1>political parties, or whether we actually, the way a lot

0:33:17.436 --> 0:33:20.276
<v Speaker 1>of people do after a midlife crisis, just go back

0:33:20.316 --> 0:33:23.876
<v Speaker 1>to the same old, same old. The test will come

0:33:24.076 --> 0:33:26.996
<v Speaker 1>especially in the years after Britain in fact leaves the

0:33:27.036 --> 0:33:30.636
<v Speaker 1>European Union, if it ultimately does, and after Donald Trump

0:33:30.676 --> 0:33:33.596
<v Speaker 1>is no longer President of the United States, then we'll

0:33:33.636 --> 0:33:37.716
<v Speaker 1>see whether we return to ordinary politics, to ordinary politicians,

0:33:38.036 --> 0:33:40.956
<v Speaker 1>or whether the changes wrought by this moment of crisis

0:33:41.116 --> 0:33:44.636
<v Speaker 1>are lasting and significant. Runsman thinks they will be, but

0:33:44.676 --> 0:33:47.516
<v Speaker 1>it seems entirely possible to me that we may end

0:33:47.596 --> 0:33:56.196
<v Speaker 1>up right back where we started. Deep Background is brought

0:33:56.196 --> 0:33:59.396
<v Speaker 1>to you by Pushkin Industries. Our producer is Lydia Jane Coott,

0:33:59.476 --> 0:34:03.476
<v Speaker 1>with engineering by Jason Gambrell and Jason Rostkowski. Our showrunner

0:34:03.516 --> 0:34:06.636
<v Speaker 1>is Sophie mckibbon. Our theme music is composed by Luis Gara.

0:34:07.196 --> 0:34:10.676
<v Speaker 1>Special thanks to the Pushkin Brass. Welcome Gladwell, Jacob Weisberg

0:34:10.716 --> 0:34:13.476
<v Speaker 1>and Miah Lobel. I'm Noah Feldman. You can follow me

0:34:13.516 --> 0:34:17.116
<v Speaker 1>on Twitter at Noah R. Feldman. This is Deep Background.