WEBVTT - The Māori Fight for Liberation: Part 2 Ft. Andrew

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<v Speaker 1>Hey everyone, and welcome back to it could happen here.

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<v Speaker 1>In my last part, I spoke a bit about the

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<v Speaker 1>historical context of the Mari struggle New Zealand or Autua.

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<v Speaker 1>Spoke about these seeds of contemporary Mari activism, the involvement

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<v Speaker 1>of Mari in the trade union movements and the development

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<v Speaker 1>of Mari women's movements, as well as the development of

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<v Speaker 1>the Brown Power slogan and the split between the movements

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<v Speaker 1>more radical and more conservative coalitions, with the former eventually

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<v Speaker 1>going on to as inspired by the Black Panther parts

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<v Speaker 1>in the US, formed the Polynesian Panthers. For those one awhere,

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<v Speaker 1>this is it could happen here. I am Andrew of

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<v Speaker 1>the Channel Andriwism and I'm joined by Garrison is also

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<v Speaker 1>on this zoom call as we discuss the Maori land

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<v Speaker 1>rights movement now. The struggle against Mari oppression racism led

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<v Speaker 1>to a division within the movement regarding whether the existing

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<v Speaker 1>political structures could bring about a real change or for

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<v Speaker 1>complete overthrow of the system was necessary. The failure to

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<v Speaker 1>address land alienation through official channels created a sense of

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<v Speaker 1>pessimism about the government's commitments to Mari rights. The Mari

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<v Speaker 1>land rights movement emerged from nineteen seventy five to nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy eight, bringing together diverse range of activists. The sort

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<v Speaker 1>alliances with workers both Mari and Paquale, viewing them as

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<v Speaker 1>natural allies in the fight against oppression. The common enemy

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<v Speaker 1>was seen as the racist and capitalist state. The occupation

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<v Speaker 1>of Bastion Point and subsequent eviction from Bastian Point intensified

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<v Speaker 1>the direct conflict that the movements were happened with the state.

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<v Speaker 1>It garnered their public support and also their involvement from

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<v Speaker 1>the Paka left. The Auckland Trades Council placed a quote

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<v Speaker 1>unquote green band on the area, which went refusing to

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<v Speaker 1>allow work to commence on the planned subdivision, and a

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<v Speaker 1>north shore contractor even donated six trucks, including two Bitjumin

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<v Speaker 1>tankers to help with a planned blockade. The occupation at

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<v Speaker 1>Bastian Point was followed by arrests at the Ragland golf Course,

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<v Speaker 1>and many of those arrested were representatives of various activist groups.

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<v Speaker 1>The land rights movement and the struggle against racism radicalized

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<v Speaker 1>a group of Mari women who were already part of

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<v Speaker 1>Niagaratamatoa to go on to form the Capital b Capital

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<v Speaker 1>w Capital Black Women's Movement. In the early nineteen eighties,

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<v Speaker 1>the Waitangi Action Committee married People's Liberation Movement to our

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<v Speaker 1>tro and the Black Women's Movement emerged as prominent Maori

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<v Speaker 1>political activist group, primarily based in Auckland, New Zealand. They

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<v Speaker 1>continued the protest tradition of Nagata Matoo with annual protests

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<v Speaker 1>to the Watangi Day celebrations, and they even came up

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<v Speaker 1>with the idea to call it the Cheaty of White

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<v Speaker 1>Tange instead of the Treaty of White Tanky very clearful,

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<v Speaker 1>and they also called for a boycott of the celebrations.

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<v Speaker 1>Not initially, Mario activists had collaborated with certain Pakeha anti

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<v Speaker 1>racist groups, but that association was weakened after divisions emerged

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<v Speaker 1>during the anti Springbok Tour protests in nineteen eighty one, which,

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<v Speaker 1>as you may remember from the previous episode, was a

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<v Speaker 1>protest against the national rugby team's participation in a tour

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<v Speaker 1>that included apartheid South Africa. The perception was that Alissa

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<v Speaker 1>mong Lari that many Pakeha had failed to recognize the

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<v Speaker 1>connection between apartheid in South Africa and colonialism and racism

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<v Speaker 1>in New Zealand, and so the bonds between those two

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<v Speaker 1>movements would beginning to weekend. Ad On top of that

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<v Speaker 1>that a prolonged economic crisis that was taking place in

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<v Speaker 1>New Zealand during the nineteen seventies nineteen eighties as a

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<v Speaker 1>result of course of the inherent tendencies of capitalism, the

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<v Speaker 1>government had to grapple with the crisis of political legitimacy

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<v Speaker 1>and of economic management, and that of course fueled further

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<v Speaker 1>ethnic and gender inequalities, further social unrest and worstening economic

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<v Speaker 1>conditions and increases in unemployment. The upsoar should take place

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<v Speaker 1>during that time in MARI protest really highlighted the marginalized

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<v Speaker 1>position that MARI were dealing with In New Zealand society

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<v Speaker 1>and studies ended up confirming their disproportionately poor educational outcomes,

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<v Speaker 1>high unemployment rates, low incomes, health issues, high imprisonment rates,

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<v Speaker 1>low rates of home ownership, and dependence on the state.

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<v Speaker 1>Whilst some ARIA activists had sourced strategies to challenge the

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<v Speaker 1>system and addresses inequalities, others ended up pursuing struggles that

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<v Speaker 1>posed little threat to the state and failed to address

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<v Speaker 1>the courses of economic and social crisis is inherent to capitalism. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>the initial focus of Marie culture nationalism was on secure

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<v Speaker 1>in Mari studies and language programs in the educational system. However,

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<v Speaker 1>the move on eventually shifted its emphasis towards this rediscovering

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<v Speaker 1>Mari history and culture more broadly, and along the way

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<v Speaker 1>there was less emphasis on putting together a robust political

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<v Speaker 1>movement and robust strategies for broader social change. And while

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<v Speaker 1>Failiar movements had a very clear focus on left wing politics,

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<v Speaker 1>it's also around this time that we see a shift

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<v Speaker 1>towards a broader range of politics, including right wing. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the most important works in the Maria Actress movement

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<v Speaker 1>at the time was Donna Aurtiri's Maori Sovereignty, published in

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen eighty four, and that book was really less of

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<v Speaker 1>a critique of right wing racist politics and more a

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<v Speaker 1>critique of left social movements, which, according to our Tiri

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<v Speaker 1>was committed to a status co characterized by white supremacy

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<v Speaker 1>and Mari subbort nation.

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<v Speaker 2>And she was calling everybody out.

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<v Speaker 1>She was calling Pakeha activists, whether they be feminists, trade unionists,

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<v Speaker 1>socialists or otherwise, she called them all out as being

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<v Speaker 1>committed to the status chop of white supremacy and Marie

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<v Speaker 1>subord Nationia. Around this time, there was also a growing

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<v Speaker 1>sense that pake Has society was intrinsically based in competition,

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<v Speaker 1>exploitation and material success, as opposed to.

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<v Speaker 2>Maori society in Maori values, which.

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<v Speaker 1>Culturally was more communal, more collaborative, and more focused on

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<v Speaker 1>the wellness of the whole. As the solution was seen

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<v Speaker 1>as really emphasizing cultural consciousness. But the emphasis and cultural

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<v Speaker 1>consciousness Alwin often led Mary away from political activism and

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<v Speaker 1>towards purely cultural vitalist pursuits. In nineteen eighty four, the

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<v Speaker 1>Fourth Labor Government was elected and it sort of addressed

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<v Speaker 1>the rise in Mari protests by enhancing the status of

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<v Speaker 1>Mari culture specifically and incorporating Mari representation and practices within

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<v Speaker 1>state institution shots This approach is known as biculturalism, and

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<v Speaker 1>it extended the jurisdiction of the White Tanki Tribunal and

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<v Speaker 1>incorporated Maori personnel and cultural symbolism into government institutions for

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<v Speaker 1>those who made a mist up. The White Tanky Tribunal

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<v Speaker 1>was basically institutions set up to deal with specific cases

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<v Speaker 1>of violations of the White Tangi Treaty, and so by

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<v Speaker 1>extending jurisdiction with White Tanki Tribunal, by incorporating more Maori

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<v Speaker 1>into positions of government and of power.

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<v Speaker 2>This gave this.

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<v Speaker 1>Illusion of a partnership and ended up satisfying some of

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<v Speaker 1>the Mari demands for self detamination. But at the same time,

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<v Speaker 1>and again echoes to other movements around the world. You

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<v Speaker 1>see that the government seeds certain ground, but it does

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<v Speaker 1>so so it doesn't lose other fights. It pretends to

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<v Speaker 1>lose certain battles so that it can win the war

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<v Speaker 1>right because in conceding to more reformist demands of the movement,

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<v Speaker 1>it allowed them to marginalize and to disempower the movements

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<v Speaker 1>more radical demands, and it allowed them to you know,

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<v Speaker 1>put forward this pr phase of doing a good thing

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<v Speaker 1>for the Maria community while not actually challenging the underlying

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<v Speaker 1>social relations of racist and capitalist society. Basically, the state's

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<v Speaker 1>adoption of ethnic rhetoric and corporation of Mario elites into

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<v Speaker 1>state institutions save to appease a decent portion of Mari

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<v Speaker 1>protests while maintaining the start scope. Now, after the Labor

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<v Speaker 1>government had introduce used the Treaty of waitang Gi Amendment ART,

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<v Speaker 1>which expanded the powers of the Waite Tangi Tribunal in

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen eighty five. The White Tangi Tribunal actually had very

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<v Speaker 1>little power when it came to enforcing its recommendations. So

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<v Speaker 1>it would hear out these cases of land theft. It

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<v Speaker 1>would hear out, you know, these Maori individuals or groups

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<v Speaker 1>would invested a lot of time and energy and resources

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<v Speaker 1>into their land claim cases. The tribunal would find them correct.

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<v Speaker 1>It's like, oh, yeah, they did steal from you. You

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<v Speaker 1>probably should get that land back. But the only thing

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<v Speaker 1>is we can really help you. The tribunal which was

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<v Speaker 1>set up to help with these cases didn't actually have

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<v Speaker 1>the power to enforce its recommendations, to actually enforce the

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<v Speaker 1>settlements that came to it was toothless, so it really

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<v Speaker 1>end up being.

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<v Speaker 2>A waste of energy.

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<v Speaker 1>And at the same time, the Labor government was doing

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<v Speaker 1>some economic restructuring to reduce government expenditure and implement an

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<v Speaker 1>economic plan to restore profitability, which included measures like deregulation, privateization,

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<v Speaker 1>dismantled with the welfare state. Again echoes this is new

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<v Speaker 1>liberalism one O one Thatcher regan all of them because

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<v Speaker 1>the claims that were made to the White Tangia Tribunal

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<v Speaker 1>and the recommendations made by the tribunal posed obstacles to

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<v Speaker 1>that sale of state owned enterprises and that further restruction

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<v Speaker 1>the economy towards more new liberal ends. There was a

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<v Speaker 1>crowingcent within the government that this was quote unquote special

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<v Speaker 1>treatment for Mari. Added the political costs associated with the

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<v Speaker 1>tribunal was just causing too much headache for the government.

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<v Speaker 2>And so by nineteen eighty.

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<v Speaker 1>Nine, just four years after they introduced that act, under

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<v Speaker 1>the immense pressure of you know, these mad people getting

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<v Speaker 1>in the way of their ability to new liberalize, the

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<v Speaker 1>Labor government ended up downplaying the significance of a treaty policy.

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<v Speaker 1>And while that's going on, the and Hiss co opt

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<v Speaker 1>and key individuals in the Mari protest movement through various

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<v Speaker 1>negotiations and consultations, one and more of this quote unquote

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<v Speaker 1>Mari elite was being brought into the fold of the state.

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<v Speaker 1>Came in privileged positions and wealth, and so they became

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<v Speaker 1>insulated from the grass roots Mario struggle. The following government,

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<v Speaker 1>not the Labor government, but the national government also sort

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<v Speaker 1>to restore profitable investment in the New Zealand economy and

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<v Speaker 1>to address some of the uncertainty created by the treaty claims.

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<v Speaker 1>And so they went to the Mari elite did their

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<v Speaker 1>little negotiations and they decided to settle certain claims to

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<v Speaker 1>the fisheries around New Zealand. That became known as the

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<v Speaker 1>Sea Lord's Deal, which caused a lot of headache and

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<v Speaker 1>anger and divisions in the Marie community because of the

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<v Speaker 1>lack of transparency and democracy in these negotiations. The deal

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<v Speaker 1>was made between the New Zealand government and a group

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<v Speaker 1>of Mari corporate entities known as the Sea Loord Group

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<v Speaker 1>in nineteen ninety two, and under this agreement, the Sea

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<v Speaker 1>Lord Group, which was said to represent Mari interests, acquired

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<v Speaker 1>a fifty percent stake in Sea Loord, which is a

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<v Speaker 1>major seafood company New Zealand. The other fifty percent remained

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<v Speaker 1>with the Japanese fishing company Nisui. And so the deal

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<v Speaker 1>was seeing as a resolution like, yeah, we put ourselves

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<v Speaker 1>in the back. The Maori were making these claims over

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<v Speaker 1>fishery resources. So we met up with some Mari businessmen

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<v Speaker 1>and gave them a fifty percent steak in sea lord

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<v Speaker 1>problem solved right now. You know, they will get some

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<v Speaker 1>commercial benefits from the fishing industry, but no more than

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<v Speaker 1>fifty percent.

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<v Speaker 2>Though of course, as a result, a lot.

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<v Speaker 1>Of Maori were arguing that, no, this is not addically

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<v Speaker 1>address or crevances. The settlement is not sufficient, and on

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<v Speaker 1>top of that, why you're going to make anyse backrooms

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<v Speaker 1>deals and not consulting the community as a whole.

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<v Speaker 2>The positions or.

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<v Speaker 1>The opinions of one does not represent all of us.

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<v Speaker 1>And it's actually kind of similar to what was happening

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<v Speaker 1>during the initial stages of the land theft that was

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<v Speaker 1>taking place during New Zealand's colonization, because when I mentioned

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<v Speaker 1>in the first part that some of the land were

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<v Speaker 1>so legitimately, what I mean by that is certain Mari

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<v Speaker 1>individuals saw an opportunity to profit by screwing over everybody

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<v Speaker 1>else in their community. So they would claim, oh, yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>this is my land, complete disregarding the fact that this

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<v Speaker 1>is coming a land that it has been for generations.

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<v Speaker 1>This is my land, so I will sell it to you.

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<v Speaker 1>You give me the money, and so I you know,

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<v Speaker 1>profit and a real.

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<v Speaker 2>Sort of suck.

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<v Speaker 1>So as kind of seeing that mirrored in this nineties context,

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<v Speaker 1>and then at this time with the divisions in the

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<v Speaker 1>Maria community over the decisions made by these Mari elites,

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<v Speaker 1>they were even further divisions strained by some negotiations that

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<v Speaker 1>were also taking place for the government's one billion dollar

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<v Speaker 1>fiscal Envelope, which was an attempt to evoke a full

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<v Speaker 1>and final settlement of all remaining treaty of Aitangi claims. Basically,

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<v Speaker 1>the government was saying, here, here have some money, get

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<v Speaker 1>out of the way, shut up, does it so called

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<v Speaker 1>reparations right, And so there was another upsurge of Mari

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<v Speaker 1>protests and you know, more of people were frustrated and

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<v Speaker 1>there was traited desperation because there was really a lack

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<v Speaker 1>of options for resolve and the grievances.

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<v Speaker 2>That they were dealing with.

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<v Speaker 1>Some of the protests were continuing the struggle with the

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<v Speaker 1>land right to move on in the nineteen seventies, but

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<v Speaker 1>others were challenging the decision making power of the EE bodies.

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<v Speaker 1>EE bodies, by the way, are the largest representative bodies

0:14:52.960 --> 0:14:58.720
<v Speaker 1>of Mari in Altai Aura. They're like mega tribes, and

0:14:58.800 --> 0:15:01.520
<v Speaker 1>so there was an increasing fri stration among Sa Marii

0:15:02.040 --> 0:15:07.240
<v Speaker 1>of you know, these representative bodies inability to accurately represent them.

0:15:08.080 --> 0:15:11.080
<v Speaker 1>And another key component to this division was the fact

0:15:11.080 --> 0:15:16.400
<v Speaker 1>that the more middle class elements, middle class professional elements

0:15:16.440 --> 0:15:21.720
<v Speaker 1>of the married population were enjoying an expansion opportunities and

0:15:21.760 --> 0:15:25.600
<v Speaker 1>were growing in wealth and prestige, but they were leaving

0:15:25.680 --> 0:15:29.200
<v Speaker 1>behind the working class Mari population, which was still struggling

0:15:29.200 --> 0:15:32.800
<v Speaker 1>in the same way they had been for decades. The

0:15:32.840 --> 0:15:36.000
<v Speaker 1>policies of both the Labor government and the national government

0:15:36.680 --> 0:15:42.560
<v Speaker 1>disproportionately impacted working class Mari communities, and the movement that

0:15:42.720 --> 0:15:45.720
<v Speaker 1>was supposed to represent them had lost sight of them

0:15:45.760 --> 0:15:51.560
<v Speaker 1>and their interests. There was a lack of intermovement solidarity,

0:15:52.120 --> 0:15:56.360
<v Speaker 1>of pushing for fundamental social change instead of these individual changes,

0:15:56.920 --> 0:16:04.120
<v Speaker 1>and there was a sense of crumbling internal cohesion. Some marioctivists,

0:16:04.160 --> 0:16:06.480
<v Speaker 1>such as te Ahu, who like I said in my

0:16:06.480 --> 0:16:11.320
<v Speaker 1>first spot, I drew primarily from their work when researching

0:16:12.720 --> 0:16:17.200
<v Speaker 1>this particular history, and they were very critical of that

0:16:17.400 --> 0:16:22.280
<v Speaker 1>historical period and particularly of the personalization of the conflict

0:16:22.360 --> 0:16:25.640
<v Speaker 1>for liberation, and so their position was that by focus

0:16:25.720 --> 0:16:29.560
<v Speaker 1>on individual relationships and prejudices, rather than challenging the systemic

0:16:29.600 --> 0:16:33.160
<v Speaker 1>structures perpetuating oppression. It left the struggle to be fought

0:16:33.200 --> 0:16:36.960
<v Speaker 1>on this individual level while the larger system was left unaddressed.

0:16:37.880 --> 0:16:40.000
<v Speaker 1>And particularly because you know, in the eighties there was

0:16:40.040 --> 0:16:43.480
<v Speaker 1>a shift away from class struggle as a central component

0:16:43.520 --> 0:16:47.280
<v Speaker 1>of the Maori struggle. Middle class and wealthy Mari interests

0:16:47.320 --> 0:16:52.480
<v Speaker 1>were dominating the conversation and their interests were exclusively in

0:16:52.560 --> 0:16:57.600
<v Speaker 1>cultural nationalism, with no real room for working class struggle,

0:16:57.680 --> 0:17:02.600
<v Speaker 1>for class struggle in any form. And then part of

0:17:02.640 --> 0:17:08.160
<v Speaker 1>that whole strategy and that will focus on exclusively cultural nationalism,

0:17:08.640 --> 0:17:12.959
<v Speaker 1>would attempt to throw everybody under this one. Under this

0:17:13.040 --> 0:17:18.040
<v Speaker 1>broad brush right, the wealthy new liberal Marie politicians would

0:17:18.080 --> 0:17:21.360
<v Speaker 1>be in the same vein as the impoverished and unemployed

0:17:21.359 --> 0:17:25.080
<v Speaker 1>working class Mari, despite their clear differences and access to

0:17:25.080 --> 0:17:29.440
<v Speaker 1>economic and political power. And so this notion of Maria

0:17:29.480 --> 0:17:33.480
<v Speaker 1>as a homogeneous group with identical experiences and political aspirations,

0:17:34.880 --> 0:17:40.600
<v Speaker 1>disregarding diversity within Marie society and the conflicting political strategies

0:17:40.600 --> 0:17:46.560
<v Speaker 1>within Marie communities would really weaken the cohesion of the

0:17:46.600 --> 0:17:51.760
<v Speaker 1>struggle as a whole. And I don't know how else

0:17:51.800 --> 0:17:56.440
<v Speaker 1>to say this except there needs to be a recognition

0:17:57.960 --> 0:18:05.200
<v Speaker 1>of racial struggle, gender struggle, of class struggle, of struggles

0:18:05.240 --> 0:18:14.480
<v Speaker 1>for ability and disability, justice, like inter sexuality, intersectionality. It's

0:18:14.520 --> 0:18:20.240
<v Speaker 1>really so simple. Cultural nationalism has its place, but it's

0:18:20.720 --> 0:18:26.160
<v Speaker 1>very insufficient and very easily cooptable. That's why the New

0:18:26.200 --> 0:18:32.040
<v Speaker 1>African anarchist Ashanti Austan says that we must go beyond nationalism,

0:18:32.160 --> 0:18:33.840
<v Speaker 1>even if we don't go without it.

0:18:34.440 --> 0:18:36.440
<v Speaker 2>That's why I've made a whole video.

0:18:36.359 --> 0:18:40.320
<v Speaker 1>On the subject of nationalism or more specifically national liberation

0:18:40.480 --> 0:18:44.240
<v Speaker 1>for oppressed groups. You see, it's a tool that oppressed

0:18:44.240 --> 0:18:47.720
<v Speaker 1>people can use in their struggle, but it's not enough,

0:18:48.680 --> 0:18:52.720
<v Speaker 1>and focusing too much on it leaves a lot of

0:18:52.760 --> 0:18:57.640
<v Speaker 1>exploitable gaps in one's analysis. It's again, it's a tool.

0:18:57.760 --> 0:18:59.720
<v Speaker 1>It's not an end in itself. It does little to

0:18:59.800 --> 0:19:15.360
<v Speaker 1>change in material realities. Who in their peace had said that,

0:19:15.960 --> 0:19:19.480
<v Speaker 1>While and I'm quoting him, well, culture and identity remain

0:19:19.560 --> 0:19:23.400
<v Speaker 1>absolutely essential to mari social wellbeing, it does not automatically

0:19:23.440 --> 0:19:27.479
<v Speaker 1>follow that cultural identity alone should provide the organizational basis

0:19:27.480 --> 0:19:31.680
<v Speaker 1>for the fight against racism and Marie disadvantage. Because identities

0:19:31.680 --> 0:19:35.080
<v Speaker 1>are blurred and multiple, any fight against Mario oppression must

0:19:35.080 --> 0:19:39.000
<v Speaker 1>be based upon building the strongest possible liberation movement by

0:19:39.080 --> 0:19:42.159
<v Speaker 1>uniting different oppressed groups into a common struggle. This is

0:19:42.280 --> 0:19:45.320
<v Speaker 1>essential because true liberation for MARI will not occur with

0:19:45.359 --> 0:19:49.320
<v Speaker 1>a fundamental trans transformation of capitalist society and the creation

0:19:49.400 --> 0:19:53.400
<v Speaker 1>of a classless society in which there is real women's liberation, gain,

0:19:53.480 --> 0:19:55.880
<v Speaker 1>lesbian liberation, and freedom from.

0:19:55.760 --> 0:19:57.280
<v Speaker 2>Racism end quote.

0:19:58.320 --> 0:20:01.080
<v Speaker 1>Historical evidence has shown that the movements based solely on

0:20:01.119 --> 0:20:04.159
<v Speaker 1>the identity of the participants.

0:20:04.640 --> 0:20:06.840
<v Speaker 2>Could be very diverse.

0:20:07.040 --> 0:20:11.720
<v Speaker 1>Let's just say in the spectrum there are reactionary and

0:20:11.840 --> 0:20:18.280
<v Speaker 1>their revolutionary segments of pretty much every national liberation movement,

0:20:19.119 --> 0:20:25.800
<v Speaker 1>from Black Power to Free Palestine. Because when the focus

0:20:26.000 --> 0:20:31.520
<v Speaker 1>is on cultural or national liberation, there is a lot

0:20:31.560 --> 0:20:36.480
<v Speaker 1>of room to adopt a variety of approaches and a

0:20:36.560 --> 0:20:38.920
<v Speaker 1>variety of political aims. I so it's a lot of

0:20:39.000 --> 0:20:42.560
<v Speaker 1>room for middle class interests to dominate as they have

0:20:42.600 --> 0:20:45.480
<v Speaker 1>a lot more time and resources to contribute and take

0:20:45.520 --> 0:20:47.640
<v Speaker 1>over the rhetoric and the messaging of the causes.

0:20:48.200 --> 0:20:49.560
<v Speaker 2>Another example that can we see.

0:20:49.440 --> 0:20:52.399
<v Speaker 1>In the feminist movement, which in a lot of ways

0:20:53.080 --> 0:20:58.399
<v Speaker 1>diverge from the struggle of working class women towards the

0:20:58.440 --> 0:21:02.440
<v Speaker 1>more niche interests of you know, the girl bosses who

0:21:03.480 --> 0:21:08.679
<v Speaker 1>we're facing genuine wholes in their climb up the corporate ladder.

0:21:10.040 --> 0:21:13.560
<v Speaker 1>But in focusing on those instances, there was a loss

0:21:13.680 --> 0:21:17.840
<v Speaker 1>of the needs of working class women and the precurious

0:21:17.880 --> 0:21:23.000
<v Speaker 1>position that when as a whole are still in Marie.

0:21:23.040 --> 0:21:26.800
<v Speaker 1>Political activism has always been diverse. You know, there's a

0:21:27.119 --> 0:21:31.199
<v Speaker 1>wide range of strategies, campaigns and participants. There's not a

0:21:31.280 --> 0:21:35.440
<v Speaker 1>unified movement, but there's a heterogenous force with both radical

0:21:35.560 --> 0:21:39.920
<v Speaker 1>and conservative elements, each pursuing different methods to achieve the objectives.

0:21:40.640 --> 0:21:45.560
<v Speaker 1>There's no unanimous agreement on the vision of tino rangatira tanga,

0:21:46.160 --> 0:21:50.800
<v Speaker 1>which is the Marii term for Mari self determination. Tino

0:21:51.080 --> 0:21:56.919
<v Speaker 1>rangatira tanga can be associated with Mari capitalism, electoral power,

0:21:57.480 --> 0:22:03.399
<v Speaker 1>cultural nationalism, or revolution reactivity. In the past, some artists

0:22:03.440 --> 0:22:06.040
<v Speaker 1>had believed that fundamental transformation of the system was necessary

0:22:06.080 --> 0:22:10.120
<v Speaker 1>for liberation, and so they rejected reformism. But the landscape

0:22:10.119 --> 0:22:11.159
<v Speaker 1>has changed.

0:22:12.480 --> 0:22:12.680
<v Speaker 2>Well.

0:22:12.720 --> 0:22:16.320
<v Speaker 1>Some still advocate for constitutional changes electoral politics to address

0:22:16.320 --> 0:22:21.359
<v Speaker 1>systemic issues. Some influential travel executives and corporate warriors are

0:22:21.359 --> 0:22:23.720
<v Speaker 1>even going as far as to argue that Mari can

0:22:23.760 --> 0:22:28.760
<v Speaker 1>only achieve true self determination and liberation through unrestricted free

0:22:28.800 --> 0:22:34.119
<v Speaker 1>market capitalism. The objectives that Tino Rangatira tangle promoted by

0:22:34.200 --> 0:22:41.920
<v Speaker 1>different groups are contradictory because there is no homogeneity in

0:22:41.960 --> 0:22:45.200
<v Speaker 1>the Maria struggle. But I hope that the takeaway here

0:22:45.359 --> 0:22:47.679
<v Speaker 1>has been clear, and that is the need for a

0:22:47.880 --> 0:22:57.520
<v Speaker 1>clear intersectional approach to revolution in our struggle against racist, sexist, capitalist,

0:22:57.680 --> 0:23:02.560
<v Speaker 1>et cetera society. The Mari movement is still ongoing, and

0:23:03.840 --> 0:23:08.199
<v Speaker 1>so the focus of these two parts has been primarily

0:23:08.240 --> 0:23:14.080
<v Speaker 1>on the current rather has been primarily on the struggle

0:23:14.119 --> 0:23:16.960
<v Speaker 1>of the sixties, seventies, eighties and early nineties.

0:23:18.640 --> 0:23:20.159
<v Speaker 2>Mari liberation has not been found.

0:23:21.160 --> 0:23:25.200
<v Speaker 1>Tino Ranga tyr tanga has not been achieved, and there's

0:23:25.200 --> 0:23:28.800
<v Speaker 1>still a long way to go. That's it from me again.

0:23:28.840 --> 0:23:33.080
<v Speaker 1>I'm Andrew from the YouTube channel Anturism. You can find

0:23:33.119 --> 0:23:36.200
<v Speaker 1>me there and you could support on patre dot com

0:23:36.240 --> 0:23:39.000
<v Speaker 1>slash saying true this has been.

0:23:39.480 --> 0:23:40.280
<v Speaker 2>It could happen here.

0:23:44.840 --> 0:23:47.320
<v Speaker 3>It could happen here as a production of cool Zone Media.

0:23:47.400 --> 0:23:50.080
<v Speaker 3>For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website

0:23:50.119 --> 0:23:52.359
<v Speaker 3>cool Zonemedia dot com or check us out on the

0:23:52.400 --> 0:23:55.960
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0:23:56.359 --> 0:23:58.479
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0:23:58.560 --> 0:24:02.040
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0:24:02.080 --> 0:24:02.600
<v Speaker 3>for listening.