Speaker 1: Coo Zone Media.
Speaker 2: On August tenth, nineteen eighty nine, around nine thirty pm,
Speaker 2: a white sedan pulled up outside the United Nations Transition
Speaker 2: Assistance Groups administrative headquarters in Autyo, a town in northern Namibia.
Speaker 2: They had what appeared to be UN issued license plates
Speaker 2: and the United Nations emblem was painted on the side,
Speaker 2: so perhaps it didn't look out of place there at first.
Speaker 2: Initial reports say witnesses saw three men dressed in green
Speaker 2: camouflage uniforms. The UN Transition Assistance Group had arrived in
Speaker 2: Namibia four months earlier, authorized by UN Resolution four thirty five.
Speaker 2: The resolution had actually been adopted over a decade earlier,
Speaker 2: but it took that entire decade to get all parties to.
Speaker 3: Come to the table.
Speaker 2: The Transition Assistance Group was there to ensure the sea
Speaker 2: fire was honored, that South African troops would withdraw from Namibia,
Speaker 2: and that the upcoming election would be free and fair.
Speaker 2: Those first four months had not been without incident, but
Speaker 2: a ceasefire was re established Over the summer. The South
Speaker 2: African military was withdrawing s planned and UN officials were
Speaker 2: making progress on disarming and disbanding the citizen militias. Paid
Speaker 2: by the South African government. If things continued on this path,
Speaker 2: it was looking good for the November elections. But not
Speaker 2: everyone was on board with UN Resolution four thirty five.
Speaker 2: One small group in particular, calling itself Axi Kontra four
Speaker 2: three five Action against four thirty five, did just what
Speaker 2: the name implies.
Speaker 3: They took action.
Speaker 2: When those men in green camos stepped out of their
Speaker 2: car outside the UN offices in Autyo that night. They
Speaker 2: opened fire with automatic weapons hand grenades caused extensive damage
Speaker 2: to the buildings, both the administrative offices and the sleeping quarters.
Speaker 2: A security guard named Michael Hoseg was killed in the attack,
Speaker 2: but the men fled into the night without finishing the mission.
Speaker 2: The entire cell was arrested fairly quickly, and authorities found
Speaker 2: a massive arsenal of guns and explosives the group planned
Speaker 2: to use in future attacks on United Nations targets with
Speaker 2: the goal of stopping the upcoming elections. And those men
Speaker 2: were in custody in November when the elections were held,
Speaker 2: but they didn't stay there.
Speaker 3: They escaped.
Speaker 2: They'd failed to prevent Namibian independence, but now the fight
Speaker 2: was in South Africa and they would do everything in
Speaker 2: their power to prevent the end of apartheid. I'm Molly Kunger,
Speaker 2: and this is where there were GUIDs. This is still
Speaker 2: the story of Monica Huggett Stone, the elderly South African
Speaker 2: woman who was living in Mandeville, Louisiana, when she organized
Speaker 2: a series of nationwide Nazi rallies in twenty twelve. But
Speaker 2: she isn't in this part of the story because I
Speaker 2: can't tell you about the international network of mercenaries she
Speaker 2: was organizing in nineteen ninety four without telling you a
Speaker 2: little bit more about some of those men, who they
Speaker 2: were and what they were up to in the years
Speaker 2: leading up to that deadly shootout with the police on
Speaker 2: the eve of the South African elections. I know I
Speaker 2: don't have to make excuses for this meandering narrative. It's
Speaker 2: my story, and I'll tell it the only way I
Speaker 2: know how. I never know where we're going when I
Speaker 2: start putting my notes together, and I really can't help
Speaker 2: but chase down this seemingly infinite number of surprisingly deep
Speaker 2: rabbit holes. And I'm so fascinated by this international network.
Speaker 3: It's come up a bit in other stories.
Speaker 2: Dennis Mahon and Tom Metzger had close ties with Heritage
Speaker 2: Front in Canada. In the early nineties, Denis Mayhon flew
Speaker 2: to Germany to show German neo Nazis a good old
Speaker 2: fashioned American ku Klux Klan cross burning, and he gave
Speaker 2: fiery speeches stoking the flames of the anti immigrant riots
Speaker 2: that were exploding across Germany at the time. The week
Speaker 2: before Dennis started making that bomb that he went to
Speaker 2: prison for, he'd been hanging out with an Ulster unionist
Speaker 2: who'd carried up bombings in Northern Ireland during the Troubles.
Speaker 2: British Holocaust denied David Irving traveled regularly to the United
Speaker 2: States to network with American white supremacists. Frank Sweeney joined
Speaker 2: the American Nazi Party in New Jersey as a teenager
Speaker 2: and later joined the Rhodesian Army as a mercenary. Members
Speaker 2: of American white supremacist groups like the Base, Adam Waffen,
Speaker 2: and the Rise Above movement and its spin off active clubs,
Speaker 2: have a particular fondness for traveling to Ukraine to fight
Speaker 2: with far right groups like the azof Battalion. Patriot Front.
Speaker 2: Flags have popped up at Neo Nazi marches and Poland
Speaker 2: and its members have met with leaders of foreign fascist
Speaker 2: groups like the Nordic Resistance Movement in Sweden and Cossa.
Speaker 3: Pound in Italy.
Speaker 2: One of the young men arrested in connection with the
Speaker 2: Terogram Collective was taken into custody at the airport before
Speaker 2: he could board a flight to Ukraine to join the
Speaker 2: Russian Volunteer Corps. The fascists, racists, and anti Semites of
Speaker 2: the world are obsessed with borders, but they don't seem
Speaker 2: to mind crossing them. So that's what we're exploring here.
Speaker 2: And we'll find Monica again in the next chapter of
Speaker 2: this story when she does a bit of border crossing
Speaker 2: of her own, but that's not until nineteen ninety four,
Speaker 2: and right now it's nineteen eighty nine. In nineteen eighty nine,
Speaker 2: South Africa was still five years away from ending apartheid,
Speaker 2: five years away from holding their first election with universal suffrage,
Speaker 2: five years away from electing Nelson Mandela as their first
Speaker 2: post apartheid president. In nineteen eighty nine, Nelson Mandela was
Speaker 2: still in prison, where he'd been since nineteen sixty two.
Speaker 2: But in nineteen eighty nine, one of South Africa's neighbors
Speaker 2: was taking the leap into multi racial democracy.
Speaker 3: Well.
Speaker 2: Whether or not South Africa considered Namibia to be a
Speaker 2: neighboring country or a country at all, depends on who
Speaker 2: you ask. The present day nation of Namibia had been
Speaker 2: a German colony from eighteen eighty four until nineteen fifteen.
Speaker 2: During World War One, when everyone was a little preoccupied elsewhere,
Speaker 2: South Africa captured the colony known as Southwest Afria. In
Speaker 2: nineteen sixty six, the United Nations General Assembly passed a
Speaker 2: resolution declaring that South Africa no longer had a right
Speaker 2: to the territory, but South Africa continued illegally occupying the
Speaker 2: area that the United Nations now recognized as Namibia. The
Speaker 2: conflict lasted over two decades. The South African Border War
Speaker 2: wasn't just about South Africa's desire to extend apartheid into
Speaker 2: this colonial territory. It was inextricably intertwined with other conflicts
Speaker 2: in the region, things like the Angle and Civil War.
Speaker 2: It was a modern consequence of the nineteenth century Scramble
Speaker 2: for Africa. It was the unraveling of a century of colonialism.
Speaker 2: It was fueled by Cold War anxiety about communist guerrilla
Speaker 2: forces and Soviet influence, and it was about white anxiety.
Speaker 2: If Black Africans were allowed to participate in government, if
Speaker 2: they were, god forbid, allowed to rule their own nations,
Speaker 2: what would they do with that power. The whole world
Speaker 2: got in on the action, both officially, with major powers
Speaker 2: sending material support to their preferred parties, and none officially,
Speaker 2: with independent mercenaries and shadowy state sponsored operations popping up
Speaker 2: all over Sub Saharan Africa. But by nineteen eighty nine
Speaker 2: it was finally time. The border war was over and
Speaker 2: Namibia was going to have free and fair elections in November.
Speaker 2: In April of that year, peacekeeping forces from the United
Speaker 2: Nations Transition Assistance Group arrived to oversee the process. Namibia
Speaker 2: was going to be an independent nation, one without apartheid,
Speaker 2: and this was a frightening prospect for those white South
Speaker 2: Africans trying desperately to hold onto power in an increasingly
Speaker 2: unsustainable form of government. Now this next part might sound
Speaker 2: like a conspiracy theory. I try to tread waters like
Speaker 2: this with immense care. I nearly drove myself to madness
Speaker 2: trying to thread the needle of fact, fiction and question marks.
Speaker 2: When I talked about the Oklahoma city bombing a while back,
Speaker 2: and when I started poking around this particular history, I'll
Speaker 2: admit I didn't have a lot of context.
Speaker 3: I don't know the landscape here.
Speaker 2: So sorting fact from speculation and sifting out the lies
Speaker 2: as a tricky prospect, And at first I completely dismissed
Speaker 2: the idea that these neo Nazi terrorists could have been
Speaker 2: acting on government orders. That's tinfoil hat territory, right. I
Speaker 2: saw the idea heavily insinuated in some reporting from.
Speaker 3: The time period.
Speaker 2: An article published in nineteen ninety in an issue of
Speaker 2: Frei Vigblad, a South African newspaper with an anti apartheid stance,
Speaker 2: opened with this fairly explosive allegation. They are fugitives accused
Speaker 2: of murder. They come from South Africa, Britainbia and Zimbabwe.
Speaker 2: They have one common characteristic. They left a trail of destruction,
Speaker 2: death and bloodshed in Southern Africa over the past decade,
Speaker 2: but cannot be prosecuted. They are among the most wanted
Speaker 2: men in our neighboring states, but enjoy the protection of
Speaker 2: the South African government because they have worked or still
Speaker 2: work for the security forces.
Speaker 3: But that's not prove right.
Speaker 2: Think about how often you see similar sentiments expressed when
Speaker 2: it comes to American far right groups. Allegations that this
Speaker 2: group or that one, or whichever prominent white supremacist leader
Speaker 2: hasn't been prosecuted because they're being protected by the state,
Speaker 2: And that's always a possibility, sure, but that doesn't mean
Speaker 2: it's true. But some of those men would themselves later
Speaker 2: claim that they couldn't be prosecuted for murders and bombings
Speaker 2: because they'd been acting on government orders. And again that's
Speaker 2: not proof. I've seen that before too. Sometimes people will
Speaker 2: say anything to avoid responsibility, and that doesn't necessarily mean
Speaker 2: it's true. I'd been chugging along, accumulating sources and taking
Speaker 2: my notes, translating old newspapers. I subscribed to several South
Speaker 2: African genealogical databases. I was really getting into the weeds here,
Speaker 2: all under the assumption that there wasn't really a need
Speaker 2: to explore that angle. It could be true, but it
Speaker 2: wasn't something I'd be able to substantiate, And it's the
Speaker 2: kind of thing I'm not comfortable exploring without something to
Speaker 2: hold on to. I don't want to abuse your trust
Speaker 2: by speculating wildly and getting reckless with the facts. But
Speaker 2: then I realized this is a very unusual set of circumstances.
Speaker 2: Normally a government would never admit to state sponsored terrorism.
Speaker 2: They all do it, but nobody admits it. And if
Speaker 2: you ever do prove it, it's nothing short of a miracle.
Speaker 2: You need leaked documents and deathbed confessions. But the South
Speaker 2: Africa of nineteen ninety five wasn't really the same South
Speaker 2: Africa that had existed until nineteen ninety four. This government
Speaker 2: wasn't admitting to its own crimes. The Truth and Reconciliation
Speaker 2: Commission was an unusually transparent look at the nation's past,
Speaker 2: and they admitted it. There is an entire chapter of
Speaker 2: the Truth and Reconciliation Commission final report called secret State Funding,
Speaker 2: and according to the report, Oxe Kontra four thirty five,
Speaker 2: the group behind the attack at the UN offices in
Speaker 2: Autio in nineteen eighty nine is believed to have been
Speaker 2: entirely creation of funded by the South African government. At
Speaker 2: least one of the men involved was later confirmed to
Speaker 2: have been an operative of the South African Civil Cooperation Bureau,
Speaker 2: an odd name for what was essentially government sponsored death squads,
Speaker 2: and I tell you that now so you can draw
Speaker 2: your own conclusions later in the story when things get
Speaker 2: a little murkier. So just keep that in the back
Speaker 2: of your mind for now. It wasn't long after the
Speaker 2: attack on Autyo that members of Axi Kontra four thirty
Speaker 2: five started getting arrested. Although the group's name disappears from
Speaker 2: the conversation pretty quickly, the men who carried out that
Speaker 2: attack were members of other groups too. Specifically, they were
Speaker 2: all members of the African or Resistance movement, the AWB
Speaker 2: led by Eugene terre Blanche. The first to be arrested
Speaker 2: were two South African citizens, Arthur Archer and Craig Barker,
Speaker 2: and a German mercenary named Horst Cleans. South Africans Darrell
Speaker 2: Stopped Fourth and Leonard Vnendahl were arrested soon after. By
Speaker 2: October of nineteen eighty nine, two months after the attack
Speaker 2: in Autyo, five men had been arrested. Charges against Craig
Speaker 2: Barker were dropped early on, and the charges against Arthur
Speaker 2: Archer were dropped after he agreed to cooperate, And so
Speaker 2: in December of nineteen eighty nine, it's just three Nandal,
Speaker 2: Cleanse and stopped fourth were officially charged with murder in
Speaker 2: a Namibian court. The courthouse was a three hour drive
Speaker 2: from the prison where the men were being held. After
Speaker 2: the hearing, Leonard Venendal asked to use the bathroom before
Speaker 2: they were loaded back into the transport van to return
Speaker 2: to their cells. And this is one of those moments
Speaker 2: where it's useful to bear in mind that the Truth
Speaker 2: and Reconciliation Commission names Leonard Venandal as a known operative
Speaker 2: of the Civil Cooperation Bureau, those government sponsored death squads,
Speaker 2: and he's named as an operative of the CCB specifically
Speaker 2: in connection with these events in Namibia. So with that
Speaker 2: in mind, Leonard Vnandal goes to the bathroom at the
Speaker 2: courthouse and he somehow knows to take the top off
Speaker 2: the tank of a particular tur toilet. Someone had left
Speaker 2: him a gift in there, a pistol, and he takes
Speaker 2: the gun out of the toilet and he tucks it
Speaker 2: away and he allows himself to be placed back in
Speaker 2: the van. About three quarters the way through the drive
Speaker 2: back to the jail, somewhere in the middle of nowhere,
Speaker 2: the men insisted that they just couldn't hold it any longer.
Speaker 2: They needed to stop to go to the bathroom, and
Speaker 2: the two Namibian police officers agreed. They pulled over and
Speaker 2: they led their three prisoners out to pee on the
Speaker 2: side of the road, and then suddenly another vehicle appeared.
Speaker 2: It stopped and two men got out, and Vinadel produced
Speaker 2: the pistol from his hiding place, and the two officers
Speaker 2: were overpowered by the three prisoners and their two accomplices.
Speaker 2: Constable Ricardo van Wick was shot in the stomach and
Speaker 2: later died. The surviving officer was forced at gunpoint into
Speaker 2: the back of the van, which the prisoners drove half
Speaker 2: an hour off the main road before abandoning it. And
Speaker 2: then they disappeared in the vehicle driven by their accomplices,
Speaker 2: And they really did disappear. Darrel stopped fourth, Leonard Fienandal
Speaker 2: and Horse Glens had murdered a UN security guard and
Speaker 2: an Amibian police officer. They were supposed to have gone
Speaker 2: on trial in Namibia, but they vanished for a little
Speaker 2: while anyway. Just a few short months later, both Leonard
Speaker 2: Feenandal and Daryl stopped Forth came out of hiding. They
Speaker 2: were home in South Africa and South Africa had no
Speaker 2: extradition treaty with the newly independent nation of Namibia. There
Speaker 2: were warrants for their arrest there, but there was nothing
Speaker 2: anyone could really do. Benadal said in a public statement
Speaker 2: a few months after his escape, I have now returned
Speaker 2: to my family and I'm going to devote myself full
Speaker 2: time to the cause as the revolution is here. A
Speaker 2: photo of Nadal taken around that time shows him wearing
Speaker 2: his AWB uniform and holding his newborn son. He'd named
Speaker 2: the boy Daryl, presumably to honor Darrel's top fourth, the
Speaker 2: man he'd just committed two murders with.
Speaker 4: And there's an.
Speaker 2: Odd thing I keep seeing these guys do as I'm
Speaker 2: researching this story. They have this strange fondness for giving
Speaker 2: interviews when they're supposed to be in hiding on the
Speaker 2: run from the law. When it was announced in September
Speaker 2: of nineteen eighty nine, a month after the attack and
Speaker 2: aut Yo, that Leonard of Nadal had been arrested, a
Speaker 2: reporter in South Africa came forward with a pretty wild story.
Speaker 2: While Venadel had been on the run, he'd taken the
Speaker 2: time to sit down for a two hour interview with
Speaker 2: a reporter and In that interview, he spoke openly about
Speaker 2: his membership in the AWB. That fact alone wasn't really
Speaker 2: a secret. He was Eugene Tablanche's personal bodyguard, and he
Speaker 2: was the leader of the Johannesburg branch of the group.
Speaker 2: But he also claimed there had been a split within Aquala,
Speaker 2: the militant arm of a WB, with some members openly
Speaker 2: declaring their willingness and intent to die for the cause,
Speaker 2: forming a sort of Kamakazi unit that planned to carry
Speaker 2: out high profile assassinations.
Speaker 3: He also showed the.
Speaker 2: Reporter a small circular placard of sorts with a picture
Speaker 2: of a wolf. The reporter, yuhung Kus, just looked at
Speaker 2: it with disbelief, and he said, there's no such thing
Speaker 2: as the White Wolves, and Vinard all smiled at him
Speaker 2: and replied, believe me, they exist.
Speaker 3: The White Wolves.
Speaker 2: Probably didn't exist, not really, not then anyway, not in
Speaker 2: any way that really means anything.
Speaker 3: Yes, they kind of did, in the.
Speaker 2: Sense that if someone were to carry out a series
Speaker 2: of bombings and then call the newspaper to say that
Speaker 2: the White Wolves did it, he sort of retroactively created
Speaker 2: the idea of a group that could be imagined to exist,
Speaker 2: because NANDL would later be connected to an attempt to
Speaker 2: do just that. But by most accounts, the White Wolves
Speaker 2: wasn't a terrorist organization that actually existed. But in September
Speaker 2: of nineteen eighty nine, as he's sitting there with this
Speaker 2: reporter from the Sunday Times, everyone in South Africa had
Speaker 2: heard of the White Wolf, at least in the singular.
Speaker 2: Earlier that year, a former policeman who called himself the
Speaker 2: White Wolf had been sentenced to death. He was a
Speaker 2: former policeman because he'd been dismissed a year earlier after
Speaker 2: opposing for a photo holding the severed head of a
Speaker 2: black man who had died a gruesome car accident. He
Speaker 2: tried to submit the photo for publication in a police magazine,
Speaker 2: but they declined to publish it. He'd joined a to
Speaker 2: w B at just sixteen with his father's support and encouragement.
Speaker 2: He'd been sentenced to die for something he did. In
Speaker 2: November of nineteen eighty eight, one afternoon, a twenty three
Speaker 2: year old named Baron Stredam put on his custom belt
Speaker 2: buckle engraved with the words White Wolf and Afrikaans. He
Speaker 2: barked his car near a busy City Square in downtown Pretoria,
Speaker 2: and he got out and he started walking, and then
Speaker 2: he started shooting. On the day of the massacre, he
Speaker 2: just walked for several blocks, just shooting black people at random.
Speaker 2: He murdered eight people and wounded sixteen others, and every
Speaker 2: survivor says the same thing. He smiled the entire time.
Speaker 2: Bradley Stein was just seventeen years old that day and
Speaker 2: he was on his way home from rugby practice when
Speaker 2: he saw Stridem. He didn't understand at first what he
Speaker 2: was looking at.
Speaker 3: This man with a.
Speaker 2: Gun must be a police officer, He must be trying
Speaker 2: to catch a bad guy. But then he saw Stridem
Speaker 2: walk up to an old woman carrying groceries, and without
Speaker 2: saying a word, Stridem shot her in the head. At
Speaker 2: that moment, a black teenager called out to Stein, beckoning
Speaker 2: him over to the bench he was hiding behind, and
Speaker 2: the two teens hid behind the bench together, but Stridem
Speaker 2: found them. He shot the black boy. As Steyne, who's white,
Speaker 2: cradled this bleeding stranger in his lap. He looked up
Speaker 2: at Stridem and asked him why.
Speaker 4: Then I turned up to him and I said, who
Speaker 4: kom duniad why are you doing this? And he said,
Speaker 4: I said, I don'd it for it two cooms for
Speaker 4: wet Sit Africa corners, which means I'm doing this for
Speaker 4: the future of white South Africans.
Speaker 2: Stritum never fired at a white person. The shooting only
Speaker 2: stopped with a black taxi driver, a man named Simon Mucondeley,
Speaker 2: tapped Stritum on the shoulder while he was reloading. He
Speaker 2: must have caught the killer off guard because as Stridum
Speaker 2: turned round, Mucondeley was able to grab the gun out
Speaker 2: of his hands. As I was reading about Stridem's murders,
Speaker 2: it felt so familiar to me. I've read accounts of
Speaker 2: a lot of mass shootings. I've seen videos I wish
Speaker 2: I could forget. I've wasted countless hours reading manifestos, and
Speaker 2: there are plenty of similarities between white supremacist mass shootings.
Speaker 2: There are a lot of common denominators when it comes
Speaker 2: to a young white man who carries out a racist
Speaker 2: mass shooting. But this felt so terribly, eerily familiar to me.
Speaker 2: It was inescapable. It felt just like the Charleston church shooting.
Speaker 2: It felt like Dylan Roof and back in twenty fifteen,
Speaker 2: several South African journalists covering that story that American shooting
Speaker 2: referred to Dylan Rufe as America's white Wolf. So I
Speaker 2: guess I'm not alone in that feeling. We talked briefly
Speaker 2: last week about the apartheid era South African flag patch
Speaker 2: in photos of roof taken shortly before he murdered nine
Speaker 2: people at the Emmanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in twenty fifteen.
Speaker 2: So we know he had a fondness for apartheid, but
Speaker 2: I wonder if he was familiar with the white Wolf.
Speaker 2: So in Venadela is sitting there with this reporter showing
Speaker 2: him this little picture of a wolf.
Speaker 3: This is what he's talking about.
Speaker 2: He's telling the reporter that he's a member of this
Speaker 2: extremely militant, violent arm of the AWB, that they're planning
Speaker 2: to get a race war going before Christmas, and he
Speaker 2: really wants the paper to run a story that will
Speaker 2: convince people that there are hundreds more Barren Stritums out
Speaker 2: there lying in wait. And the reason the reporter didn't
Speaker 2: believe him is because it had been discussed extensively during
Speaker 2: Stritem's trial just a few months earlier. There was no
Speaker 2: reason to believe any actual group called the White Wolves existed.
Speaker 2: He was a member of AWB, that was fairly certain,
Speaker 2: But when it came to the White Wolves, it appeared
Speaker 2: to just be a pack of one. Finandel was maybe
Speaker 2: just planting seeds of propaganda. He was trying to capitalize
Speaker 2: on this intense fear and trauma surrounding Stritem's murders by
Speaker 2: convincing people it could happen again at any time. But
Speaker 2: Leonard Fienentdal had been telling the truth about at least
Speaker 2: one thing when he spoke to that reporter. Before his arrest,
Speaker 2: there had been some splintering within the Africaner Resistance movement.
Speaker 2: Members of a w B had started forming increasingly violent
Speaker 2: breakaway groups, groups like the Orde Vandi Dude, which translates
Speaker 2: to the Order of Death and the Order Borfolk the
Speaker 2: Order of the Boer People. And that name might sound familiar.
Speaker 2: A violent fascist group calling itself the Order, We've heard
Speaker 2: that one before. Its founder would later say that he'd
Speaker 2: never actually heard of Robert J. Matthews, the American neo
Speaker 2: Nazi who founded a group called The Order in nineteen
Speaker 2: eighty three. It seems both men arrived at the name independently,
Speaker 2: but for the exact same reason. It was the name
Speaker 2: of the fictional white supremacist organization in William Luther Pierce's
Speaker 2: novel The Turner Diaries. And you might remember the name
Speaker 2: of the man who founded the South African version of
Speaker 2: the Order. Remember last week we were talking about the
Speaker 2: trial of Massimo Bolo and Fabiomiello, the Italian fascist convicted
Speaker 2: of the vit Commando bombings in nineteen eighty. As the
Speaker 2: two men were led into the court room on the
Speaker 2: first day of their trial, one man in the gallery
Speaker 2: stood up and applauded for the bombers. And that man
Speaker 2: was pretorious city councilor Pete Rudolph. And so by this
Speaker 2: point in our timeline, Rudolph is a high ranking member
Speaker 2: of the africaner resistance movement, the AWB, and Pete Rudolph
Speaker 2: maintains to this day that he founded the Order in
Speaker 2: nineteen eighty nine with the knowledge and blessing of AWB's leader,
Speaker 2: Eugene are Blanche, specifically so that AWB members could engage
Speaker 2: in more violent resistance without risking AWB itself being sanctioned
Speaker 2: or banned. And if that's true, it's actually quite similar
Speaker 2: in that respect to the group of the same name
Speaker 2: in the United States. When Robert Matthews founded the Order,
Speaker 2: he did so with the knowledge and blessing of William
Speaker 2: Luther Pierce, announcing the formation of the group in a
Speaker 2: speech at the annual meeting of Pierce's National Alliance. And
Speaker 2: National Alliance benefited ideologically and financially from the Order's crimes,
Speaker 2: but they had the plausible deniability of having no formal
Speaker 2: affiliation with the group. Just like Pierce, a National Alliance,
Speaker 2: Terre Blanche and the AWB could sit back and enjoy
Speaker 2: the political benefit of their orders act of terror without
Speaker 2: the risk of appearing to have authorized them. The Order
Speaker 2: Boro Folk was definitely founded and led by Pete Rudolph,
Speaker 2: but press clippings over the years occasionally name other men
Speaker 2: as the group's leader. At one point, Nick Stridem, the
Speaker 2: father of mass murderer Baron Stritem, is quoted as the
Speaker 2: head of the US Order. In nineteen ninety four, a
Speaker 2: South African TV news program aired an interview with a
Speaker 2: man claiming to be the leader of the Order. I
Speaker 2: was perhaps as surprised as Pete Rudolph was to see
Speaker 2: Leonard Vnandhal staring back at me from the screen. Rudolph
Speaker 2: would later tell the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that Venandal
Speaker 2: had appointed himself as chief of Staff of the Order
Speaker 2: without his permission, and that such a position didn't even exist,
Speaker 2: And he called Venandal quote a man fond of publicity
Speaker 2: with strong national socialist inclinations. And he scoffed at the
Speaker 2: very idea that he would have let Vnondal lead anything,
Speaker 2: disparagingly referring to Venondal's habit of appearing in public in
Speaker 2: a khaki uniform, saying, I despise a khaki uniform. Let
Speaker 2: me tell you, because khaki is the color of the British.
Speaker 3: But I guess the fashion.
Speaker 2: Police unit of the Nazi terror squad is really neither
Speaker 2: here nor there. No one denies Venandal was a member
Speaker 2: of the Order. In fact, when Venandal, Cleans and stopped
Speaker 2: Forth had escaped from custody in Namibia, it had been
Speaker 2: the Order who picked them up on the side of
Speaker 2: the road there next to the still bleeding policemen. The
Speaker 2: man driving their getaway car was Rudolph's chief deputy, Hank Bradenhan.
Speaker 2: Rudolph claims the Order was formerly established in October of
Speaker 2: nineteen eighty nine, but they didn't announce their presence to
Speaker 2: the world until February of nineteen ninety, when a small
Speaker 2: group of quote suspicious looking white men vandalized the British
Speaker 2: embassy in Pretoria. Witnesses saw them walk up to the
Speaker 2: embassy gates and spray paint in Afrikaans. The struggle begins
Speaker 2: and they signed the statement Order. Borofolk police looked at
Speaker 2: the graffiti and said they'd never heard of the group.
Speaker 2: One member spoke anonymously with the press and said they
Speaker 2: were allied with the White Wolves. In April of nineteen ninety,
Speaker 2: the Order Boro Folk took its first big step. Pete
Speaker 2: Rudolph organized and led a raid on a South African
Speaker 2: Air Force base, carried out in collaboration with three young
Speaker 2: A Tobb sympathizers within the Air Force. Order members, including
Speaker 2: Leonard Wienendahl, stole a busload of guns and ammunition from
Speaker 2: the South African Defense Force. Rudolph called the Pretoria News
Speaker 2: while on the run to take credit for the heist,
Speaker 2: saying it was time for war. Quote, I have now
Speaker 2: crossed the rubicon. The Boer now have a chance to
Speaker 2: arm themselves. We are now going for the a n
Speaker 2: c's throat. And keep those guns in the back of
Speaker 2: your mind too. I'll remind you, but one of those
Speaker 2: guns shows back up. In June, Rudolph recorded a half
Speaker 2: hour long video declaring war against the government, and he
Speaker 2: mailed copies to several news outlets as well as other
Speaker 2: right wing groups. I could only find a short clip
Speaker 2: of it. I don't know why it looked so hard
Speaker 2: for the full video. It wouldn't have done me any good.
Speaker 2: It's all in Afrikaans, but still frames from the video
Speaker 2: show Rudolph sitting at a desk flanked by masked men
Speaker 2: carrying rifles they'd stolen from the military. And the message
Speaker 2: was part press release, part warning, part call to action.
Speaker 2: He's speaking to a variety of audiences here and for
Speaker 2: his fellow African or nationalists. His message was pretty simple.
Speaker 2: It's not time to talk anymore and it is quote
Speaker 2: better to die in glory than to live in disgrace.
Speaker 2: Within days of this video's release, the bombs started going off.
Speaker 2: In late June and early July nineteen ninety bombs went
Speaker 2: off every night. A bomb went off at a bus
Speaker 2: terminal in Johannesburg. Injuring nearly thirty people. Bombs went off
Speaker 2: at both the home and business belonging to Clive Gilbert,
Speaker 2: a Johannesburg City councilor who was both Jewish and a
Speaker 2: member of the Democratic Party. That same week, a synagogue
Speaker 2: in Johannesburg was bombed and defaced with swastikas and pro
Speaker 2: apartheid slogans. The office of the National Union of Mine Workers,
Speaker 2: a radical black labour organization, was destroyed by a bomb
Speaker 2: that went off overnight. A bomb blew out the windows
Speaker 2: of the offices of the anti apartheid weekly newspaper Frei Vigblad,
Speaker 2: and the homes and offices of several members of the
Speaker 2: ruling National Party were targeted as well, accompanied by warnings
Speaker 2: that President day Clerk must stop all efforts to adopt
Speaker 2: moderate reforms. And then the phone calls came. Two phone
Speaker 2: calls to the offices of a pro government newspaper. The
Speaker 2: first caller spoke English, not Afrikaans. A day later a
Speaker 2: second call came in to the same paper, and this
Speaker 2: caller spoke Afrikaans, but he used the code word the
Speaker 2: reporter had given the previous caller to ensure he was
Speaker 2: speaking with the same group. Both callers told the newspaper
Speaker 2: that the White Wolves were responsible for the bombings and
Speaker 2: that the bombings would continue if their demands weren't meant.
Speaker 2: Their primary demand was pretty straightforward. They wanted President to
Speaker 2: Clerk to call an election. His moves towards reform and
Speaker 2: concessions and negotiations with the ANC, and his recent release
Speaker 2: of Nelson Mandela. These things were unacceptable, and they wanted
Speaker 2: the opportunity to elect a better white president. But the
Speaker 2: group had two other strangely specific requests. They wanted the
Speaker 2: White Wolf himself, Baron Stridum, released from prison, and they
Speaker 2: wanted the police to call off the man hunt for
Speaker 2: Pete Rudolph, who was at this time still on the
Speaker 2: run after claiming responsibility for stealing all those guns from
Speaker 2: the military and then sending the government a videotaped declaration
Speaker 2: of war. But like I said, the White Wolves almost
Speaker 2: certainly didn't exist, not in nineteen ninety, not as an
Speaker 2: actual organized group, whatever that means for a group that
Speaker 2: didn't exist, though they were very busy in nineteen ninety.
Speaker 2: In February, shortly after Nelson Mandela was released from prison,
Speaker 2: letters threatening to assassinate him were received by newspapers, and
Speaker 2: those letters were signed the White Wolves. In May, when
Speaker 2: President Declark announced another round of apartheid reforms, including the
Speaker 2: repeal of the law that segregated libraries, the White Wolves
Speaker 2: put out a press release warning the president to watch
Speaker 2: his back. In May of nineteen ninety three black activists
Speaker 2: with the African National Congress were run off the road
Speaker 2: by two white men. Prince Makina and Simon Koba were murdered,
Speaker 2: but Xavier Liquote survived to testify.
Speaker 3: He says before one.
Speaker 2: Of the white men started shooting at them, he'd ask
Speaker 2: if they'd heard of the White Wolves.
Speaker 3: Lequote said he replied that he.
Speaker 2: Had, and just before opening fire, the man looked down
Speaker 2: at them and said, I'm going to show you just
Speaker 2: who the White Wolves are. And now in July, the
Speaker 2: White Wolves are claiming responsibility for most, though not all,
Speaker 2: of the bombs that had been going off every night
Speaker 2: for a week. It's possible that some of the other
Speaker 2: incidents involving people claiming to be the White Wolves were
Speaker 2: just people doing what Leonard Biinendal had done with that reporter.
Speaker 2: They were pretending they were acting on their own or
Speaker 2: in connection with some other group. But they liked the
Speaker 2: way it sounded to say they were the White Wolves.
Speaker 2: They understood the kind of fear it would inspire and
Speaker 2: the kind of plausible deniability it would give their actual
Speaker 2: group affiliation for whatever they'd done. And more importantly, they
Speaker 2: wanted to honor the White Wolf Baron Stretum. I see
Speaker 2: a lot of parallels here between the way Stritum's murders
Speaker 2: so quickly achieved this almost religious significance and the way
Speaker 2: modern terogram culture canonized as mass shooters. I didn't realize
Speaker 2: they'd been doing that for so many decades. I don't
Speaker 2: know that it was ever conclusively proven who was actually
Speaker 2: behind every instance of someone claiming to be the White Wolves,
Speaker 2: but in at least one of those cases, we knew
Speaker 2: exactly who it was. The men who murdered Prince Makina
Speaker 2: and Simon Coba in May of nineteen ninety was Peter Grinevald,
Speaker 2: son of General Teiney Grunevald, South Africa's head of military intelligence.
Speaker 2: Peter Grunivald fled the country after the murders, and he
Speaker 2: spent years hiding in Portugal. When he was finally brought
Speaker 2: to justice. He testified that at the time of the murders,
Speaker 2: he had been an employee of the Civil Cooperation Bureau,
Speaker 2: just like Leonard Wienenthal. I'm not sure with conclusion to
Speaker 2: draw here, but the only two people I can say
Speaker 2: with conclusive proof were telling people that the White Wolves
Speaker 2: were real. Both turned out to be members of state
Speaker 2: sponsored death squads. But when it comes to those bombings
Speaker 2: in July, the police knew it wasn't the White Wolves
Speaker 2: because they knew it was members of the AWB, know
Speaker 2: more specifically that it was members of the closely aligned
Speaker 2: splinter group, the Ordered Bora Folk. There are a lot
Speaker 2: of reasons why we know that to be true, but
Speaker 2: just in case, here's Pete Rudolph himself saying it in
Speaker 2: an interview last year.
Speaker 1: We blew up National Party offices, we attacked some of
Speaker 1: the trade unions, and it was becoming an open war.
Speaker 1: And this was under the flag of the Order bouer Vault.
Speaker 5: Under the Order Bafowk, which was started on the tenth
Speaker 5: of October eighteen eighty nine in Connivance and with the
Speaker 5: assistance of the AWB.
Speaker 2: All three of the men who bombed those UN offices
Speaker 2: in Namibia in nineteen eighty nine, had appeared in South
Speaker 2: Africa by mid nineteen ninety, and all three were actively
Speaker 2: involved in the Order's bombing campaign that summer, and when
Speaker 2: the police started making arrests in July of nineteen ninety,
Speaker 2: Horse Cleans, Darryl Stopped Fourth and Leonard Fienendal were three
Speaker 2: of the ten men detained in connection with the bombings.
Speaker 2: All ten of those men had ties to AWB. Several
Speaker 2: would later testify that they'd also been members of the
Speaker 2: Order of Death, a group that required members to commit
Speaker 2: a random, unprovoked murder as an act of initiation. Now
Speaker 2: I'm gonna be honest with you, I don't know what
Speaker 2: happened next. I tried so hard to sort this out.
Speaker 2: I love a day by day timeline, but I think
Speaker 2: there are a lot of factors complicating things here. I mean,
Speaker 2: first of all, it was thirty five years ago. Not
Speaker 2: every piece of news has been archived and digitized, and
Speaker 2: there's probably reporting out there that I just can't access.
Speaker 2: And there are still the issues I talked about last
Speaker 2: week when it comes to locating source material in a
Speaker 2: foreign language with naming conventions and cultural context that I
Speaker 2: just don't have. I've noticed a surprisingly casual attitude towards
Speaker 2: spelling and nicknames. I mean, it was incredibly common across
Speaker 2: all of my sources for this story for someone's name
Speaker 2: to be spelled a handful of different ways, pretty interchangeably,
Speaker 2: sometimes even within the same article. And it seems like
Speaker 2: it might be normal in Afrikaans to refer to a
Speaker 2: particular individual using their full name, or just their first
Speaker 2: and middle initial with their last name, or some kind
Speaker 2: of nickname, even in very formal writing, again totally interchangeably.
Speaker 2: It took me a week to realize that KOs is
Speaker 2: a nickname for Jacobis and one guy might be written
Speaker 2: about both ways from sentence to sentence.
Speaker 3: I don't know.
Speaker 2: Maybe this is cultural, I have no idea, but it
Speaker 2: really complicates the process of looking for information. I've also
Speaker 2: noticed dates are often wrong, I mean a lot, like
Speaker 2: markedly provably wrong, just not consistent from source to source,
Speaker 2: sometimes just offering information that isn't possible. I mentioned last
Speaker 2: week that some of the dates in the Truth and
Speaker 2: Reconciliation Report are definitely not correct. Things like the year
Speaker 2: the BIT commando trials took place are pretty easy to
Speaker 2: corroborate with newspaper archives, and it happens over and over again.
Speaker 2: The bombing of the Frei Week Blot office is widely
Speaker 2: reported in later sources to have occurred in nineteen ninety one.
Speaker 3: The paper's own.
Speaker 2: Editor, Max Duprees even puts the date as nineteen ninety
Speaker 2: one in his memoirs, but.
Speaker 3: That's not true. He spoke to a reporter.
Speaker 2: From The London Times about the bombing the day after
Speaker 2: it happened in July of nineteen ninety and Dubray's writes
Speaker 2: in his book that Leonard Vnendhal had confessed to having
Speaker 2: planted that bomb, which again could not have happened in
Speaker 2: nineteen ninety one because Leonard Venondal was in prison in
Speaker 2: nineteen ninety one, and the confession in question is actually
Speaker 2: very well documented because Venondal would later testify before the
Speaker 2: Truth and Reconciliation Commission that he'd only confess to that
Speaker 2: bombing because police interrogators had electrocuted his testicles in July
Speaker 2: of nineteen ninety. So sorting out a day by day timeline,
Speaker 2: which is again my preferred strategy, really just wasn't possible here.
Speaker 2: There is no consistently reliable source when it comes to
Speaker 2: when a particular event actually happened. And I'm not kidding
Speaker 2: about that, the bit about Vnondal claiming to have been tortured.
Speaker 2: He applied to testify before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission,
Speaker 2: not as a purportuse, but as a victim. He offered
Speaker 2: testimony about abuse he'd suffered after his arrest in July
Speaker 2: of nineteen ninety.
Speaker 6: I then experienced being shocked. Then the current would come
Speaker 6: through my legs, through my armpun through my gentiles. Sometimes
Speaker 6: they would come all three together. While this was going,
Speaker 6: he shout at me, why don't I call my God
Speaker 6: to release me from the chain.
Speaker 2: That clip comes from one of the weekly hour long
Speaker 2: broadcasts that aired every Sunday from nineteen ninety six through
Speaker 2: nineteen ninety eight. Every week South Africans could tune in
Speaker 2: for the Truth and Reconciliation Special Report, a compilation of
Speaker 2: clips from the hearings that was presented by Max Dupries,
Speaker 2: the newspaper editor whose office Mean and All admitted to bombing,
Speaker 2: and Dupriez ends that segment of the show with his
Speaker 2: own commentary, I'm.
Speaker 7: Looking forward to mister Finnandah's amnesty, education hearing, and perhaps
Speaker 7: are Departments of Justice and Foreign Affairs of the public
Speaker 7: and explanation why he has not been sent back to
Speaker 7: themobia to stand trial.
Speaker 2: But back to the question of the missing facts, perhaps
Speaker 2: the biggest factor here is that some of this information
Speaker 2: just isn't there to find. And I don't mean it's
Speaker 2: missing from the archives. I mean it doesn't exist. These
Speaker 2: final years of the apartheid regime were chaotic. Someone might
Speaker 2: get arrested for terrorism and then there just isn't ever
Speaker 2: any follow up. I may be searching for answers that
Speaker 2: aren't there, because sometimes Copps would round up a bunch
Speaker 2: of guys and put a story in the newspaper, and
Speaker 2: then I don't know, they just aren't in jail anymore
Speaker 2: and there's never any more to the story. Sometimes people
Speaker 2: escaped two members of the Order Boro Folk definitely did.
Speaker 2: And sometimes people were quietly released because they secretly worked
Speaker 2: for the government. And during this time period especially, the
Speaker 2: government had a strategy of politically targeted amnesty. As part
Speaker 2: of this effort to cool tensions and advanced negotiations, there
Speaker 2: were these occasional releases of political prisoners. They just pick
Speaker 2: a few guys on both sides of the conflict and
Speaker 2: let them go. And unlike the later, more organized and
Speaker 2: thoughtful process of granting amnesty through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission,
Speaker 2: this at least to me, I could be wrong here,
Speaker 2: but this looked a little haphazard. It doesn't look like
Speaker 2: these early nineties amnesty releases really involved any sort of
Speaker 2: long process of thoroughly accounting for what actually happened and
Speaker 2: documenting the specifics and getting statements on the record, getting
Speaker 2: people to admit.
Speaker 3: What they'd done.
Speaker 2: They just sort of let people go. And one of
Speaker 2: the more egregious instances of this was the release of
Speaker 2: Baron Stritum in nineteen ninety two. The men who laughed
Speaker 2: as he shot pedestrians at random, had served just four years,
Speaker 2: and the release of political prisoners was a part of
Speaker 2: the ongoing negotiations between the National Party administration and the
Speaker 2: African National Congress. Both sides were getting some of their
Speaker 2: people out of prison, and the A and C seemed
Speaker 2: generally supportive of the strategy, but not when it came
Speaker 2: to Baron Stritum. Cyril Ramaposa, the current President of South Africa,
Speaker 2: was the A and C General secretary back in nineteen
Speaker 2: ninety two, and he issued their statement condemning the decision.
Speaker 2: Our prisoners will not go out and commit these acts again,
Speaker 2: he said, But there's no guarantee that the prisoners who
Speaker 2: hate black people will not come out and shoot more
Speaker 2: black people. Baron Stredam didn't carry out another mass shooting
Speaker 2: after his release, not that I'm aware of, but he
Speaker 2: did continue to support and encourage far right violence. Shortly
Speaker 2: after his release, Australian journalist Alan Hogan interviewed Stritam about
Speaker 2: the murders on camera, not in a studio or his
Speaker 2: living room. No, the interview took place as the pair
Speaker 2: walked together along the path that Stridam had taken that day,
Speaker 2: and he's pointing out the locations, each spot where he
Speaker 2: took a human life, and he's laughing, and he enthusiastically
Speaker 2: agrees that, Yeah, if you gave me a gun right now,
Speaker 2: I'd do it again, right Glynnland?
Speaker 3: Then I say shut another one.
Speaker 7: Yeah, that's three, so that's.
Speaker 6: Free so far.
Speaker 7: You see these couple of bucks sitting here now, if.
Speaker 1: Yeah, would you like to shake them another time?
Speaker 2: Series All that to say, the early nineties were a
Speaker 2: little chaotic, so I'm comfortable saying I just don't know
Speaker 2: why it looks like no one was ever charged for
Speaker 2: those bombings in July of nineteen ninety. I can tell
Speaker 2: you for certain that ten members of the Order were
Speaker 2: arrested in the summer of nineteen ninety after that series
Speaker 2: of bombings. One was released after he agreed to cooperate
Speaker 2: to escape and Leonard Wienendal, Darryl stopped Forth and Horse
Speaker 2: Cleans were in jail, originally held in connection with the
Speaker 2: bombings for violations of Section twenty nine of the Internal
Speaker 2: Security Act, and they seemed to stay in jail for
Speaker 2: quite a while. No charges were ever actually filed against
Speaker 2: them for those bombs in South Africa, but while they
Speaker 2: were in custody, the newly independent nation of Namibia filed
Speaker 2: a petition to have them extradited to face trial for
Speaker 2: those murders.
Speaker 3: In nineteen eighty nine.
Speaker 2: The Truth and Reconciliation Report notes in passing that they
Speaker 2: were never interviewed by Namibian authorities during this time period.
Speaker 2: It doesn't say why, if they asked and weren't given permission,
Speaker 2: or if they just never asked. And I do have
Speaker 2: articles that were published in nineteen ninety and nineteen ninety one.
Speaker 2: That seemed to indicate they remained in continuous custody throughout
Speaker 2: this time. But after those first few months, the articles
Speaker 2: stopped mentioning why they'd been arrested in the first place,
Speaker 2: and they only refer to the fact that they're still
Speaker 2: being held pending a determination about extradition. By July of
Speaker 2: nineteen ninety one, a year after they were arrested, both
Speaker 2: Vinendhal and Clem's were reportedly dangerously ill from an ongoing
Speaker 2: hunger strike, along with other incarcerated members they Order moor Folk.
Speaker 3: They were political prisoners.
Speaker 2: They said they'd only carried out the orders of the state.
Speaker 2: They can't be prosecuted for that, and they said they
Speaker 2: would continue their hunger strike until their demands were met.
Speaker 2: News stories show finnandl was on a hunger strike as
Speaker 2: early as January of ninety one and as late as
Speaker 2: August of ninety two, So that can't have been continuous.
Speaker 3: Because he's still alive. But for about two years.
Speaker 2: I can place him in jail and he's going on
Speaker 2: intermittent hunger strikes to protest this continued detention. In April
Speaker 2: of nineteen ninety two, a South African judge did rule
Speaker 2: that the Autio three could be extradited to Namibia. Stop
Speaker 2: Fourth and Venandal tried to appeal that ruling, but horse
Speaker 2: Glens wasn't really participating. He just kind of disappeared, and
Speaker 2: when they were all released on bond in December of
Speaker 2: nineteen ninety two to await this final ruling, he disappeared entirely.
Speaker 2: It would take another four years, but in nineteen ninety
Speaker 2: six the Minister of Justice finally signed the extradition order.
Speaker 2: Horst Glen's was otherwise engaged by then. He was serving
Speaker 2: time for the plot will cover next week. But Darrell
Speaker 2: Stopped Fourth and Leonard Venendal were ordered to surrender themselves
Speaker 2: for extradition to Namibia, but they didn't. I can't figure
Speaker 2: out where Darryl Stopped Fourth ended up. I tried, but
Speaker 2: I know exactly where Leonard Venandal is because just as
Speaker 2: he was due to present himself to the authorities to
Speaker 2: be extradited, he stole the car, crossed the border, and
Speaker 2: flew to the United Kingdom. Some reporting says he initially
Speaker 2: entered the United Kingdom using a false passport, probably because
Speaker 2: he was on inner Poll's most wanted list, and that
Speaker 2: he didn't try to claim asylum until after he was caught.
Speaker 3: But it's unclear.
Speaker 2: The man that Eugene Terreblanche used to affectionately refer to
Speaker 2: as as my little fanatic settled down with his family
Speaker 2: in Wisbeck, a town about one hundred miles north of London.
Speaker 2: He's the chair of the Wisbeck Rugby Club and his
Speaker 2: wife Tracy is the treasurer. The payday loan company he
Speaker 2: started after moving to England went into liquidation a few
Speaker 2: years ago. I'm not really familiar with how anything works
Speaker 2: in the UK, and I really don't know how you
Speaker 2: could bankrupt a business that's pure extortionate profit, but that
Speaker 2: is what the paperwork appears to show. There's been a
Speaker 2: handful of articles over the years asking why Leonard Wienandal
Speaker 2: was allowed to enter and remain in the United Kingdom.
Speaker 2: In two thousand and three, a reporter tracked him down
Speaker 2: in his home in Wisbeck, and Searchlight magazine would later
Speaker 2: report that Venandal allegedly attacked the reporter, grabbing him and
Speaker 2: slamming him up against a wall, shouting, you're going to
Speaker 2: find yourself in a very negative position. Subsequent attempts to
Speaker 2: write articles about Vnondal don't contain quotes from him. He
Speaker 2: and his wife are South African citizens born in South Africa.
Speaker 2: There's no evidence he actually applied for political asylum. Corporate
Speaker 2: filings for his bankrupt paid a loan company list his
Speaker 2: nationality as South African, which, again, knowing nothing about British business,
Speaker 2: I assume means he did not seek British citizenship. So
Speaker 2: the UK is just willingly harboring a man who still
Speaker 2: wanted for two murders in Namibia. International extradition law can
Speaker 2: be a bit tricky, but ultimately, even if they couldn't
Speaker 2: or don't want to extradite him to Namibia, why is.
Speaker 3: He still in the UK.
Speaker 2: They could deport him back to South Africa and presumably
Speaker 2: the South African government would finish what they started in
Speaker 2: nineteen ninety and send him to Namibia. In February of
Speaker 2: this year, as Donald Trump started parroting white nationalist talking
Speaker 2: points about South Africa, min Anddal made a flurry of
Speaker 2: online posts praising the American President, writing in one post
Speaker 2: last month, thank you President Donald J. Trump, not only
Speaker 2: for hearing the plight of my people, the boor africaners,
Speaker 2: but for boldly stepping up to stand with them in
Speaker 2: their hour of need and face of adversity.
Speaker 3: When Jimmy Carter.
Speaker 2: Died in December, Bvenandal posted, he just died, so we're
Speaker 2: supposed to pretend he's a saint. But Carter was instrumental
Speaker 2: in killing the free, prosperous state of Rhodesia. Like I said,
Speaker 2: I can't tell you whatever became of Darrell stop Fourth,
Speaker 2: but we'll pick back up next week.
Speaker 3: With Horst Cleans.
Speaker 2: He was released from the South African jail in nineteen
Speaker 2: ninety two, pending a decision on whether or not he
Speaker 2: could be extradited to Namibia. Unlike Stop Fourth in Fienandal,
Speaker 2: he doesn't seem to have participated in the legal battle
Speaker 2: to appeal that decision. He went underground, and he doesn't
Speaker 2: resurface again until nineteen ninety five, or when he's arrested again,
Speaker 2: this time after a shootout with the South African police
Speaker 2: that left one of his young German mercenaries dead. And
Speaker 2: that's where we'll find the woman who set me down
Speaker 2: this long, strange path. It was Monica Huggett, who was
Speaker 2: graciously playing host for those foreign mercenaries. Weird Little Guys
Speaker 2: is a production of cool Zone Media and iHeartRadio. It's research, written,
Speaker 2: and recorded by me Holly Kunker. Our executive producers are
Speaker 2: Sophie Lichterman and Robert Evans. The show is edited by
Speaker 2: the wildly talented Bory Gigan. The theme music was composed
Speaker 2: by Brad dickerd. You can email me at Weirdly Guys
Speaker 2: podcast at gmail dot com. I will definitely read it,
Speaker 2: but I probably won't answer it. You can exchange conspiracy
Speaker 2: theories about the show. We have the listeners on the
Speaker 2: Weirdly Guy's subreddit, and this week you can apply to
Speaker 2: a post on the subreddit with any questions you'd like
Speaker 2: to have answered on an upcoming.
Speaker 3: Q and A episode.
Speaker 2: And as always, don't post anything that's going to make
Speaker 2: you one of my weird Little guys.