WEBVTT - Trump Syria Strikes Could Violate UN Laws, Constitution (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>There could be no dispute that Syria uses banned chemical weapons,

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<v Speaker 1>violated its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention, and ignored

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<v Speaker 1>the urging of the UN Security Council. That, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>was Donald Trump explaining his decision to order missile strikes

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<v Speaker 1>on a Syrian airbase and retaliation for the country's use

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<v Speaker 1>of chemical weapons. The strikes have already become a major

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<v Speaker 1>political and foreign policy issue, but they are also sparking

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<v Speaker 1>important legal questions. Did the President violate either international or

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<v Speaker 1>US law? We're gonna ask two experts in the field.

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<v Speaker 1>We have Michael Glennan. He's a professor at the Fletcher

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<v Speaker 1>School of Law and Diplomacy at tuss University. And William Banks.

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<v Speaker 1>He is the director of the National of the Institute

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<v Speaker 1>for National Security and counter Terrorism at Syracuse Syracuse University

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<v Speaker 1>Law School. Welcome to you both, Um, Bill Um and

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<v Speaker 1>Mike you can jump in here too if if you

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<v Speaker 1>want to. But can you explain what your understanding is

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<v Speaker 1>of what basis the President and his administration have articulated

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<v Speaker 1>to say that he was authorized to order these strikes. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>the administration so far has done very little to explain

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<v Speaker 1>the legal basis for the strikes. The statement last night

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<v Speaker 1>talked about the purpose being to deter assade from using

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<v Speaker 1>chemical weapons, and also made mention of the fact that

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<v Speaker 1>the strike it was deemed to be proportionate to uh

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<v Speaker 1>the underlying cause, which was the chemical weapons attack. But

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<v Speaker 1>neither of those offers much of a legal explanation. Well, Mike,

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<v Speaker 1>what what would the president have to show, say, under

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<v Speaker 1>international law to justify a strike like this. Well, under

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<v Speaker 1>the United Nations Charter, use of force or threat of

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<v Speaker 1>force is prohibited absence an armed attack against the state,

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<v Speaker 1>and when a state is the victim of an armed attack,

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<v Speaker 1>it can seek assistance from other states. But there's no

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<v Speaker 1>claim that the United States was acting in this latter

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<v Speaker 1>capacity of collective self defense, coming to aid anybody as

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<v Speaker 1>a third party. The question is whether humanitarian interventions so

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<v Speaker 1>called is permissible under international law, and the answer under

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<v Speaker 1>the Charter, of course, is no. There there are two possibilities.

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<v Speaker 1>One is the Security Council authorizes the use of force,

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<v Speaker 1>and the other is that you're acting self under under

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<v Speaker 1>Article fifty one in response to an armed attack for

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<v Speaker 1>purposes of self defense. And neither one of those rational

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<v Speaker 1>supplies here, Bill, what do you think about about that

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<v Speaker 1>interpretation of the U N Charter. I think I think

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<v Speaker 1>some people like Harold co have a little broader interpretation

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<v Speaker 1>of what countries are allowed to do. What what do

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<v Speaker 1>you think, Well, I think Mike's absolutely correct about the Charter.

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<v Speaker 1>Harold and some others do advance the idea that humanitarian

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<v Speaker 1>intervention might sometimes be permitted. I think Harold takes a

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<v Speaker 1>pretty nuanced view and would allow a humanitarian operation only

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<v Speaker 1>under certain, very carefully circumscribed limits. And you know, there

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<v Speaker 1>have been some cases Kosovo in uh Syria in two

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<v Speaker 1>thousand and eleven where you might argue that one of

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<v Speaker 1>the rationales for acting on behalf of the United States

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<v Speaker 1>was humanitarian intervention. But in in Libya in two thousand eleven,

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<v Speaker 1>the UN Security Council had acted just as Mike suggested

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<v Speaker 1>they would have to to enable an action like this.

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<v Speaker 1>And in Kosovo, I think most of servers at the

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<v Speaker 1>time concluded that the United States had done the right thing,

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<v Speaker 1>but had acted in violation of international law. That may

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<v Speaker 1>be what happened here. Well, Mike, you know, if the so,

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<v Speaker 1>it sounds as though the president perhaps should have gone

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<v Speaker 1>to the at least under the Convention should have gone

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<v Speaker 1>to the u N and ask the security counts to

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<v Speaker 1>authorize this um. But in a situation like this is

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<v Speaker 1>not really practical if you've got a you've got a

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<v Speaker 1>situation where there's nobody really on the ground who can

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<v Speaker 1>ask for help. In a lot of ways, everybody's fighting.

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<v Speaker 1>The US is really allied with anybody in Syria right now,

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<v Speaker 1>and um, the you know, but somebody's got to stop

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<v Speaker 1>aside from using chemical weapons. So is it really practical

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<v Speaker 1>to say you should go through that sort of international um,

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<v Speaker 1>that sort of international procedure. Well, it's practical in the

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<v Speaker 1>sense that, of course there's no emergency. Uh, if the

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<v Speaker 1>objective is to deter the use of chemical weapons and

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<v Speaker 1>to punish Assad, that could be done a week from now,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Security Council could conceivably authorize it within a week.

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<v Speaker 1>So the problem is not practicality. The problem is political.

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<v Speaker 1>There's a Russian veto that inevitably would be confronted, So

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<v Speaker 1>you'd be in a situation, as Bill pointed out, rather

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<v Speaker 1>like Kosovo where you're confronting massive human rights violations. That's

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<v Speaker 1>that's not really I think disputable at this point. But uh,

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<v Speaker 1>the paralysis of the Security Council, and that the unfortunate

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<v Speaker 1>reality is that, uh, the international legal regime as it

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<v Speaker 1>exists today doesn't adequately deal with these humanitarian crises. Bill,

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<v Speaker 1>what do we do about that? We only have about

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<v Speaker 1>a minute left now. But but I mean, if Mike

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<v Speaker 1>is right, um, that that there is this political paralysis,

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<v Speaker 1>and you know, it's certainly highly likely that Russians would

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<v Speaker 1>have vetoed any Security Council resolution. You know, is there

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<v Speaker 1>just no way around that in terms of practicalities and

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<v Speaker 1>international law. Well, I think Mike is correct. But there's

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<v Speaker 1>some things that we could have done and that we

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<v Speaker 1>could still do or should have done and still could do.

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<v Speaker 1>One is to get the support of some allies. There

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<v Speaker 1>was no no announcement of support from our friends and

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<v Speaker 1>allies before the fact or aft of the fact last night. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>And the second thing is that he could have gone

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<v Speaker 1>to Congress to add some legitimacy to this, As Mike said,

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<v Speaker 1>in a week's time or less, the Security Council could

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<v Speaker 1>have met. I daresay Congress could have done the same.

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<v Speaker 1>And judging from the reactions this morning and last night,

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<v Speaker 1>the Republican Congress would have supported an authorization for the

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<v Speaker 1>president to undertake these actions. We're talking about the legal

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<v Speaker 1>basis for, or perhaps lack of legal basis for the

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<v Speaker 1>missile strikes on Syria last night. Our guests are Michael

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<v Speaker 1>Glennon of the Fletcher School at Tussa University and William

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<v Speaker 1>Banks of Syracuse University Law School. Um, Mike, the I

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<v Speaker 1>have some talking points from the White House here. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>One of the things in terms of their legal basis,

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<v Speaker 1>and one of the things they point to is opinion

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<v Speaker 1>issued by Barack Obama's Justice Department the Office of Legal

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<v Speaker 1>Council as a basis for the intervention in Libya. In

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<v Speaker 1>your mind, does that does that documents help the Trump

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<v Speaker 1>administration out at all? Here? It may, But I think

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<v Speaker 1>the most important pronouncement to come from Barack Obama was

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<v Speaker 1>the statement that he made just before he was elected president.

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<v Speaker 1>As a candidate for office. He gave the best one

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<v Speaker 1>sentence summary of the president's independent power I think that

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<v Speaker 1>anybody has given. Here's what he said. The President does

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<v Speaker 1>not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a

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<v Speaker 1>military attack in a situation that does not involve an

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<v Speaker 1>actual or imminent threat to the nation. There is no

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<v Speaker 1>actual or imminent threat of the United States posed by

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<v Speaker 1>Syria today. There was not three days ago before we

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<v Speaker 1>launched this attack. The question that he that he pointed

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<v Speaker 1>to is whether there's an emergency. And this is the

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<v Speaker 1>issue that Bill touched upon just just before the break. Clearly,

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<v Speaker 1>if the President wanted to, he could go to the Congress.

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<v Speaker 1>There's there's no set of exigent circumstances that required that

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<v Speaker 1>this strike be launched when it was uh, There's there's

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<v Speaker 1>plenty of time to hold hearings and hear experts, views

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<v Speaker 1>pro and con It may be a good idea, it

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<v Speaker 1>may not. But the bottom line is, if the President

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<v Speaker 1>is going to expose the United States to the risk

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<v Speaker 1>of involvement in a large war or the risk of

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<v Speaker 1>a retaliation against American forces or civilians, unless there's a

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<v Speaker 1>unless there's an emergency, he's got to go and get

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<v Speaker 1>congressional approval first. Well, Bill that the President and some

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<v Speaker 1>of the Republican supporters of of the president's actions here

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<v Speaker 1>are appointing to Article two of the Constitution as power

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<v Speaker 1>as commander in Chief and also the and also the

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<v Speaker 1>War Powers Act, that he's going to go to Congress

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<v Speaker 1>afterwards to to get authorization for further action. Is that

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<v Speaker 1>what is the legal framework here for what the president

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<v Speaker 1>is supposed to do in terms of involving Congress. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>the President used military force on behalf of the United

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<v Speaker 1>States and needed so unilaterally without either seeking the authorization

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<v Speaker 1>of or the at least the consultation of Congress. As

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<v Speaker 1>we know from our you know, Civics education as children,

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<v Speaker 1>the use of force by the United States follows process

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<v Speaker 1>that's very clearly stated in the Constitution. The Congress authorizes,

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<v Speaker 1>and then the president carries out the will of Congress.

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<v Speaker 1>That didn't happen in this case, and as we noted

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<v Speaker 1>before the break, he certainly could go to Congress for

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<v Speaker 1>that authority. It's it's important of the listeners to understand

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<v Speaker 1>the difference between this military operation and the ones that

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump, like the president before him, President Obama, taken

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<v Speaker 1>with respect to EISL in Syria. Those operations, whatever one

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<v Speaker 1>thinks of them, were authorized by an authorization for the

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<v Speaker 1>use of military force enacted by Congress a few days

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<v Speaker 1>after nine eleven. It's a bit of a stretch in

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<v Speaker 1>many of us our views to apply that to EISEL,

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<v Speaker 1>but there was at least authority on paper for military operations.

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<v Speaker 1>This one here was out of whole cloth. Mike. It's

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<v Speaker 1>I hear you and Bill both sort of making an

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<v Speaker 1>argument about, you know, the constitutional powers of the respective branches,

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<v Speaker 1>but haven't as a matter of practice, haven't we sort

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<v Speaker 1>of ceded to the president and I we I mean

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<v Speaker 1>in part Congress in the courts. Uh, you know, an

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<v Speaker 1>awful lot of power to act very quickly and then

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<v Speaker 1>maybe go back to Congress and and retroactively get authorization

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<v Speaker 1>for for for what they just did. Now, I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think so. First of all, when you look at those incidents,

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<v Speaker 1>you find that almost all of them in flights with pirates,

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<v Speaker 1>clashes with cattle, rustler's, trivial naval engagements, very minor uses

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<v Speaker 1>of force that didn't risk involving the United States in

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<v Speaker 1>the large scale war. That's really the issue here, Um,

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<v Speaker 1>what is the risk that is incurred on behalf of

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<v Speaker 1>the nation as a whole. And that's what distinguishes all

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<v Speaker 1>these other incidents. There are just a small handful of

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<v Speaker 1>incidents like this that create this level of risk. And

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<v Speaker 1>let's be clear that risk is substantial. There American troops

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<v Speaker 1>on the ground in Syria, in Iraq at the in

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<v Speaker 1>syric of air base in Turkey right across the border. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>This is uh, this is a risky action, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>a kind of risk that ought to be decided upon

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<v Speaker 1>by the elected representatives to the people. I want to

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<v Speaker 1>thank our guests. That was Michael Glennon talking. He is

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<v Speaker 1>a professor at the Fletcher School at tuss University and

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<v Speaker 1>William Banks he is director of the Institute for National

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<v Speaker 1>Security and counter Terrorism at Syracuse Law School. We've been

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<v Speaker 1>talking about the missile strike ordered by Donald Trump against

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<v Speaker 1>against Syria and discussing whether there was legal authorization for that,

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<v Speaker 1>and UH, there are certainly some questions that I have

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<v Speaker 1>a feeling we are going to revisit in the coming weeks.